Political / International Communication

"German emperor, Kaiser Wilhelm II, indulged in traveling. One of the most-traveled monarchs of the turn of the century, he rode automobiles, trains, yachts and ships, crisscrossing Germany, Europe, and even the Near and Middle East, specifically Turkey, Syria, Palestine, and the Holy Land's Jerusalem. His travels were employed in political communication strategies by the government, instrumentalizing the mass media. However, not all communication factors could be controlled during such travels -- with the Kaiser himself often spinning out of control. His travels also had important policy and diplomacy functions.

GERMAN/DEUTSCH Wilhelm II. galt als "Reisekaiser", seine Touren bedienten die Medienlogik wie nie zuvor. Doch sie lösten auch Krisen aus.
Schlagwörter: Bagdadbahn, Daily Telegraph Affäre, Damaskusrede, Diplomatie, Dschihad, Eisenbahn, Fotografie, Hunnenrede, Islam, Osmanisches Reich, Palästina, Palästinareise, Reden, Reisekaiser, Reisen, Rhetorik, Weltkrieg
Organisationen: Auswärtiges Amt, Hofmarschallamt, „Nachrichtenstelle für den Orient (NfO)
Unternehmen: Borsig, Deutsche Bank, Krupp, Philipp Holzmann, Thomas Cook
Personen: Abdülhamid II., Christopher Clark, Thomas Cook, Theodor Herzl, Martin Kohlrausch, Max von Oppenheim, Eberhard Straub, Frank Wedekind, Wilhelm II.
Publikationen: Alldeutsche Blätter, Daily Chronicle, El-Dschihad, Le Figaro, Le Petit Journal, Simplicissimus"

COMM 4090 / MC 5090 International Communication, Fall 2016

The course explores the structure of international communication, the process of globalization, and the political, economic and cultural contexts of communication. The course maps the historical paths of international communication, looks at global communication theories, and examines global economy and its impact on communication. It critiques the Anglo-American domination within global communication and looks at less industrialized nations’ calls for equality in global information flow. It examines the politics of global communication, global communication law, global advertising and public relations, and critical citizenship in international communication. Overall, it addresses international issues in communication and culture.

Previous studies have noted the dominance of official sources within the news process and their unique ability to shape media narratives. This research addresses the role and implications of news sources in contributing to the overwhelmingly positive portrayal of the anti-Mubarak opposition protesters within British and American newspaper coverage of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution. Furthermore, this paper will assess how the position of global political elites towards the protests in Egypt possibly opened up the editorial space within the news coverage of the revolution for the anti-Mubarak opposition movement to emerge as the dominant voice within the reporting.

 The modern media tools especially social media has played a vital role in the process of communication among nations.

 The communication among nations has affected the politics, economics, cultures and relations among different nations.

 The communication among nations has spread the concept of unification of world as now everyone has access to the whole world with a single click while everyone is able to get familiar with the world.

 The communication among nations is obsoleting the concept of nation state as non-state actors are becoming more powerful than ever before.

 But according to some critiques the communication among nations is all about Westernization i.e. Western expansion and colonialism on the local society. 

 In short, now it is easy for everyone to get information about other countries but in contemporary world the focal purpose of communication among nations is to get economic benefits through cooperation among different countries.

This course provides a detailed overview of research on political communication and its role in informing, influencing, and legitimizing decisions is crucial to both domestic and international politics.  By analyzing the relationship between political actors, communication channels, and the public, students will gain an understanding of the ways in which dominant ideologies shape communication strategies, an understanding of the ways in which communication strategies shape political public opinion. Students will evaluate the effects of political communication campaigns on people’s attitudes, opinions and systems of beliefs.

Analyzing the actors, technologies, and forms of communication that together constitute public debate, the course focuses closely on the processes of political communication, with an eye to how the state, press, political parties, civil society organizations, social movements, campaigns, and the public interact to shape public life and produce political culture. It considers the social and technological contexts that shape the production, distribution, and reception of political communication. At the same time, the course situates political communication broadly to encompass the vast range of symbolic political expression, from political advertisements to protest events.

This course sets itself off from those situated in mediated communication as it focuses on how politics shapes our identity, our relationships, and our communities, and highlights relational/interpersonal, rhetorical aspects of politics, and the role of engaged citizenship in political processes and deliberative democracy.

