Pan-Americanism

Esta tese de doutorado tem como objeto a Campanha Continental para a Erradicação do Aedes aegypti, lançada pela Organização Sanitária Pan-Americana (OSP), em 1947. As suas origens, contudo, remontam à Campanha Mundial de Erradicação da Febre Amarela, idealizada em 1914 por Wycliffe Rose, o primeiro Diretor da Comissão de Saúde Internacional (CSI) da Fundação Rockefeller (FR), e iniciada oficialmente em 1918, após o término da Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). A Campanha se desenvolveu entre as décadas de 1910 e 1930, nas Américas e na África, tendo sido marcada por uma série de inflexões até ser reformulada nos anos da Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945) e relançada, em 1947, sob os auspícios da OSP, na época dirigida por Fred Soper, um ex-funcionário da Fundação Rockefeller, com uma longa trajetória de atuação na América do Sul, no combate à doenças como a ancilostomíase, a malária e a febre amarela. Desta data até o final dos anos 1960, a meta de erradicar o vetor da febre amarela das Américas foi perseguida, com maior ou menor intensidade, por praticamente todas as Repúblicas americanas. O meu objetivo é analisar as origens, o desenvolvimento histórico, os impactos e as controvérsias suscitadas por este que foi o primeiro e mais duradouro programa internacional de erradicação de uma doença já implementado. A minha hipótese é que a Campanha Mundial de Erradicação da Febre Amarela da FR fortaleceu a cooperação interamericana em saúde, estreitando as relações entre as Repúblicas americanas entre as décadas de 1920 e 1940, processo que resultaria, no pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial, na Campanha Continental para a Erradicação do Aedes aegypt que, como procurarei mostrar, constituiu-se em uma nova fase da campanha da FR, só que em um outro contexto internacional. Assim, através da análise da Campanha, com os seus avanços, retrocessos e inflexões, em diferentes contextos políticos e sanitários, eu pretendo discutir a crescente cooperação internacional em saúde que vai se estabelecendo nas Américas ao longo do seu desenvolvimento. Também estou interessado nos impactos desta cooperação sobre o campo da saúde pública no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos, bem como sobre as relações científicas, sanitárias e políticas mantidas entre os dois países e entre eles e as demais Repúblicas americanas em torno da questão da febre amarela, antes e depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Os marcos cronológicos desta tese são os anos de 1918, quando a Campanha Mundial de Erradicação da Febre Amarela foi lançada pela Fundação Rockefeller, e 1968, quando problemas verificados nos Estados Unidos levaram ao abandono da Campanha Continental para a Erradicação do Aedes aegypti.

[Table of Contents and Introduction]
Bringing together contributions from top specialists in Hispanic studies –both Peninsular and Latin American– this volume explores a variety of critical issues related to the historical, political, and ideological configurations of the field. Dealing with Hispanism in both Latin America and the United States, the book's multidisciplinary essays range from historical studies of the hegemonic status of Castillian language in Spain and America to the analysis of otherness and the uses of memory and oblivion in various nationalist discourses on both sides of the Atlantic.

Historians have noted that male bureaucrats and natural resource experts tended to dominate early twentieth-century national and hemispheric conservationist movements in Latin America, but a constellation of female activists, notably Gabriela Mistral, strengthened conservationism in the cultural sphere.  Capitalizing on her leadership in Pan-Americanism, transnational feminist networks, and cutting-edge teaching, Mistral functioned throughout her career as an advocate for conservationism, gendering the natural environment in strategically essentialist ways.  Important tropes throughout her poetry, Nature and Mother Earth became specific themes in Mistral’s journalistic prose.  Here Mistral blended conservationism with anti-imperialism, arguing that Mother Earth was threatened both by man’s failure to care for her and by predatory imperialists. Environmental stewardship also played a central role in her Pan-American initiatives and complimented the “official” Pan-American Conservation Movement of the inter-war period.  Mistral’s de facto ecofeminism is echoed in Latin American women’s writing of the 1920s, 30s and 40s, suggesting that Nature represented an alternate sphere for women beyond the urban manifestations of modernization.  The gathering of female voices around the gendered image of Mother Nature also represents a corpus of early environmental prophets in Latin American letters and culture.

This book chronicles the dawn of the global movement for women's rights in the first decades of the twentieth century. The founding mothers of this movement were not based primarily in the United States, however, or in Europe. Instead, Katherine M. Marino introduces readers to a cast of remarkable Latin American and Caribbean women whose deep friendships and intense rivalries forged global feminism out of an era of imperialism, racism, and fascism. Six dynamic activists form the heart of this story: from Brazil, Bertha Lutz; from Cuba, Ofelia Domingez Navarro; from Uruguay, Paulina Luisi; from Panama, Clara Gonzalez; from Chile, Marta Vergara; and from the United States, Doris Stevens. This Pan-American network drove a transnational movement that advocated women's suffrage, equal pay for equal work, maternity rights, and broader self-determination. Their painstaking efforts led to the enshrinement of women's rights in the United Nations Charter and the development of a framework for international human rights. But their work also revealed deep divides, with Latin American activists overcoming U.S. presumptions to feminist superiority. As Marino shows, these early fractures continue to influence divisions among today's activists along class, racial, and national lines.

Marino's multinational and multilingual research yields a new narrative for the creation of global feminism. The leading women introduced here were forerunners in understanding the power relations at the heart of international affairs. Their drive to enshrine fundamental rights for women, children, and all people of the world stands as a testament to what can be accomplished when global thinking meets local action.

Extrait de la thèse « De la coopération intellectuelle à la diplomatie culturelle : les voies/x de l'Argentine, du Brésil et du Chili (1919-1946) », dirigée par M. le professeur Laurent Vidal et soutenue en juin 2013 à l'Université Sorbonne Nouvelle -Paris 3.

