Political law

תקציר בעברית: מאמר זה מבקש לבחון מחדש את מקומה של הפוליטיקה במשפט הישראלי כאמצעי להפגת המתח הקיים סביב הרשות השופטת בכלל ובית־המשפט העליון בפרט מבלי להידרש לשינויים מוסדיים מרחיקי־לכת, וזאת במסגרת הדיאלוג הפוליטי שצריך להתפתח בין רשויות השלטון. הגדרת המקצועיות השיפוטית, כפי שהיא עודנה מנוסחת בממסד השיפוטי ונתפסת בחלקים נרחבים בציבור, נשזרת עם יכולותיו של השופט לבחון "מקרים קשים" באופן ניטרלי ואובייקטיבי ועם כישוריו לחלץ את האמת בסיטואציה המשפטית הנקרית בדרכו. מאמר זה מציע לבחון את האפשרות לזנוח הגדרה זו, ובמקום זאת לנסח את תפקידו של השופט כ"שחקן פוליטי בעל כישורים ייחודיים". זאת, בהתבסס על הרעיון שכל שופט, ככל אדם, גדל ברקע תרבותי מסוים, ולכן ראוי שבמדינה דמוקרטית הוא יביע את עמדתו הפוליטית במערך השיפוטי – לא כרע במיעוטו, אלא כאידיאל. הצעתי המעשית היא שהשופט – אשר מכריע ב"מקרים קשים" ואינו מושך ידיו מהכרעה בסוגיות חברתיות רגישות – יפרט וינמק את עמדתו הפוליטית בעבודתו השיפוטית, וימעט את השימוש בביטויים ערטילאיים ומופשטים, וזאת מבלי לחשוש מפני תגובת הציבור, ומבלי שהציבור יידרש לחשוד שהוא מסווה את עמדתו הפוליטית ומסתיר אותה ממנו.
פרק א של המאמר מגדיר את הביטוי "עמדה פוליטית" ומשרטט את מסגרת הדיון הנורמטיבי של המאמר. פרק ב הוא דסקריפטיבי, ומטרתו להציג את הניסיון המוסדי בישראל – שלא צלח – לשוות למערכת המשפט ארשת א־פוליטית, ולהראות כי בפועל בית־המשפט הוא שחקן פוליטי מרכזי. פרק ג מציג את תזת המאמר, המבוססת על העיקרון הדמוקרטי, שלפיה מבחינה נורמטיבית ראוי ששופט יבטא את עמדתו הפוליטית בהתנהלותו השיפוטית באופן בהיר מקום שבית־המשפט נוטל את ההכרעה בשאלה פוליטית שהתשובה עליה אינה מזמנת את עצמה. פרק ד דן בטענות־הנגד לתזה זו ומציע מענה להן. לבסוף, פרק ה מדגיש כי מה שנדרש הוא שינוי במימד התודעתי ביחס למעמדה של הרשות השופטת במגרש הפוליטי, שישכלל את השתתפותה ב"דיאלוג הגון" בין הרשויות הפוליטיות לבין הציבור. כמו־כן, פרק זה מציג את האתגר הניצב לפתחה של האליטה השיפוטית במסגרת דמוקרטית.


English Abstract: This article wishes to reexamine the role that politics plays in the Israeli judicial system, as a means to relieve the prevailing tension around the judiciary in general, and the Supreme Court in particular, without requiring extensive institutional changes, as part of the political dialogue that should evolve between the different branches of government.
The definition of judicial professionalism, as recurrently expressed by the judiciary and as is still widely perceived by the public, is intertwined with the judges’ ability to examine “hard cases” in a neutral and objective manner, and to extricate the truth from the legal scenario before them by using their unique skills. This article’s proposition is to consider abandoning this definition, and define the judges’ role instead as “political players with unique skills”. This is based on the notion that all judges, as human beings, are raised in a certain cultural setting, therefore in a democratic state, they should express their political beliefs not as the lesser evil – but as an ideal.
My practical proposition is that judges who render a judicial decision in “hard cases” rather than refraining from deciding on sensitive and controversial social matters – should state the political opinions underlying their judgements, and minimize their use of vague and abstract terms, all without fearing the public’s reaction, and without compelling the public to suspect they are disguising their political views by way of obscure legal reasoning.