The Muslim countries of North Africa -Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya -provide an interesting context for exploring some of the salient trends in the adoption, use, and implications of new information and communication technologies (ICTs). Within less than one decade, the use of mobile telephones, the Internet, online spaces, and social network sites (Facebook, MySpace) has known spectacular growth, especially among the segment of the Maghribi population whose voices are usually underrepresented in the public sphere: young women and men. Between 2000 and 2007, the number of Internet users in Morocco and Algeria, for instance, increased by 4,500 per cent and 3,740 percent respectively; mobile phone subscribers reached 73 and 77 percent of the population in Libya and Tunisia respectively (see ). While overall access to the Internet remains relatively low in this region compared to the rest of the world, the remarkable popularity of the new media compels us to move beyond mere speculation about whether or not they have any social and political impact worthy of scholarly attention.

Manchmal ist der Abstand zwischen Wissenschafts-und Wirtschaftslobby gar nicht groß. Knapp zwei Schritte sind es, von Tür zu Tür, auf einem Bürokorridor in der Brüsseler Rue du Commerce 31, zwischen Max-Planck-Gesellschaft und dem Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie (BDI). Auch Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft und Leibniz-Gemeinschaft sowie zwei andere Forschungsgesellschaften sitzen unter diesem Dach -zusammen mit zwei Dutzend Wirtschaftsverbänden im Haus der "German Business Representation". Nicht nur in der gemeinsamen Kaffeeküche kommen sich Wissenschafts-und Wirtschaftslobbyisten näher -auch bei Technologie-, Forschungs-und Bildungspolitik kiebitzt man bei den Kollegen. So wie sich Strukturen und Management von Wissenschaftseinrichtungen Unternehmen angenähert haben, so beginnt sich auch ihre Interessenvertretung an der Praxis der Wirtschaft zu orientieren.

Der Herausgeberband "Die Kampagnenmacher" zeigt an Hand von internationalen Best-Practice-Beispielen die Strategien und Instrumente erfolgreicher Kampagnen aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Zivilgesellschaft auf. Das Buch gibt Kommunikationsverantwortlichen und interessierten Lesern Einblicke in erfolgreiche Kampagnenführung und soll dazu ermutigen, neue Wege in der Kommunikation anzuwenden. "Die Kampagnenmacher" zeigt die massiven gesellschaftlichen und medialen Veränderungen sowie die daraus resultierenden neuen Konsequenzen für erfolgreiche Kommunikation auf. Dabei gewährt das Buch wertvolle Einblicke hinter die Kulissen, u. a. in Kampagnen des Bundesministeriums für Umwelt, Naturschutz und Reaktorsicherheit, Greenpeace, des Niederländischen Gesundheitsministeriums, des Österreichischen Volkspartei sowie der Firma Unilever. Im Ergebnis wird deutlich, dass sich die Grundlagen effektiver Kampagnenführung verändert haben und es sowohl neuer Wege als auch veränderter Strategien bedarf, um Menschen nachhaltig zu erreichen.

Muslims have faced a constant level of scrutiny in the public eye and the Western media since the tragedy of 9/11. In this paper, i look at what factors have played into how Muslim's have been portrayed in the Western Media and why there has been such a high level of misrepresentation via different forms of media.

This paper examines the contribution of popular musicians towards the continued uplift of pan-Africanists' ideals since the demise of prominent pan-Africanists such as Kwame Nkrumah, George Padmore and so on, with specific reference to Sonny Okosun, a Nigerian popular musician and notable pan-Africanism Campaigner. Through his dexterity in composing songs that cut across different ethnics and culture in the continent, he has been able to pass needed information to Africans on the pan-Africanism thought and practice. Thus, the central thrust of the paper is the analysis of some lyrics of the selected songs of the musician under study. The writers examine two theories as theoretical basis for the discussion of the roles of popular musicians in the upholding of pan-Africanists' ideals and different empirical studies.

Der Schlussbeitrag untersucht die Schwierigkeiten, die unterschiedliche Interessenorganisationen mit der Einführung der Digital Public Affairs haben, wieso es zu Widerständen und Abwehrreaktionen kommt und welche Potenziale derzeit noch nicht genutzt werden. Dazu dient auch der Blick in die USA. Die internen Funktionen interaktiver, IT-gestützter PA-Arbeit werden zunächst herausgestellt. Bei der externen Kommunikation werden Ansätze und Möglichkeiten für Informationsleistungen, Adhoc-Kampagnen und dauerhafte Organisationsformen für Grassroots Lobbying betrachtet. Zuletzt werden das Mantra der Transparenz kritisch beleuchtet und Forderungen für eine Weiterentwicklung des Transparenzbegriffs aufgestellt.