Pan-American feminism, a belief that the Western Hemisphere shared a common history and that, through unity, women of the Western Hemisphere could bring about greater equality for women and world peace, which they saw as two inextricably linked goals. The women's influence over each other's feminist activism was mutual; in turn, each utilized ideas forged through their friendship to shape the feminist movement in her respective country. The case revealed in this paper thus prompts a reconsideration of interwar international and Pan-American feminism, so often described as a hegemonic, one-way ideological project of North American and European women.

From page 4: "World War I profoundly changed the nature of U.S. empire in and American cultural attitudes toward Central America. During the war, the architects of U.S. empire in Latin America instituted new, covert methods for surveilling populations and asserting control over the region. The war also pushed Americans to reimagine and reassert their place in the hemisphere and the world through an imagined identification with the region’s past. Broadly, then, the Great War birthed twin projects of possessing the region: covert operations to control the Central America of the present, and overt claims to the Central American past. By examining archaeologists’ activities and the discipline’s wider resonance during the war, we can gain a greater appreciation for these developments."

Determining a starting date for Pan-Americanism has been an historically controversial task.  This debate carried (and still carries) more significance than mere pedantry; attempts to move the date backwards or forwards can change the meaning of ‘Pan-Americanism’ by shifting the focus in the concept’s creation story to different aspects and different actors.  The traditional date – 1889, the year of the First International Conference of American States – highlights the role of the United States in the formation of Pan-Americanism and has directed the attention of historians towards questions of geopolitical power relations, hemispheric security, and commerce and away from other questions of juridical, social, cultural and intellectual development. Alternatives to 1889, including 1826 (Simón Bolívar's Panamanian Congress) and 1888 (the Montevideo Conference on private international law), bring Latin American participation closer to the centre of the story.  This paper will explore the approaches to this question taken by writers in Chile, Argentina and Uruguay in the early twentieth century.  In doing so, it will consider the importance of both 'etic' and 'emic' descriptions of the movement.  In the early twentieth century, a ‘Southern Cone’ understanding of Pan-Americanism–of its beginnings and its trajectory–emerged and helped to shape the Pan-American policies of these three countries.  Most significantly, this understanding emphasized the role of Southern Cone actors and elevated certain goals of Pan-Americanism, particularly the codification of international law.  By considering these 'emic' definitions, historians can come to an 'etic' account of Pan-Americanism's development that is, frankly, more pan-American.

To be or not to be Anti-American? The United States in the Writings of Oliveira Lima

Diplomat and historian Manoel de Oliveira Lima (1867-1928) exercised a long and intense journalistic production that spanned his entire adult life. Whether writing about critical literary works, addressing topics of history or debating the most important affairs of his time, he sealed his name as a renowned intellectual in Brazil, Europe and the United States and became a reference on Latin-America issues. At the same time, the United States, which served as a model for Brazilian republicans and ascended from emerging force at the end of the 19th Century towards the status of global power during World War I, never stopped serving as a central focus in his writings. It is common to attribute the label o “Anti-American” or “anti-imperialist” to Oliveira Lima and the ideas expressed in his work. This is due in particular to analysis that almost exclusively comes from one source, the book Pan-Americanismo (Monrow, Bolívar, Roosevelt). Published in 1907 in the heat of discussions at the III Pan-American Conference in Rio de Janeiro, the work focuses on the intense debate surrounding the role of the United States in the continent and the role of the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. The topic marked the definitive dissention between Oliveira Lima and Joaquim Nabuco and the height of Lima’s disagreement with the Barão do Rio Branco. All of these elements led to the crystallization of his status as Anti-American and served as his final word on the topic. Nevertheless, a more detailed analysis of his work preceding and following Pan-americanismo offers a very different view. The objective of this thesis was to analysis the diverse phases of Oliverira Lima’s writings on the role of United States, with special emphasis on his journalistic production. By widening the sources studied and resurrecting previously little known texts, it was possible to conclude that the interpretation of his position as Anti-American is not supportable. At the very least, the evidence of his complete work does not sustain this interpretation. It is concluded that although there is a phase of his work that is extremely critical of the United States and its role in the Americas, as manifested by Pan-americanismo, this was a response to a specific episode that was short-lived and did not remain intact. Prior to this was an initial phase that was marked by a sympathetic stance on the progress of Americans and even included support for their bourgeoning colonial policy. This is particularly evident in Nos Estados Unidos, Impressões Politicas e Sociaes (1899). After 1912 a different phase can be observed, in which Oliveira Lima was in contact with universities in the United States. This coincided with the rise in power of Woodrow Wilson in which progressive movements in the country promoted an opportune environment for domestic reform and foreign policy culminated in the expansion of ideas of internationalism and pacifism. In this context, Oliveira Lima rediscovered his initial enthusiasm for the United States and its potential as a moralizing agent in international relations, uniting individuals and institutions to promote a new Pan-Americanism, based on cooperation and mutual understanding between nations of the Western Hemisphere.

The VI Pan-American Games in Cali, Colombia were planned as a harbinger of a modern Colombia. The games featured many impressive athletic performances but failed to create the lasting impact organizers had imagined. Timing was bad. Colombia had seen a decade of economic growth after a generation of civil war. However, much of that progress was compromised beginning in the mid-1970s with the escalation of new internal wars fuelled in part by the quick growth of the cocaine sector, controlled in part by a Cali- based cartel. At the same time, games organizers did not grasp that Cali’s modernization problems were in large measure the product of growing urban social inequalities as a function of severe race and class divisions. The inability to recognize that linkage was explored in a low-budget documentary, Oiga, Vea (Listen, Look), released during the games. The film anticipated the impossible distance between grinding urban poverty and games-related projects to modernize the city. In keeping with the film’s criticism of games planners’ narratives on modernization, the manner in which the games were iconified for Colombians reflected that same distance. This is evident in projections of race and identity in games imagery and architecture.