Examining the determinants of legislative success at the Philippine House of Representatives, this study shows empirically why continuous entrenchment by political families can be detrimental to political institutions. Using count regression models, the study analyzes the patterns of law production in the Philippine Lower House beginning from the opening of the first post-Marcos Congress (8th Congress) in 1987 to the adjournment of the 15th Congress in 2013. The study finds that successive terms in office facilitate the ability of legislators to engage in legislative activities but only up to a point. Neophyte legislators who have yet to gain a foothold in their districts appear to be more proactive in concretizing proposals into actual legislation, at least initially. Over time, when legislative districts have become family turfs, incumbents cease to invest in vote courting activities such as legislation, lending credence to the unhealthy effect of political persistence on accountability.

Acting on behalf of its foreign principal, Qatar National Fishing Co., Pan Asian Logistics and Trading, a domestic recruiting and placement agency, hired Adriano Urtesuela as captain of the vessel M/V Oryx for the stipulated period of twelve months. The required surety bond, in the amount of P50,000.00, was submitted by Pan Asian and Stronghold Insurance Co., Inc., the herein petitioner, to answer for the liabilities of the employer. After hearing, the Insurance Commission held that the complaint should be reformed because the provisions in the surety bond were not stipulations pour autrui to entitle Urtesuela to bring the suit himself. It held that the proper party was the POEA. This ruling was reversed and it was there declared that, as the actual beneficiary of the surety bond, Urtesuela was competent to sue Stronghold, which as surety was solidarily liable with Pan Asian for the judgment rendered against the latter by the POEA.

Qualifications, Disqualifications, Selection of the President, Senators, Members of the House of Representatives, Justices and Judges, Ombudsman, and Constitutional Commissions; Immunity of the President, privileges of Senators and Members of the House of Representatives

Melalui putusan nomor 117/PUU-VII/2009 Mahkamah Konstitusi menerapkan konsepsi keadilan Rawls yang menekankan kepada kesetaraan bagi semua orang dengan menerapkan fair equality of opportunity atau equal opportunity principle. Desain kelembagaan antara DPR dan DPD dilihat Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai sebuah inequality condition, sehingga dalam mencapai sebuah nilai keadilan equal opportunity principle harus didahulukan dan diprioritaskan. Penguatan DPD diperlukan untuk memperkuat mekanisme checks and balances di Indonesia.

Pasca berlakunya UU No. 12 Tahun 2011, Tap MPR dimasukkan kembali dalam hierarki peraturan perundang-undangan, yang menimbulkan permasalahan dalam konteks negara hukum Indonesia. Ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif. Saat ini jumlah Tap MPR tersisa hanya 6 ketetapan, sehingga re-eksistensi dan penempatan Tap MPR dalam hierarki adalah tidak relevan. Hierarki seharusnya dibuat dengan logika penyederhanaan dengan mengurangi nomenklatur produk. Tap MPR juga tidak seharusnya masuk dalam hierarki, terlebih di bawah UUD. Jika Tap MPR tetap ditempatkan di bawah UUD, maka perlu diadakan mekanisme pengujian Tap MPR, jika di kemudian hari terdapat kontradiksi dengan UUD atau pembatasan HAM, yang sejatinya tidak boleh dibatasi oleh Tap MPR.

Secara normatif politik hukum pengelolaan sumber daya alam di Indonesia sudah ditentukan dalam Pasal 33 ayat (2) dan (3) Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945., yang dimaksud sumber daya alam salah satunya adalah mineral dan batu bara (minerba).  Pasal 1 angka 1 Undang-Undang Minerba menjelaskan bahwa: “Pertambangan adalah sebagian atau seluruh tahapan kegiatan dalam rangka penelitian, pengelolaan dan pengusahaan mineral atau batubara yang meliputi penyelidikan umum, eksplorasi, studi kelayakan, konstruksi, penambangan, pengolahan dan pemurnian, pengangkutan dan penjualan, serta kegiatan pascatambang.” Hukum pertambangan mempunyai hubungan yang sangat erat dengan hukum lingkungan karena setiap usaha pertambangan khususnya pertambangan mineral dan batubara diwajibkan untuk memelihara kelangsungan daya dukung dan daya tampung lingkungan hidup . Hal tersebut dimaksudkan untuk menjamin agar supaya kelestarian fungsi lingkungan hidup dapat terjaga untuk kepentingan generasi mendatang (Pasal 1 angka 5 UU No.4 Tahun 2009 tentang mineral dan batu bara). Di dalam kegiatan penambangan tentunya dapat menimulkan dampak terhadap lingkungan, dampak tersebut berarti  terjadinya perubahan lingkungan yang disebabkan oleh kegiatan usaha eksploitasi baik perubahan sosial, ekonomi, budaya, kesehatan maupun lingkungan alam.