The Mass Dimension.
Individuals, Crowds, and Consumption (1830-1945)

The  book explores the origins of mass society beginning with the era when the very term "mass" gained currency in public opinion. Over the last two centuries the masses have often been set off against individuals, in that the former were believed to be irrational, primitive crowds. This dialectic tension is explored by analysing how social psychologists (i.e Le Bon, Sighele, Tarde, Ross, Park), criminologists (i.e.  Lombroso, Ferri), and political scientists have attempted to define the concepts of mass and crowd and how these theoretical endeavours relate to contemporary political and social events. On the one hand, in the political sphere, the masses have originated social protests and provided support for totalitarian regimes and affluent democracies alike; on the other, their contribution in the social sphere has also been crucial, as they comprise the swarms of consumers that populate shopping malls and engage in leisure activities. Both of these features have helped shape our way of life, but especially confer legitimacy to contemporary political systems.

Jill Schostak and I wrote this book as part of our evolving interest in doing research radically.  By radically we mean engaging with people's voices to learn how to create the conditions for social justice and for democratising all the organisations of everyday life.  We draw on our own research but also on the ways in which the media is used to shaw people's voices and behaviours.  We explore all the ways in which the desires and demands of elites are inscribed upon minds and bodies as well as how writing may create the conditions for counter inscriptions.  Writing research is to engage politically.  Whether it is the Arab Spring re-inscribing hopes for freedom, the Occupy Movement or young people challenging orthodoxies at home or in classrooms through use of the media, it is the power of writing in its broadest sense that makes the difference.

The Routledge Handbook of Political Management is a comprehensive overview of the field of applied politics, encompassing political consulting, campaigns and elections, lobbying and advocacy, grass roots politics, fundraising, media and political communications, the role of the parties, political leadership, and the ethical dimensions of public life. While most chapters focus on American politics and campaigns, there are also contributions on election campaigns in Europe, the Middle East, Russia, Australia, East Asia, and Latin America. In addition to a thorough treatment of campaign and elections, the authors discuss modern techniques, problems, and issues of advocacy, lobbying, and political persuasion, with a special emphasis throughout the volume on technology, the Internet, and online communications as political tools.

Grounded in the disciplines of political science, political communications, and political marketing, the Routledge Handbook of Political Management explores the linkages between applied politics and social science theory. Leading American and international scholars and practitioners provide an exhaustive and up-to-date treatment of the state of this emerging field. This publication is a major resource for advanced undergraduates, graduate students, and scholars of campaigns, elections, advocacy, and applied politics, as well as for political management professionals.

"During the 1881 national elections in Imperial Germany, the National Liberal party met a disaster. The once strong and dominating party lost parliamentary seats by the dozens. One notable exception was a Black Forest constituency, where business entrepreneur Ferdinand Sander stood and won against all odds. The article explains and explores a 19th century colored engraving which documents the campaign and culture of provincial politics.

GERMAN/DEUTSCH - Bei der Reichstagswahl 1881 knickten den Nationalliberalen die Wahlkreise weg wie Strohhalme. Aber im Schwarzwald boxte sich ein Kandidat gegen den Trend durch.

Schlagwörter: Baden, Kirche, Kulturkampf, Interessenvertretung, Lobby, Protektionismus, Schutzzollpolitik, Reden, Reichstagswahl, Rhetorik, Sozialpolitik, Tabak, Tabakmonopol, Versammlungen, Wahlkampf, Wahlkreis,Wahlrecht
Organisationen: Nationalliberale Partei, Reichstag, Zentrum
Unternehmen: Lotzbeck
Personen: Otto von Bismarck, Fritz Reiß, Ferdinand Sander"

A range of different scientific disciplines are explored for what they might contribute to an understanding of the economic and other factors that influence mass media, and how the media in turn influence the political climate and the democratic
process in modern democracies. The contributions from the different disciplines are combined into an integrated model of a causal network. This tentative model shows that fierce economic competition forces the media to produce entertaining stories that
appeal to people's emotions. Preferred topics include danger, crime, and disaster, which the media select in ways that make the audience perceive the world as more dangerous than it is. This influences the democratic process significantly in the
direction of authoritarianism and intolerance. More generally, the competitive news media select and frame stories in ways
that hamper the ability of the democratic system to solve internal social problems as well as international conflicts in an optimal way. These effects are unintended consequences of the structure of the media market.
The empirical support for each element in the theory, as well as for the integrated model as a whole, is discussed in an appendix."