This article explores the radical, interracial, and transnational history of the Panamanian suffrage movement in the 1930s and 1940s. It foregrounds several salient leaders, mestiza Clara González and Afro-Panamanian Felicia Santizo. González and Santizo drew in part on a growing Pan-American feminist movement, utilizing connections with the Inter-American Commission of Women (IACW), an intergovernmental group that promoted women’s rights throughout the hemisphere, to forge some surprising alliances with Anglo-American women in the US-controlled Canal Zone. Together, Panamanian and US Canal Zone feminists rallied around the IACW Equal Rights Treaty and women’s suffrage. This interracial group of Panamanian feminists, however, endowed feminismo with broader meanings and organized with a growing national anti-fascist frente popular (popular front) movement. Panama’s popular front promoted the rights of women and labor, and opposed the country’s growing right-wing executive power and its xenophobic and racist policies. Although the Panamanian suffrage movement faced reprisals, its anti-fascist coalition building and broad definition of feminismo helped keep their goals alive. These strategies, and their sustained commitment to rights for all, regardless of race, class, or sex, ultimately resulted in universal suffrage and a firmer commitment to democracy, enshrined in Panama’s 1946 constitution.

In August 1940, as part of the Good Neighbor Policy, Regent Leopold Stokowski and the All-American Youth Orchestra toured South American countries with concerts in Rio and São Paulo. The composer Heitor Villa-Lobos, friend of Stokowski and a member of the government Vargas, welcomed the famous visitor. In addition to the concerts, the main product of the visit was the recording of songs considered "typical music of Brazil", which brought together some of the most important popular musicians from Rio de Janeiro. Under the title "Native Brazilian Music", the album was released in 1942, by Columbia Records, only in the United States. This text analyzes the developments of Stokowski's visit to Brazilian musical life and to the cultural exchange between Brazil and the United States, mainly based on texts published by Rio de Janeiro's newspapers from that period, as well as letters under the custody of Villa-Lobos Museum.

Since its inception in the 1880s, Pan-Americanism aimed to be a US policy of economic, legal, political, and intellectual cooperation toward Latin America. As such, it promoted the creation of continental insti- tutions of cooperation and common values, and it claimed legitimacy as a continental policy. In his pioneering book, The Western Hemisphere Idea (1954), historian Arthur Whitaker associated the rise of modern Pan-Americanism in the first three decades of the twentieth century with the institutionalization of what he termed the Western Hemisphere idea, the continental conception according to which “the peoples of this Hemisphere stand in a special relationship to one another which sets them apart from the rest of the world.” While Pan-Americanism contributed significantly to legitimizing the Western Hemisphere idea, Whitaker argued that between 1904 and 1929 there was a conflict between the hegemony of the United States in the Pan-American movement and the critical reactions that the subordination of the movement to the interests of the United States generated in Latin America. This chapter revisits this foundational and critical Pan-American moment, exploring its continental inception in the field of international law in the Americas. It thus explores the rise of American international law and Pan-American legal designs, the debates  they provoked and their legacy for the Inter-American System.

Em 1920, foi realizado no Uruguai o I Congresso Pan-Americano de Arquitetos, evento que teve por objetivo defender e divulgar os interesses, o pensamento e as realizações profissionais dos arquitetos das Américas. Realizados, desde então, trienalmente, os Congressos Pan-Americanosde Arquitetos podem ser vistos, sob o ponto de vista da história da profissão, como uma dasprimeiras tentativas de debate institucionalizado sobre a produção arquitetônica, urbanística e intelectual de arquitetos não-europeus. Reunindo, em várias de suas edições, profissionaisprovenientes desde a Argentina até os Estados Unidos, os Congressos abordavam questões queperpassavam a regulamentação da profissão de arquiteto; a adequação de teorias e modelosurbanos aos países participantes; a definição de uma coerência estilística para as cidadesamericanas; o debate sobre a habitação social e as primeiras formulações sobre a salvaguarda dopatrimônio. Mas esses eventos podem ser vistos também sob o prisma político, especialmente seconfrontados com as teorias Pan-Americanistas surgidas no século XIX e re-apropriadas duranteos novecentos, como a Doutrina Monroe, encabeçada pelos Estados Unidos; a de Joaquim Nabuco, entusiasta do congraçamento americano, e a “anti-yankee” de Oliveira Lima. Este artigotenta construir nexos entre a dimensão política da teoria Pan-Americanista e a dimensão doutrinária dos Congressos Pan-Americanos de Arquitetos, visando colaborar com a análise deinstituições e de personagens participantes de suas cinco primeiras edições (1920-1940), e que demarcaram a trajetória da arquitetura e do urbanismo no Brasil. Uma vez que o país foi membro ativo e participante de quase todas essas cinco primeiras edições dos Congressos, como tambémdo Comitê Permanente dos Congressos Pan-Americanos e das Exposições de Arquitetura Pan-Americana, realizadas paralelamente aos encontros, seu estudo mostra-se de grande relevância para o entendimento da prática profissional, do debate intelectual e das posições políticastomadas pela arquitetura e urbanismo durante o século XX, no país e nas Américas. Ao mesmotempo, permite tecer comparações entre as realizações congêneres da Europa, como os CIAM’s, melhor conhecidos pela historiografia da área

A partir de un debate en la prensa, se analizan las circunstancias que propiciaron
la promulgación de un decreto presidencial, vigente entre 1945 y
2005, que restringía la participación de jugadores extranjeros y naturalizados
en el balompié profesional de México. El fútbol, considerado como “arena
pública”, es el contexto con base en el cual se propone que en el fondo
de la discusión sobre la restricción está la confrontación entre concepciones
diversas sobre la pertenencia a la comunidad nacional. La polémica adquiere
relevancia en tanto la visibilidad del otro es más grande en los deportes
profesionales que en otros espacios públicos, por ello esta política adquiere
rasgos de xenofobia defensiva.