საქართველოს საკონსტიტუციო სასამართლომ 2015 წლიდან 2018 წლის ჩათვლით მარიხუანასთან დაკავშირებით 3 მთავარი და რამდენიმე მეორეხარისხოვანი საქმე გადაწყვიტა. პირობითად ამ საქმეებს (1) „დეპენალიზაციის“, (2) „დეკრიმინალიზაციისა“ და (3) „მოხმარების ლეგალიზაციის“ საქმეები ეწოდება.

მოკლედ აღვწერ თითოეულ მათგანს:

I გადაწყვეტილება: სასამართლომ დაადგინა, რომ 70 გრ.-მდე მარიხუანას პირადი მოხმარების მიზნით შეძენა-შენახვისთვის სასჯელის სახით თავისუფლების აღკვეთა არღვევდა ღირსების უფლებას;
II გადაწყვეტილება: სასამართლომ არაკონსტიტუციურად ცნო მარიხუანას მოხმარების გამო სისხლისსამართლებრივი მსჯავრდება. მან თქვა, რომ ეს თავისუფალი განვითარების უფლებას ეწინააღმდეგება.
III გადაწყვეტილება: სასამართლომ არაკონსტიტუციურად მიიჩნია მარიხუანას მოხმარების გამო ნებისმიერი ტიპის პასუხისმგებლობის დაკისრება. სასამართლომ აქაც თავისუფალი განვითარების უფლების დარღვევა დაადგინა.

This research reviews the characteristics of federalism and explores the possibility of it being used to create, in due course, a new XXI century Constitution, in keeping the political and economic development of the Philippines in this age of globalization. To achieve this objective, four federal constitutions operating in successful countries (three are G-8 members) were comparatively studied for similarities.  Federalism was created by the Americans at the Philadelphia Convention of 1787 better known as the Federal Convention.  It is being used by 24 countries spread across continents. This in itself is a justification to pursue a possible application to the Philippines, a country of dispersed inhabited islands, belonging to different regions and cultures but all united under one strong single national identity.  Based on comparative study, there are seven essential features of a federal political system: 1) Two levels of government existing in their own right under one constitution; 2) Central government directly elected by the electorate of the whole country, making laws and taxation applicable to all citizens; 3) Regional government units exercising constitutionally delegated powers over its members; 4) Allocation of sources of revenue between the two levels of government; 5) Written constitution as binding contract among regional units, and which cannot be amended unilaterally; 6) An umpire to rule on disputes; 7) Processes and institutions to facilitate intergovernmental interaction and coordination.  Federalism may be symmetric or asymmetric, centralized or decentralized.  However, Federalism facilitates devolution of legislative and administrative power, and de-concentration of economic powers while uniting the varied regional units.

Examining the determinants of legislative success at the Philippine House of Representatives, this study shows empirically why continuous entrenchment by political families can be detrimental to political institutions. Using count regression models, the study analyzes the patterns of law production in the Philippine Lower House beginning from the opening of the first post-Marcos Congress (8th Congress) in 1987 to the adjournment of the 15th Congress in 2013. The study finds that successive terms in office facilitate the ability of legislators to engage in legislative activities but only up to a point. Neophyte legislators who have yet to gain a foothold in their districts appear to be more proactive in concretizing proposals into actual legislation, at least initially. Over time, when legislative districts have become family turfs, incumbents cease to invest in vote courting activities such as legislation, lending credence to the unhealthy effect of political persistence on accountability.

Facts:  Before the Court is a petition for certiorari and prohibition filed by Romulo B. Macalintal, a member of the Philippine Bar, seeking a declaration that certain provisions of Republic Act No. 9189 (The Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003) suffer from constitutional infirmity. Claiming that he has actual and material legal interest in the subject matter of this case in seeing to it that public funds are properly and lawfully used and appropriated, petitioner filed the instant petition as a taxpayer and as a lawyer. The Court upholds the right of the petitioner to file the present petition.

Topic: Habeas Corpus Facts: "This is a case of disappeared persons" (desaparecidos). This was the opening plea filed six years ago by the late Senator Jose Wright Diokno as lead counsel on behalf of the parents of the two young persons Eduardo Dizon and Isabel Ramos.