Net-based public sphere researchers have examined online deliberation in numerous ways. However, most studies have focused exclusively on political discussion forums. This article moves beyond such spaces by analyzing political talk from an online forum dedicated to reality television. The purpose is to examine the democratic quality of political talk that emerges in this space in light of a set of normative criteria of the public sphere. The analysis also moved beyond an elite model of deliberation by investigating the use of expressives (humor, emotional comments, and acknowledgments). The findings reveal that participants engaged in political talk that was often deliberative. It was a space where the use of expressives played a significant role in enhancing such talk.

Mussolini's Fascists staged their "March on Rome" in 1922 and bluffed their way to power.

GERMAN / DEUTSCH Mit dem inszenierten „Marsch auf Rom“ tricksten sich Mussolinis Faschisten 1922 an die Macht.

KEYWORDS / SCHLAGWÖRTER
Ästhetisierung, Bewegung, Demokratie, Duce, fascismo, Faschismus, Film, Frankreich, Gewalt, Gewerkschaften, Großbritannien, Hitlerputsch, Italien, Journalismus, Marsch auf Rom, Medien, Mostra della Rivoluzione fascista, Mussolinismo, Nationalismus, Nationalsozialismus, Öffentliche Meinung, Personenkult, Presse, Propaganda, Propagandaministerium, Rechtsextremismus, Risorgimento, Ritual, Sozialismus, Straßenterror, Symbolik, Syndikalismus, Terrorismus, Vereinigtes Königreich, Volksempfänger, Zeitungen

ORGANISATIONEN: Fasci d’azione rivoluzionaria, fasci di combattimento, Faschistische Partei, Istituto Luce, Partito Nazionale Fascista, Schwarzhemden, Sozialistische Partei Italiens (PSI), Squadrismo, Squadristen, Squadristi

PERSONEN: Italo Balbo, Gustave Le Bon, Gabriele D’Annunzio, Cesare Maria De Vecchi, Emilio De Bono, Giuseppe Garibaldi, Adolf Hitler, Giacomo Matteotti, Benito Mussolini, Friedrich Nietzsche, Georges Sorel, Viktor Emanuel III (Vittori Emanuelle III)

PUBLIKATIONEN: Avanti, Il Popolo d’Italia
"

This article explores the role of conflict in fostering equality within the decision-making processes of the alterglobalization movement. I argue that movement actors treat conflict as constructive because it helps create “diversity.” Movement actors transform conflict from adversarial to constructive through a continuous process of decentralizing power referred to as “horizontality.” This decentralization of power is achieved through network-based decision-making structures that reject unity through agreement in
favor of connections between differences. Drawing on over 8 years of ethnographic research into movement decision-making practices, I argue that these movement practices show that although diversity leads to conflict, adversarial conflict is not caused by this flow of diversity; adversarial conflict arises only when these flows are blocked. Movement practices demonstrate that conflict can be productive if it is given space for expression. [alterglobalization movement, conflict, democracy, decision making, diversity, networks]

This study explores the meanings of organ donation, with emphasis on donating eyes and hearts, comparing people across gender and across two ethnic groups. Four focus group interviews were conducted with people living in the North of England: (1) five Muslim women of Pakistani origin, (2) five Muslim men of Pakistani origin, (3) nine white English women, and (4) eight white English men. The focus group interviews were analysed using grounded theory and a conceptual micro-model created for each group. The main finding was that the act of organ donation can be perceived as involving a personal cost. The Muslims of Pakistani origin related costs with their religious beliefs. In contrast, the white English associated costs with their distrust of the medical system. Women were concerned about the transmission of disease or of personality, whereas the white English men highlighted their personal rights. We conclude that the meaning of organ donation is more than about being and having a body. It is bound up in metaphors of embodiment, religious considerations, and moral judgement of scientific and medical conduct.

Рассматриваются возможности применения парадигмальной модели Т. Куна в рамках политической науки на примере международно-политической коммуникации. Утверждается, что процесс выявления научных парадигм требует учёта как изменений на уровне воззрений научного сообщества, так и трансформаций социально-политической реальности. Отмечено, что движущей силой смены парадигм в общественно-гуманитарном знании являются коммуникационные революции. Развитие научной мысли о международной коммуникации представлено в виде трёх законченных парадигм и находящейся в стадии формирования четвёртой. Ключевые слова: международно-политическая коммуникация; парадигма; парадигмальная модель; Томас Кун.