Through a discussion that took place in the press, the article analyses the circumstances
that made possible the promulgation of a presidential decree, in
force between 1945 and 2005, which restricted the participation of foreign
and naturalized players in the Mexican professional football. By considering
soccer as a “public arena”, we see the debate about this restriction directed at
foreign players as a clash between different conceptions of belonging to the
national community. In professional sports, like soccer, this kind of controversy
becomes relevant because the visibility of the other is greater than in other
public spaces, and thus this policy acquires the traits of defensive xenophobia.

Olivier Compagnon, Camille Foulard, Guillemette Martin (coord.), La Gran Guerra en América Latina. Una historia conectada, México, CEMCA/IHEAL/CREDA, 2018.

Esta obra es el resultado de un trabajo colectivo que permitió la conformación de una red internacional de investigación sobre la Primera Guerra Mundial en América Latina y que se articuló en torno a tres encuentros cientificos: el workshop "Hacia una historia de la Primera Guerra Mundial en América Latina" realizado en París del 3 al 5 de abril de 2012; un simposio organizado en Viena el 19 de julio de 2012 en el marco del 54th International Congress of Americanists, titulado "Las sociedades latinoamericanas ante la Primera Guerra Mundial"; y el coloquio internacional "América Latina y la Primera Guerra Mundial: una historia conectada", realizado en la Ciudad de México en junio de 2014.

Apunta a restituir un determinado número de trabajos recientes sobre la Gran Guerra en América Latina y a sugerir nuevas pistas de investigación a partir de una pregunta central: ¿es posible trazar los contornos de lo que habría sido una experiencia latinoamericana de la Gran Guerra?

Al asumir una doble perspectiva comparatista (entre países latinoamericanos) y conectada (entre América Latina y el mundo), el presente libro ofrece la oportunidad de determinar nuevas variables dentro del proceso de recepción de la Gran Guerra y de establecer una verdadera cartografía del conflicto entre el Río Bravo y la Tierra de Fuego.

http://www.iheal.univ-paris3.fr/fr/vient-de-paraitre/la-gran-guerra-en-am%C3%A9rica-latina-una-historia-conectada

La idea de la integración de Latinoamérica ha tenido y tiene una fuerza enorme. Sin embargo, no ha sido ni es una idea constante ni inocente. Su implementación ha obedecido a ciertas coyunturas, pero también a la difícil relación entre el sur y el norte del continente. Conforme a ello, cada iniciativa unitaria ha estado precedida por reflexiones en donde se ha puesto en discusión sus alcances territoriales (¿incluir o no a América del Norte), sus objetivos (¿hacia qué tipo de modernidad debe conducir la unidad?) y, finalmente, los términos sociales de la integración (¿es la unidad de los Estados o de los pueblos?). A esta discusión, todavía vigente, contribuyó de manera relevante una comunidad de intelectuales y políticos chilenos a través de la publicación de la "Colección de ensayos y documentos relativos a la unión y confederación de los pueblos hispanoamericanos", que LOM ediciones vuelve a publicar con el título de "La patria común". Las reflexiones y propuestas unitarias que compilaron los editores de aquel libro reflejan las preguntas aún hoy presentes alrededor de la integración de Latinoamérica. Pero la lectura de este volumen no solo contribuye a dar respuesta a las interrogantes que persisten, pues los escritos aquí reunidos también permiten descubrir un americanismo de sello chileno, tan potente en lo reflexivo como desconocido dentro de un país que muchas veces ha sido esquivo a la hora a asumir su lugar junto a los pueblos que conforman nuestra América. Ricardo López Muñoz (Prólogo)

La III Conferencia Panamericana realizada en Río de Janeiro en 1906 supuso un marco importante para las relaciones entre Brasil y los Estados Unidos, pero aún está poco estudiada. El objetivo de este trabajo es colaborar para llenar esta laguna. Para ello, este texto se divide en tres partes. Primero trato de presentar los antecedentes de la III Conferencia Panamericana, presentando los resultados más relevantes de los dos eventos anteriores y como éstos impactaron a la hora de formular la agenda para Río. Enseguida, trato de presentar brevemente cuál era el clima en que se iba a desarrollar la Conferencia. Para ello, recupero el debate existente en Brasil sobre las relaciones con los Estados Unidos y el panamericanismo, haciendo hincapié en las diferentes perspectivas de actores importantes en el proceso de formulación de la política exterior brasileña, como es el caso del Barón de Rio Branco y Joaquim Nabuco. Finalmente, trato de esbozar un análisis tanto del significado simbólico como de los resultados prácticos de la Conferencia para las relaciones interamericanas en general y para las relaciones entre Brasil y los Estados Unidosen particular. RESUMO A III Conferência Pan-americana realizada no Rio de Janeiro em 1906 significou um marco importante para as relações entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos, mas permanece pouco estudada. O objetivo deste trabalho é colaborar para suprir esta lacuna. Para isso, o texto está dividido em três partes. Na primeira, apresento os antecedentes da Conferência, descrevendo os principais resultados dos eventos anteriores e demonstrando como eles impactaram na formulação da agenda para o Rio. Na segunda parte, descrevo brevemente o clima em que ocorreria o evento, recuperando o debate no Brasil sobre as relações com os Estados Unidos e o Pan-americanismo. Destaco as diferentes perspectivas de atores relevantes no processo de formulação da política exterior brasileira, como o Barão do Rio Branco, Joaquim Nabuco e Oliveira Lima. Finalmente, procuro analisar tanto o significado simbólico como os resultados práticos da Conferência para as relações interamericanas de forma geral e entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos em particular. ABSTRACT Although the III International Pan-American Conference held in Rio de Janeiro in 1906 represented an important milestone for the relations between Brazil and the United States, it remains greatly understudied. The aim of this paper is to help overcome that. In order to achieve this aim, the text is divided into three parts. Firstly, I present the lead up of the Conference, describing the main results of the previous events and showing how they impacted the agenda making for Rio. Secondly, I briefly describe the atmosphere in Brazil, focusing on the ongoing debate on the relations with the United States and Pan-Americanism. The different perspectives of important men in policy and decision making regarding Foreign Affairs, such as the Baron of Rio Branco, Joaquim Nabuco and Oliveira Lima, are highlighted. Finally, both the symbolic meaning and the practical results of the Conference for inter-American relations in general and Brazil-US relations in particular are analyzed.