The law Bar Examination in Political Science yield the studies. Particularly in the Bar exam is adequate  to answer if you are continuing your study to success, nothing is impossible if you enable to promise your dreams. This course is the highly  demanded undergraduate degree in law course where it still for pursuing aspiring lawyers. Mostly  the law school declared topnotchers obviously to  deserving people which sppked to eery one gives inspirational words that law students are very applicable to study hard and make them to finished it carefully without any doubtful from their answer.
Congress enacted a law to provide Filipinos, especially the poor and the marginalized, access and information to a full range of modern family planning methods, including contraceptives, intrauterine devices, injectibles, non-abortifacient hormonal contraceptives, and family planning products and supplies, but expressly prohibited abortion. To ensure its objectives, the law made it mandatory for health providers to provide information on the full range of modern family planning methods, supplies and services, for schools to provide reproductive health education, for non-governmental medical practitioners to render mandatory 48 on hours pro bono reproductive health services as a condition to Philhealth accreditation, and for couples desiring to marry attend a family planning seminar prior to issuance to a marriage license. It also punishes certain acts of refusal to carry out its mandates. The spouses Aguiluz, both Roman Catholics,

Politik hukum disebut dalam istilah yang berbeda-beda. Di belanda dikenal Politik hukum dengan istilah rechtspolitiek, di Inggris ada beberapa istilah, politics of law (politik hukum), legal policy (kebijakan hukum), politic of legislation (politik perundang-undangan), politics of legal product (politik yang tercermin pada produk-produk hukum) dan politic and law development (politik pembangunan hukum). Politik hukum HKI yang ingin dibangun adalah hukum harus berpijak pada prinsip mengabdi pada kepentingan bangsa, demi kemajuan negara dan memberikan kesejahteraan bagi rakyat. Perbandingan politik hukum Hak Kekayaan Intelektual masa Orde Baru dengan masa Reformasi dapat dilihat dari perhatian persoalan HKI yang lebih berfokuskan Hak Cipta. Dalam masa orde baru,  Hak Cipta menjadi prioritas. yang dikarena desakan Amerika Serikat dan Masyarakat Eropa pasca ditandatanganinya perjanjian bilateral mengenai perlindungan Hak Cipta. Sedangkan politik hukum hak kekayaan intelektual masa orde reformasi hanya melanjutkan politik hukum HKI pemerintahan orde baru dengan menyesuaikan Undang-Undang HKI dengan TRIPs Agreement.

Kata Kunci : Politik Hukum,  Hak Kekayaan Intelektual, Orde Baru, Reformasi

The purpose of the entire article is to engage in a thorough explanation and deep analysis of the opinions, whether majority, majority or dissenting, in the Rubi case, so as to provide some guidance to judges, who would be faced with a similar case involving the conflict between individual rights and public welfare. The role of Part One in this endeavor is to elucidate the various concepts of liberty presented in Justice Malcolm’s majority opinion in Rubi and to choose from among them that concept of liberty pertinent to the resolution of such cases. Not surprisingly, that concept is nothing but what I refer to as the welfare-limitation concept, which determines when the individual right to liberty may be validly constrained by the exercise of police power by the state. The elucidation of that concept will be conducted as a preparation for an explication of how the conflict between individual rights and public welfare is and ought to be resolved by the judiciary, as distinguished from the legislature, in deciding cases regarding the constitutionality of a law or of government action. This is the topic of Part Two. Part Three is about the explanation and analysis of the opinions in the Rubi case.

This research reviews the characteristics of federalism and explores the possibility of it being used to create, in due course, a new XXI century Constitution, in keeping the political and economic development of the Philippines in this age of globalization. To achieve this objective, four federal constitutions operating in successful countries (three are G-8 members) were comparatively studied for similarities.  Federalism was created by the Americans at the Philadelphia Convention of 1787 better known as the Federal Convention. It is being used by 24 countries spread across continents. This in itself is a justification to pursue a possible application to the Philippines, a country of dispersed inhabited islands, belonging to different regions and cultures but all united under one strong single national identity. Based on comparative study, there are seven essential features of a federal political system: 1) Two levels of government existing in their own right under one constitution; 2) Central government directly elected by the electorate of the whole country, making laws and taxation applicable to all citizens; 3) Regional government units exercising constitutionally delegated powers over its members; 4) Allocation of sources of revenue between the two levels of government; 5) Written constitution as binding contract among regional units, and which cannot be amended unilaterally; 6) An umpire to rule on disputes; 7) Processes and institutions to facilitate intergovernmental interaction and coordination.  Federalism may be symmetric or asymmetric, centralized or decentralized. However, Federalism facilitates devolution of legislative and administrative power, and de-concentration of economic powers while uniting the varied regional units.