ZUM BUCH: Lobbying, Kampagnenberatung, professionelles Kommunikationsmanagement und zusammenfassend Politikberatung sind spätestens seit dem Bundestagswahlkampf 1998 und dem Aufblühen der Beraterlandschaft in Berlin heiß diskutierte und umstrittene Themen. Mit dem vorliegenden Buch kommen erstmals drei Personengruppen zu Wort, die am unmittelbarsten an diesen neuen Entwicklungen beteiligt und am besten über sie informiert sind: aktive Spitzenpolitiker, Politikberater und Wissenschaftler. Ihre Fachbeiträge decken insgesamt drei Themenkomplexe ab, die sich ergänzen und zu einem Gesamtbild zusammenfügen: die Entwicklung der Politikberatung in der Bundesrepublik, ihre Inhalte und schließlich die unterschiedlichen Kanäle und Wege, über die sich Berater und Beratene treffen.

"The Spanish Civil War (1936-39) was an international media and propaganda war. In the thick of it: German expatriate Willy Brandt.
GERMAN / DEUTSCH Der Spanische Bürgerkrieg (1936-39) war ein internationaler Medien- und Propagandakrieg. Mittendrin: der deutsche Exilant Willy Brandt.

KEYWORDS / SCHLAGWÖRTER
Auslandskorrespondent, Bürgerkrieg, Demokratie, Faschismus, Fotojournalismus, Gewalt, Journalismus, Kampagne, Katalonien, Kommunismus, Krieg, Marxismus, Medien, Nationalismus, Norwegen, Öffentliche Meinung, Presse, Propaganda, Propagandaministerium, Radio, Radio fantasma, Rechtsextremismus, Revolution, Rundfunk, Sozialismus, Spanien, Sport, Sowjetunion, Symbolik, Terrorismus, Volksfront, Wahlkampf, Zeitungen

ORGANISATIONEN: Arbeiterpartei der Marxistischen Einheit (POUM), CDU, CSU, Internationale Brigaden, Legion Condor, Olimpíada Popular, Norwegische Arbeiterpartei, POUM, Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei Deutschlands (SAP), SPD

PERSONEN: Willy Brandt, Antony Breevor, Herbert Frahm, Felix Franke, Francisco Franco, Gunnar Gaasland, Joseph Goebbels, Günter Grass, Ernest Hemingway, Adolf Hitler, Dolores Ibárruri, Benito Mussolini, Hans Namuth, George Orwell, Georg Reisner, Josef Stalin, Hugh Thomas

PUBLIKATIONEN: BBC, EAQ, Radio Moskau, Radio Nacional, Sozialistische Jugend

Francisco Indalecio Madero was a Mexican statesman and president from 1911 to 1913. Madero was imprisoned in 1910 for his opposition to Porfirio Díaz's dictatorship, and was forced to flee to Texas, where he called for a Mexican Revolution. This started a turbulent and violent period in Mexico's history, filled with socialist ideals, which has parallels throughout Latin America. With the aid of ‘Pancho’ Villa and Emiliano Zapata, Madero overthrew Díaz. He was murdered during a military coup led by his former general Victoriano Huerta. While serving as a senator from Coahuila, Venustiano Caranza joined Francisco I. Madero in the revolution against Porfirio Díaz in 1910. When Madero was ousted in 1913 by Victoriano Huerta, Carranza promptly took the field against Huerta. Fighting in the north, he was joined by other insurgents, notably Álvaro Obregón and Francisco Villa. Emiliano Zapata led a uprising in the south by the economically disenfranchised peasantry. Huerta was finally forced to resign and Carranza became President. However, the civil war continued as Villa and Zapata refused to recognize Carranza's authority. Carranza was aided by Obregón, who pressured Carranza to accept the Constitution of 1917, which contained a radical agenda that Carranza ultimately failed to enforce. Carranza tried to prevent Obregón from succeeding him as president in 1920, and Obregón revolted. Carranza eventually fled Mexico City, and was ambushed and murdered in Tlaxcalantongo.

This study resumes elements of pioneering research initially conducted in Internet addiction and dependency (Thompson, 1996). Further study of Internet phenomena over the 15 years since, has taken the author into the realm of iconic mediated messaging as a struggle between global media, terrorism, and the viewer (Thompson, 2010). Having grown in access and privilege within the consumer Web -- initial concerns over usage and expectations as laid out in 1996 whereby Internet addiction and dependency were determined to be more along the lines of investment and empowerment vs. self-destructive habit -- the maturation process from initial usage to full-fledged Internet literacy has been fraught with obstacles, yet with deep reward.