The name Second Line is, an urban social tradition for the African-American youth of New Orleans. Being a “Second Liner” is something that the youth look forward to. It is full of energy and you're right behind the band as they strut down the narrow streets.  Strutting and dance with your umbrella in hand to the beat of “Street Parade.”  Just name any African-American so-called jazz “ great,” who came out of the great music city, and he/she has paid their dues to the Second Line. "The Second Line is a symbol of New Orleans,” said Zohar Israel, who’s a native, its excitement and tradition.  African Americans affliction, a gift to New Orleans.  To understand the Second Line, you must research the historical background of the so-called Jazz Funeral.

Ce texte est un extrait du sixième chapitre de notre thèse « De la coopération intellectuelle à la diplomatie culturelle : les voix/es de l’Argentine, du Brésil et du Chili (1919-1946) ». Dans ce travail, nous montrons comment ces trois pays ont utilisé les réseaux et les pratiques nés au sein de la coopération intellectuelle internationale pour développer leur diplomatie culturelle. Cette coopération se joue à plusieurs échelles : internationale, avec l’Institut International de Coopération Intellectuelle, ancêtre de l’UNESCO créé sous les auspices de la Société des Nations en 1926 ; régionale, avec l’Union panaméricaine qui, à partir de 1910, s’occupe des échanges culturels entre les différents États du continent. Pour les pays latino-américains, participer à ces deux dynamiques distinctes est un moyen de maintenir un certain équilibre entre l’Europe d’une part et les États-Unis d’autre part. Cela représente aussi, notamment pour l’Argentine, le Brésil et le Chili, une opportunité d’utiliser les réseaux et les pratiques mis en place par ces deux organismes pour construire une certaine image d’eux-mêmes sur une scène internationale où ils sont considérés comme des périphéries. C’est dans ce contexte que surgit l’initiative brésilienne dont il sera question ici et qui éclaire tout à la fois la manière dont ce pays aspire à se positionner en Amérique et les débats autour de ce que représente la coopération intellectuelle.

Abstract

This paper is an extract of the sixth chapter of my doctoral thesis entitled ‘From Intellectual Cooperation to Cultural Diplomacy: the Argentinian, Brazilian and Chilean Experiences (1919-1946)’ where I examine how Argentina, Brazil and Chile developed their cultural diplomacy by using networks and practices stemming from international cooperation during the interwar period. This paper adopts a multi-scalar approach: I will first explore the international role played by the predecessor of the UNESCO, the International Institute of Intellectual Cooperation created by the League of Nations in 1926. Secondly, I will assess the regional role played by the Pan-American Union which dealt with cultural exchanges between different states throughout the continent. The Latin-American countries perceived the International Institute of Intellectual Cooperation and the Pan-American Union as two potential alternatives to counterbalance the power of Europe on the one hand and the United States on the other hand. The participation of Argentina, Brazil and Chile in both international and regional institutions also constitutes a manner in which these countries constructed their image on the international scene in order not to appear as simple peripheries. This paper will especially focus on Brazil’s project of an Inter-American Institute of Intellectual Cooperation and will shed light on the way the country tried to position itself on the continent. The Brazilian initiative is also a perfect case-study to understand the debates surrounding intellectual cooperation.

Resumen

Este texto es un extracto del sexto capítulo de nuestra tesis de doctorado “De la cooperación intelectual a la diplomacia cultural: vías y voces de Argentina, Brasil y Chile (1919-1946)”. En este trabajo mostramos cómo estos tres países utilizaron las redes y las prácticas desarrolladas en el cuadro de la cooperación intelectual internacional para elaborar su diplomacia cultural. Esta cooperación se juega a varias escalas: internacional, con el Instituto Internacional de Cooperación Intelectual, precursor de la UNESCO creado bajo los auspicios de la Liga de las Naciones en 1926; regional, con la Unión panamericana la cual, a partir de 1910, se encarga de los intercambios culturales en el continente. Para los países latinoamericanos, participar en estas dos dinámicas distintas es un medio de mantener un cierto equilibrio entre Europa por un lado y Estados Unidos por otro lado.
Esto representa también, particularmente para Argentina, Brasil y Chile, una oportunidad de utilizar las redes y las prácticas establecidas por estos dos organismos para construir una cierta imagen de sí mismos en un escenario internacional donde son considerados como periferias. Es en este contexto que surge la iniciativa brasileña de creación de un Instituto Interamericano de Cooperación Intelectual que analizaremos aquí. Este proyecto nos permite analizar cómo Brasil quiere posicionarse en América así como los debates sobre la significación de la cooperación intelectual.