Baru-baru ini saya melihat video kick andy yang membahas tentang peradilan sesat. Sempat saya meneteskan air mata melihat video ini. Sebagai warga negara dari suatu bangsa yang katanya beradab saya sadar bahwa ternyata keberadaban negara tersebut tidak sepenuhnya terrepresentasikan pada aparat penegak hukumnya. Dalam acara kick andy tersebut di

საარჩევნო სისტემა განსაზღვრავს მექანიზმს, რომელმაც უნდა დააბალანსოს პირდაპირ დემოკრატიაზე უარის თქმით გამოწვეული ნეგატიური შედეგები: მოქალაქეების დისტანცირება საერთოზე ზრუნვის საქმიდან და სხვადასხვა ტიპის ძალაუფლების მქონეთა მიერ სახელმწიფოს მიტაცების რისკი.

საარჩევნო სისტემა განსაზღვრავს, რა ლოგიკით გარდაისახება ჩვენი ხმები მანდატებში. რომ გავამარტივოთ, ორი ძირითადი ლოგიკა არსებობს: მაჟორიტარული და პროპორციული. ხშირად არასწორად მიიჩნევენ, რომ მათ შორის განმასხვავებელი ისაა, პარტიას აძლევ ხმას, თუ - ინდივიდს. სინამდვილეში, დიფერენციაციის კრიტერიუმი სხვაა. პროპორციონალიზმისგან განსხვავებით, სადაც ძალაუფლება მიღებული ხმების თანაზომიერად (პროპორციულად) ნაწილდება, მაჟორიტარიზმი გულისხმობს ხმების მანდატებში გარდასახვის ისეთ წესს, რომელშიც მეტი მხარდაჭერის მქონე საარჩევნო სუბიექტს ძალაუფლება სრულად მიაქვს. ეს სისტემა იმ მოქალაქეების ხმებს სათვალავში არ აგდებს, რომელთაც მხარდაჭერა არჩენებში მეორე და შემდეგ ადგილებზე გასული კანდიდატების სასარგებლოდ გამოხატეს. შედეგად, ეს ადამიანები და მათი ინტერესები წარმომადგენლის გარეშე რჩებიან და ინსტიტუციონალიზებულ პოლიტიკაში მათი ინტერესები აღარ ჟღერს.

საქართველოს პარლამენტი 2020 წლისთვის კვლავ შერეული წესით აირჩევა. მასში 73 მაჟორიტარული, ხოლო 77 პროპორციული წესით არჩეული დეპუტატი იქნება. ქვემოთ წარმოგიდგენთ არგუმენტებს, რომელიც, საქართველოს კონტექსტის გათვალისწინებით, აჩვენებს, რომ მოქმედი საარჩევნოს სისტემა უსამართლოა: ის არადემოკრატიულია, რადგან საზოგადოების ჯგუფებს შორის უთანასწორო საარჩევნო გარემოს ქმნის, მანკიერია, რადგან  საარჩევნო პროცესს ამახინჯებს და საფრთხის შემცველია ქვეყნის სტაბილური განვითარებისთვის.

According to the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters, adopted by the Venice Commission, the fundamental elements of electoral law should be closed to amendment less than one year before an election or be written in the constitution or at a level higher than ordinary law. Unfortunately the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and Electoral Code do not protect the stability of the law to a sufficient extent. Lack of restrictions caused in recent years the state of the affairs, where the electoral law have been frequently modified just before the elections, mainly because of the particular  interests of ruling party. However, in 2006 the Constitutional Tribunal referred positively to the suggestions of the Venice Commission and introduce to the legal system the principle of stability of electoral law, related to democratic rule of law. From this moment the essential elements of the electoral law must be adopted at least six months before the next election, understood not only as the act of voting, but as a whole the activities covered by the electoral calendar. This article tries to answer the question: how we should understood the term “fundamental elements of the electoral law” and how to calculate the six months period, during which any change of electoral law are prohibit. It will be taken into consideration also critical comments and questions that have emerged during the adjudicate the conformity of statutes by the judges of the Constitutional Tribunal.

Dubbed as the fourth branch or estate of the government, the power of the media in shaping the opinion of the general public cannot be underestimated. In fact, even the Philippine Constitution itself recognizes the great power which the media yields.

Sharing with you guys are the guide questions or pointers given to us by our professor in Constitutional Law I for our Final exam. This paper includes questions and answers, that covers Article 12 to 18 of the 1987 Constitution.

Disclaimer: The questions belongs to our professor and answers were lifted or research from the book of Father Joaquin Bernas and other credible jurisprudence sites. Also credits to my beloved wife for the other answers. Use it at your own will. =)