As a scholar well-versed in interdisciplinarity and cybercultures, and having moved away from the fears of Internet addiction to the reality of empowerment, one recognizes a plethora of reasons why Internet literacy has molded scholarship and individual into a new creation of cybernetic origin: cyberspace provides and subscribes opportunity for humans to communicate as more than the sum of their parts. In the process of literacy change and alteration over this time period, there has also been adjustment in the cyber network, which has been fed both the good and bad that humanity has been able to conjure and upload: a vast, endless, exponential archive of every human conception.

What have we learned in the last 15 or so years as a species interacting with the virtual species that has seemingly aligned itself with our purposes and future, a future that has taken on the permanent persona of an ever-presence in which we are? This study evaluates emerging information literacy trends, the media, and individual participatory freedoms and consequences that confront those trends within the Internet.

After the 1917 revolution, the Soviets experimented creatively to mobilize citizens for a new era. GERMAN: Nach der Revolution 1917 wagten die Sowjets kreative Experimente, um die Bürger für den Aufbruch zu mobilisieren.
---------------
KEYWORDS SCHLAGWÖRTER Agitprop, Agitprop-Zug, Agitzug, Agit-Zug, agit pojesd, agit poezd, agit train, Agitation, Agitki, Analphabetismus, Ästhetik, Avantgarde, Inszenierung, Kampagne, Propaganda, Eisenbahn, Film, Grammophon, Kino, Kommunismus, Kommunistische Partei, Konstruktivismus, Futurismus, Kubismus, KPdSU, Musik, Partei, Petition, Politainment, Politikberatung, Presse. Proletkult, Russischer Bürgerkrieg, Russische Revolution, Russland, Sowjet, Sowjetunion, Schallplatte, Stummfilm, Theater, Wochenschau, Zeitung
• Organisationen: Allrussisches Zentrales Exekutivkomitee (WZIK), Literarischer Frontzug Nr. 1 W. I. Lenin, Oktoberrevolution (Zug), Roter Kosake (Zug), Roter Osten (Zug), Roter Stern (Schiff), Telegrafenagentur Rosta, Tscheka (Geheimpolizei)
• Personen: Robert Argenbright, Jakow Burow, James von Geldern, Michail Kalinin, Karl Marx, Arthur Ransome, Wladimir Iljitsch Uljanow Lenin
• Publikationen:  Iswestija, Manchester Guardian, Prawda

"Was haben die deutsche Bauindustrie, Billigfluggesellschaften, private Krankenversicherer, kleine Softwarefirmen und industrieller Chemie-Mittelstand gemeinsam? Sie - und viele andere - haben die Hebelwirkung des Grassroots Lobbying entdeckt. Diesen strategischen Hebel setzt die US-Wirtschaft seit langem ein, um ihre Märkte zu schützen oder auszuweiten. Grassroots Lobbying rekrutiert und mobilisiert Führungskräfte, Mitarbeiter, Vertriebspartner und Kunden. Sie flankieren die herkömmliche Interessenvertretung und setzen Politik und Verwaltung unter Druck - und zwar dort, wo die Politik immer noch ihre empfindlichste Stelle hat: an der lokalen Basis. Der Schlüssel sind nicht unbedingt die Massenmedien. Die Wirtschaft nutzt ihre eigenen Ressourcen: Intranets und Personalentwicklung, Standort- und Stakeholder- Netzwerke, Direktmarketing und Datenbanken. Professionell geführt, bringen solche Kampagnen EU-Richtlinien zu Fall oder helfen Mehrheiten für neue Gesetze zu bauen. Sie machen den Weg für Großprojekte frei oder lösen beengende Regulierung. Lobbying setzt auf Profis mit Kenntnis von Verfahren, Fachleuten und Überzeugungskunst. Kampagnen setzen auf Amateure, Beteiligung und Druck. Wie sieht die Synthese aus? Das Buch zeigt es in Fallstudien. Es diskutiert ebenso die Schwierigkeiten, die Grauzonen der Glaubwürdigkeit und die Anfälligkeit des Modells für Manipulationen. "

Der Jedermann als Lobbyist: Grassroots-Modelle in den USA und Europa

I. Gesellschaftliche Trends und Corporate Activism

Kunden als Advokaten
Das Lobbying als Trend-Nachzügler
Neuland für Europa
Kleine Geschichte des amerikanischen Grassroots Lobbying und Corporate Activism seit den 1950ern
Besonderheiten des amerikanischen Modells
Die Adressaten des Grassroots Lobbying in Europa
Die Haltung deutscher Politiker
Die Suche nach glaubwürdigen Botschaftern
Lobby-Ansätze „von unten“ im Vergleich
Grassroots und das NIMBY-Phänomen