Resumo

Este texto é um extrato da nossa tese de doutorado intitulada “Da cooperação intelectual a diplomacia cultural : os percursos da Argentina, do Brasil e do Chile (1919-1946)”. Nesse trabalho mostramos como esses três países utilizaram as redes e as práticas desenvolvidas no âmbito da cooperação intelectual internacional para elaborar sua diplomacia cultural. Essa cooperação realiza-se dentro de várias escalas: internacional, com o Instituto Internacional de Copperação Intelectual, o antepassado da UNESCO, criado debaixo da égide da Liga das Nações; regional, com a União Panamericana que, a partir de 1910, está encargada dos intercâmbios culturais no continente. Para os países latinoamericanos, participar destas diferentes dinâmicas constitui um meio de manter um certo equilibro entre Europa de um lado e Estados Unidos de outro lado.
Isso representa também, particularmente para Argentina, Brasil e Chile, uma oportunidade de utilizar as redes e práticas estabelecidas por esses organismos para construir uma certa imagem deles mesmos num cenário internacional onde são considerados como periferias. É nesse contexto que surge a iniciativa brasileira de criação de um Instituto Interamaricano de Cooperação Intelectual que analizaremos aqui. Esse projeto nos permite analizar tanto a maneira como o Brasil quer posicionarse na América que os debates sobre a significação da cooperação intelectual.

This work expands the crucial and evolving Inter-American philosophical dialogue from its current state, which has focused on establishing commonalities between the Americas, to include conversations that intelligently and candidly address points of contention. This paper strives to constructively introduce into this dialogue a trenchant critique of one of the most influential English language philosophers of the Americas – John Dewey—made by one of the most influential Spanish language philosophers of the Americas – José Vasconcelos. In particular, this paper examines Vasconcelos’ charge that Dewey’s Pragmatism was merely a gunship philosophy designed to provide ideological cover for a U.S. led Anglo-Saxon global empire. This critique merits scholarly attention not only because it is virtually unknown among English language philosophers (as it is still only available in Spanish), but because it anticipates later discussions about the relationship between Pragmatism, democracy and empire in the United States.

1917 was a decisive year in the diverse theatres of the First World War, contributing to the globalisation of the conflict. In Latin America, the entry of the United States into the conflict was the most significant event, which triggered essential developments in the diplomatic, economic, political, and cultural fields. The United States displayed an active campaign to align the countries of the subcontinent behind its foreign policy, led by the principle of Pan-Americanism. As a result, most Latin American states severed diplomatic relationships with, or declared war against, the German Empire, in the context of heated internal debates.

This article aims to analyse the impact of the United States’ entry into the war on the Latin American intellectual field. It will tackle two main reactions unleashed by that event. On the one hand, it led many intellectuals to support the notion of continental unity under American leadership, reinforced later by the so-called ‘Wilsonian moment’. On the other hand, it also gave rise to the rejection of American interference in the subcontinent’s domestic affairs and the revival of anti-imperialism, a vigorous ideological trend that appeared after the Spanish-American War of 1898.

El objetivo de este artículo es la revisión de las polémicas suscitadas en la VI Conferencia Internacional Americana (La Habana, 1928) como consecuencia de la presencia militar estadounidense en Nicaragua. Partiendo de un análisis sobre los acontecimientos que derivaron en dicha intrusión, abordaremos la naturaleza del movimiento panamericanista como instrumento de la diplomacia de Washington respecto a sus vecinos del sur, así como la resistencia de éstos al intervencionismo de los Estados Unidos. Para ello utilizaremos el seguimiento que de dicha reunión hizo la intelectualidad y prensa hispanoparlante de la época y, en particular, la española.

This paper examines how two Caribbean islands, Puerto Rico and Jamaica, developed ideas of national identity while negotiating political emancipation within two distinct, yet allied Anglophone empires. We can see this process through the Olympic movement and referred to here as ‘colonial Olympism’. Both Puerto Rico and Jamaica participated as colonies of the USA and Great Britain at international sporting events from 1930 to the 1950s. More than a benevolent gesture by the USA or Great Britain, Puerto Rico and Jamaica’s participation was intended to foster international goodwill through sport, including crucial notions of Pan Americanism. Comparing these two islands, and the metropolises they represented, offers a good way to understand the commonalities and differences in the US and Great Britain’s geopolitical interests in Latin America. However, the Olympic and the Pan-American Games gave both colonies the perfect scenario to perform as separate nations and fed a sense of distinct peoplehood. Sport leaders from both islands negotiated their way into nationhood by the very fact of participating in the Olympic movement, albeit as non-sovereign states. In turn, having Olympic nationhood became another important tool in both islands’ quest for decolonization, contributing an important angle to better understand twentieth-century international politics and decolonization processes.

The creation of "poet-tree" installations and webpages (creative and photo captures of real life installations at various locations, websites, or in physical sculptural and movement formats) with poems or poet's names from the diverse regions of the Americas seeks to envision connections between sports and the cultural expressions e of each place. The conference papers and lectures track the project's progress and present these findings as viewed through recent developments in performance theory and embodied literary theory; the relation to identity, expressions of place and negotiating inter-subjectivities reflects realities which exist beyond national boundaries, as hemispheric and global networked conceptions of words and physical action as a representation of being. This type of wor(l)d-making will be examined by presenting the poems and poets contained in the installations, to trace the expressions found in these examples connecting sports and culture.

The project was approved by the TO2015 Organizing Committee in December 2014 as one of 590 initiatives that are to boost community involvement in preparation for the Games.