II. Bausteine des Grassroots Lobbying

Grassroots-Kampagnen vs. Grassroots-Programme
Schritt 1: Aufbau
Datenbanken: Die Rolle der IT
Schritt 2: Kommunikation
Schulung bei der NAM: Congressional Insight
Schritt 3: Aktivierung / Mobilisierung
Die Aktivierungs-Instrumente
Briefe Postkarten Fax Email
Massensendungen und Unterschriftenlisten
Leserbriefe
Telefon
Meetup
Gespräche und Besuche
Anhörungen (Hearings)
Betriebsbesuche
Grassroots und Grasstops
Grasstops-Beispiel: Direct Contact Bankers/Team 21 der ABA
Die Rolle der Berater und Agenturen
Angebotsbeispiel Direct Impact für Philip Morris
Websites ausgewählter Grassroots-Kommunikationsagenturen in den USA
Das Problem „Astroturf“

Kampagnenpraxis: Die Fallstudien

FALLSTUDIE 1: INFRASTRUKTUR UND VERKEHR (DEUTSCHLAND)
GSV: Industrie fördert Bürgerinitiativen für den Straßenbau

FALLSTUDIE 2: GESUNDHEIT UND VERSICHERUNGEN (DEUTSCHLAND)
PKV: Versichertenaufstand gegen die Gesundheitsreform

FALLSTUDIE 3: LUFTVERKEHR (GROSSBRITANNIEN)
Ryanair, easyJet und Flying Matters: Klimasünder beim Gegenangriff

FALLSTUDIE 4: INFORMATIONSTECHNOLOGIE (EU)
Mittelstandskoalitionen gegen EU-Softwarepatente

FALLSTUDIE 5: PHARMA (USA)
GlaxoSmithKline: Grassroots als Vertriebsaufgabe

FALLSTUDIE 6: LUFTVERKEHR (USA)
Luftkampf über Texas: Southwest Airlines und „Set Love Free“

FALLSTUDIE 7: KREDITGENOSSENSCHAFTEN (USA)
Credit Unions: Der kleine Mann und die Banken

FALLSTUDIE 8: CHEMIE (EU)
ERHARDT FIEBIGER, ALEX FÖLLER, DOMINIK MEIER
Einspruch – Ein Aktionsbündnis mobilisiert den Mittelstand.

FALLSTUDIE 9: GESUNDHEITSWESEN (DEUTSCHLAND)
DUNIA KÖHLING
Interessenvertretung durch Protest? Die niedergelassenen Ärzte
und ihre Ansätze einer Grassroots-Lobbykampagne 2005/062

MARCO ALTHAUS, DOREEN MACHNICK
Die öffentliche E-Petition: Wie sich der Bundestag für Lobbykampagnen öffnet

The material here comprises discussion points and some reference links for a diverse group of people in Brisbane, Australia, who fancy themselves as “gentle thinkers”, and who meet from time to time to talk things over. All kinds of things. The topic on hand, “The Democracy Problem”, is probably of interest to thoughtful individuals in many latitudes, so I am putting it online as a general stimulus for some creative discussion. Any opinions expressed in this piece are entirely my own, and may be dissected without mercy.

This essay stems from the works of Armand Mattelart to envision a research program drawn to the critical and structural approach of international communication, in all its inequalities, asymmetries and relations of dependency. By reviewing the reflections of the Belgian thinker in his entry points to the theoretical-methodological proposition of Immanuel Wallerstein, the world-systems analysis, and by seeking to articulate both perspectives, especially in the former's notion of "world-communication" as the world-system of communication, the paper delineates an area of intersection between three theoretical schools: International Communication, International Political Economy and the Political Economy of Communication.

Este ensaio parte da obra de Armand Mattelart para vislumbrar um programa de pesquisa orientado para a abordagem crítica e estrutural da comunicação internacional nas suas desigualdades, assimetrias e relações de dependência. Com uma revisão das reflexões do pensador belga nos seus pontos de contato com a proposição teórico-metodológica da análise dos sistemas-mundo, de Immanuel Wallerstein, e buscando articular as duas perspectivas, especialmente na concepção de comunicação-mundo como sistema-mundo da comunicação, o trabalho delineia uma área de interseção entre três vertentes teóricas: a comunicação internacional, a economia política da comunicação e a economia política internacional. Palavras-chave: Armand Mattelar, Immanuel Wallerstein, economia política da co-municação, economia política internacional, comunicação internacional

"When introduced in the late 1840s, telegraphy quickly increased the speed of political communication. Financial and business interests formed around the technology, as did innovations in newspapers, news wire services, and public relations. Diplomacy changed, too, with the telegraph. Political parties and other organizations began to use the cable as a tool for organizing and coordinating political action.