This essay aims to present the shifting relations between North America and the South — South America and the South of Europe — through the work of George Kubler, the art and architecture historian.
In 1939, at the beginning of his career as a scholar, Kubler was invited by the Department of State to participate in a conference on inter-American relations. This conference aimed at the construction of a Pan-American cultural image, where the United States [US] would have a central role. The goal of pan-Americanism in the 1930s was to create links between South and North America. Ultimately this would help the US to overcome the economic depression by removing trade barriers with less industrially developed South American countries.
Later, with the positioning of the United States in World War II and its role in the European Economic Recovery Program or Marshall Plan, the transatlantic relationship between the US and Europe became more prominent than the Pan-American.
Kubler’s research interests followed this shift. In the 1930s and 1940s Kubler worked on the architecture of Mexico and Peru, and in the 1950s his interests shifted towards the Iberian Peninsula, and specifically on Portuguese Architecture of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Kubler’s research movement from South America to South Europe reflect the availability of funding that is related to the geopolitical the interests of his country. Simultaneously, artists and other scholars have praised Kubler’s vast work regarding the art and architecture of different ‘Souths,’ as a symptom of a’ non-aligned’ position and attention to the condition of peripheral countries.

Para minha mãe, com todo amor e com a certeza de nunca poder agradecer o suficiente. AGRADECIMENTOS A realização deste trabalho jamais teria sido possível sem, antes de tudo, o incentivo e o carinho da minha mãe Dóris. Sem o seu apoio constante, não teria me lançado a mais esta etapa da aventura da vida acadêmica, nem teria sobrevivido a ela. Ainda não foi inventada a palavra que dimensiona meu amor por ti, mãezinha, obrigada, de novo e de novo. Também devo agradecimentos a minha família, meus tios Jean e Aida, minha vó do coração Diva e minha afilhada Laura, pelo carinho, pela impressora, pelas incontáveis folhas de papel e por todas as refeições durante o processo. Às minhas amigas da vida inteira, Fernanda Müller, Mariana dos Santos, Flávia Romariz, Ariane Debastiani e Júlia Koefender, que de diferentes partes do mundo me presenteiam com sua amizade e incentivo. Aos amigos feitos no -outro lado do charco‖ e que estão presentes sempre, os -Maestros‖ Verónica Alvarez, Isabel Inguanzo, Luis Melián, Ilka Tremínio, Gibbran Montero, Karol Caldera e Alejandro Belmonte, obrigada pelas lições de espanhol e suas variações, de ciência política dura, por me lerem inteligentemente e por me fazerem acreditar que era possível chegar ao fim desta empreitada. Yes, we could! Não seria justo deixar de registrar a participação importante de minha co-autora e companheira nas longas madrugadas, Audrey. Agradeço profundamente a CAPES, Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, pela bolsa que permitiu dedicar-me exclusivamente à realização do mestrado. Claro, devo meu muito obrigado ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina e um agradecimento especial a Albertina e Fátima pela presteza de sempre em atender meusmuitospedidos. Aos professores do programa, que foram fundamentais na minha formação, muitos presentes desde a graduação, que me ensinaram e inspiraram a trilhar o caminho nem sempre fácil da pesquisa, especialmente o Prof. Dr. Ary Minella, que me orientou anos atrás na Iniciação Científica e recentemente na realização do estágio docência. Agradeço ao meu orientador, Prof. Dr. Ricardo Silva por acreditar no projeto desde o começo, pela competência na condução da orientação, pelo incentivo e, mais que tudo, pelo exemplo. Ao Prof. Dr. Yan Carreirão e ao Prof. Dr. Hector Leis, obrigado pela participação na banca de qualificação do projeto, pelas sugestões e críticas. Aos meus colegas de mestrado, que proporcionaram um ambiente rico e com sua companhia amenizaram tantas horas complicadas, de angústias e Palavras-chave: Barão do Rio Branco, relações Brasil-Estados Unidos, americanismo.

O presente artigo dialoga com os debates sobre a circulação de ideias no campo da arquitetura e do urbanismo para argumentar sobre a importância do método nas escritas da história urbana. Por meio de uma análise do concurso e do processo de construção e inauguração do Farol de Colombo pretende-se indicar como são articuladas diferentes temporalidades e escalas nos embates e disputas em prol da legitimação do pan-americanismo no período entreguerras. O monumento, erigido em Santo Domingo (República Dominicana), teve seu concurso lançado em 1928, para o qual foram inscritos mais de 400 anteprojetos de diferentes países do mundo, o anúncio do projeto vencedor feito em 1930, mas só foi inaugurado em 1992. A longa duração desses eventos, somada a ampla rede de profissionais - mapeada por meio dos Congressos Pan-Americanos de Arquitetos - e instituições - como a União Pan-Americana - envolvidos na elaboração e legitimação dessa suposta homenagem à viagem feita por Cristóvão Colombo em 1492 tornam o Farol de Colombo objeto privilegiado para entender as articulações entre o lugar da América e o lugar dos arquitetos ao longo do século XX. Para isso, são analisados documentos oficiais publicados pela União Pan-Americana, atas dos Congressos Pan-Americanos de Arquitetos, artigos publicados em revistas técnicas e a cobertura feita na imprensa local. Esse exercício reforça o papel da história e da política enquanto pressupostos mobilizados nos debates do campo profissional da arquitetura e do urbanismo.

This book demonstrates that during the early twentieth century, the Monroe Doctrine served the role of a national security framework that justified new directions in United States foreign relations when the nation emerged as one of the world's leading imperial powers. As the United States' overseas empire expanded in the wake of the Spanish-American War, the nation's decisionmakers engaged in a protracted debate over the meaning and application of the doctrine, aligning it to two antithetical core values simultaneously: regional hegemony in the Western Hemisphere on the one hand, and Pan-Americanism on the other. The doctrine's fractured meaning reflected the divisions that existed among domestic perceptions of the nation's new role on the world stage and directed the nation's approach to key historical events such as the acquisition of the Philippines, the Mexican Revolution, the construction of the Panama Canal, the First World War, and the debate over the League of Nations.

Interama, Miami's legendary hemispheric center, is remembered as the overly ambitious exposition that never materialized. The Pan-American world's fair designs explored over its long history were in many instances superficially conceived. In the mid-1960s, however, a team consisting of Louis Kahn and others elevated Interama into a nuanced hemispheric model; surprisingly, their design proposal remains unexplored. This essay examines how, as these architects crafted this tropical fair, they carefully resolved an imposed imperious program by envisioning their design as a model for the perfect city center. Consequently, they innovatively recast a New World discourse that had been repeatedly misappropriated.

Although he was essentially a diplomat and was involved in the preparations for the plans for the Argentine delegation sent to the First Pan-American Conference (1889-1890), Vicente Quesada was a precursor of Latin American modern anti-imperialism and above all of the theories postulating the existence of a regional international law for Latin America. Before modern Latin American anti-imperialist ideas were incorporated within the intellectual, diplomatic and political Latin American imaginary, Quesada put forward a series of assertive critiques of the Monroe Doctrine as a safeguard to protect peace in the Americas and of the emerging Pan-American movement promoted by James Blaine in the context of the First Pan-American Conference. Moreover, preceding the institutionalization of international law as a modern discipline in Argentina and the construction of a continental legal tradition associated to Pan-Americanism, Quesada published a series of influential articles in which he sought to demonstrate that regional peace was the product of truly Latin American legal prínciples and not of the Monroe Doctrine. This article draws on these important pieces by Quesada and it argues that Quesada was pioneering in postulating a Latin American tradi- tion of international law, advocating the construction of a regional Latin American legal order, safeguard from US expansionism.

During World War Two, US cultural foreign policy addressed “Latin American music” as part of a Pan-American musical system. Under the direction of musicologist Charles Seeger, the Music Division of the Pan American Union promoted musical and musicological exchanges valorizing both the region’s national traditions and their common hemispheric identity. This imperial initiative had a manifold impact. First, it increased the availability of musical resources across the hemisphere, such as catalogues, which in turn valorized folklore as part of a transnational conversation. Second, it gave legitimacy to the concept of “Latin American music,” and promoted musical pedagogy beyond the borders of each national tradition. Third, it fostered the growth of Latin American musicology as a transnational field, partially subordinating the initiatives of its founding father, Francisco Curt Lange. Finally, the Music Division turned the US-Latin American musical exchanges into a template for the larger global musical exchanges of the postwar under UNESCO, and provided it with a democratic and ultimately populist notion of music as an expression of “the people.”

" La hora ha llegado" Hispanism, Pan-Americanism, and the Hope of Spanish/American Glory (1938-1948) 1 Sebastiaan Faber How does one justify writing fiction and poetry—or, for that matter, literary criticism—in a time of international crisis? What legitimacy does creating ...

This article recovers James Brown Scott's conviction in American exceptionalism, a belief that underlay both his institutional work as well as his understanding of the origins and trajectory of international law. In the first section, we discuss Scott's interpretation of Hugo Grotius as part of his tactic to make US foreign affairs policies and perspectives more compelling by presenting them as universal. In the second section, we argue that Scott's writings on the Spanish origins of international law were in fact meant to protect Anglo-American hegemony and US influence in the Americas in the face of rapidly changing geopolitical pressures. In the final section we suggest that Scott's US exceptionalism is reflected in his use of the United States Constitution and Supreme Court as a model for key international organizations. We conclude that Scott reframed Vitoria not to redress American bias but to enshrine it.

O presente artigo busca indicar como as revistas técnicas
de arquitetura e urbanismo de quatro países do Cone-Sul
americano (Argentina, Brasil, Chile e Uruguai) possibilitam mapear
uma cultura profissional transnacional. A intensa circulação
de ideias, projetos, textos e pessoas no entreguerras, sobretudo a
partir de 1920, data em que ocorreu o I Congresso Pan-Americano
de Arquitetos, nos permite refinar a abstrata noção de “circulação”
que se consolidou na historiografia da arquitetura e do urbanismo
nas últimas décadas, bem como identificar os limites da
categoria de “rede” para se pensar um campo em franca disputa e
embate, portanto, dinâmico. Espera-se, com isso, contribuir para
uma historiografia que extrapole os limites nacionais e enfatize
como esses momentos, espaços ou atitudes de se promover o debate
foram constitutivos para a disciplina ao longo do século XX
e assinalar a noção de “nebulosas” como alternativa aos limites
identificados em relação ao caráter rígido e cartesiano das redes.

RESUMEN El objetivo del artículo es analizar la organización del Concurso Latinoame-ricano de Literatura, al cual convocó en 1940 la Unión Panamericana. La finalidad del certamen era premiar obras inéditas de autores latinoamerica-nos. El concurso fue un instrumento de diplomacia cultural, diseñado para fungir como eje articulador entre las principales redes literarias del continen-te y promover entre lectores, editores y escritores el ideal de la solidaridad panamericana en el contexto de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. A diferencia de otros proyectos de cooperación interamericana éste no fue una iniciativa promovida unilateralmente desde Estados Unidos, sino que estuvo organiza-do por un órgano multilateral que incluía la participación de actores e insti-tuciones latinoamericanos.