GERMAN / DEUTSCH - Die Telegrafie war das "Viktorianische Internet": Sie steigerte ab 1850 rasant das Tempo der politischen Kommunikation.
Schlagwörter: Börse, Diplomatie, Emser Depesche, Finanzmärkte, Internet, Interessenvertretung, Kaiser-Attentate, Krimkrieg, Lobby, Nachrichtenagentur, Nationalversammlung, Netzpolitik, Paulskirche, Pressearbeit, Pressefreiheit, Preußen, Sozialistengesetz, Telegrafie, Telekommunikation, Zeitungen, Zensur
Organisationen: Erste Internationale, Haupttelegrafenamt, Rotes Kreuz, SPD
Unternehmen: Agence France-Presse (AFP), Associated Press, Deutsche Telekom, Havas, Reuters, Siemens, Wolffs Telegraphisches Bureau (WTB)
Personen: August Bebel, Otto von Bismarck, Charles Havas, Friedrich Wilhelm IV., Karl Marx, Samuel Morse, Napoleon III., Florence Nightingale, Julius Paul Reuter, Werner Siemens, Eduard von Simson, Alfred Vail, Bernhard Wolff
Publikationen: National-Zeitung"

""In his chapter “Iconspicuous Revolutions of 1989: Culture and Contingency in the Making of Political Icons,” Dominik Bartmański revisits the European icons of the euphoric year of 1989 and asks what constitutes a powerful iconic fact. Specifically, he explains why the fall of the Berlin Wall emerged as the icon of 1989 and has retained this symbolic status ever since.

The answer is not obvious. 1989 was full of epochal events and important figures busy making history. Especially the earlier, politically unprecedented changes in Hungary and Poland had opened up a revolutionary space in which such events like the fall of the wall became possible at all. And yet they have not attained the same lasting influence on the international collective imagination. To reconstruct this phenomenon is to tell a story about how the iconic can trump the political. By demonstrating what counts in public perception as “revolutionary,” “political signal,” and “beginning” and “end” of a social process, Bartmański shows the role that iconicity plays in constituting these key categories and thus in structuring our ability to notice, understand, and remember events. By "public perception" Bartmanski does not mean only the "lay audiences" but also the producers of the journalistic facts themselves. Indeed, all social groups are deeply enmeshed in and responsive to the background codings and symbolic imperatives of a given culture.  It is precisely the various aspects of iconic power that makes events amenable to wide appropriation and socially "resonant". It is their iconicity that turns them into “objective,” temporal markers of history.

Of course, the key question is: what constitutes "iconic power"? Is it purely arbitrary signification structure or something different? What accounts for the fact that some symbolic representations and performances stick and others don't?

To answer these questions the present paper offers an analytical framework that identifies several constituent elements of iconic power. It distinguishes (1) "iconic capital," i.e. the historical accretion of symbolic resources associated with a given entity, (2) "cultural congruity," i.e. the fit between a given entity's character and the genre of cultural performance it is supposed to represent, and (3) "remembrance patterns," i.e. commemorative practices.

Each element is a bundle of material forms and affordances ("surface") and discursive content ("depth"). Only when all the elements coalesce in a felicitous way can an iconic effect emerge. Bartmanski observes that although open-ended and contingent, this iconic process is not arbitrary but instead rooted in the specific meanings structures that make certain social outcomes more plausible than others. 

Performing the cultural reconstruction of 1989 along those lines provides a "thick" elaboration of two observations that function as epigrams for the present paper.

The first is theoretical and was made by Roland Barthes in his essay "Rhetoric of the Image": "In every society various techniques are developed intended to fix the floating chain of signifieds in such a way as to counter the terror of uncertain signs."

The second was made by an anthropologist Daphne Berdahl who insisted that "among other things, the revolutions of 1989 were about visibility - making visible 'the people'."

Just like other chapters in this book, the present sociological interpretation of political symbols inevitably takes us beyond the surface of news pictures to the surfaces and depths of events, to singular bodies and powerful crowds, sights and sites, built structures, and symbolically constructed narratives. It is the new prism of iconicity through which the effects of shocking and euphoric events that seem deceptively simple and well known can be explained in full. """