Qatar

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Fatty acid compositions of twelve algal species from two different classes were determined. Three Chlorophyta species (Acetabularia calyculus, Cladophora sericoides and Dictyosphaeria cavernosa) and nine Phaeophyta species (Colpomenia sinuosa, Cystoseria trinodis, Dictyota cervicornis, Hormophysa triquetra, Padina gymnospora, Sargassum binderi, S. boveanum, S. denticulatum and S. heteromorpha) were investigated. Thirty-four fatty acids were identified. Myristic, palmitic, oleic, linoleic, eicosodienic and lignoceric

Despite the fall of Afghanistan’s shaky republic  government, the conflict has not ended. The US pullout on August 31, 2021 marked the triumph of the Taliban. Yet new groups such the National Resistance Front, the  National Liberation Front and many others, including Islamic State of Khurasan, have emerged to challenge the Taliban. There is also internal conflict between the Taliban’s main factions and the Haqqani network. The global community has not yet recognized the Taliban for good reason. Peace and security are still a long way away.

Energy policies pursued in Norway Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre of Norway was welcomed with acknowledgment of his country's leadership in hydropower and electric vehicle (EV) adoption. The host commended Norway's goal to eliminate new internal combustion engine vehicle sales by 2025-ten years ahead of the most ambitious US state, even outpacing California. Norway's transition to a low-carbon future has long been underway.

This study provides an overview of the extent, nature and quality of reporting on mental health compared with physical health in Qatari newspapers. We analysed 1274 news reports from daily newspapers in Qatar. The majority of the articles provided general information and were either positive or neutral in tone, reporting purely on physical health matters. A small proportion made associations with violence or reported on suicide or substance use. Our results highlight the underrepresentation of mental health in Qatari newspapers. A collaboration between media and health professionals is recommended to improve reporting on mental health.

Hosting the FIFA World Cup was a pivotal moment for Qatar and the broader Arab region, attracting attention, tourism, and economic benefits. However, it also intensified global scrutiny of Qatar's labor laws that govern the lives of migrant workers. In response, Qatar implemented significant labor reforms to address criticisms and enhance the business environment. Despite these efforts, ongoing evaluation is crucial for assessing reforms' effectiveness. To understand public attitudes, a 2021 nationally-representative telephone survey targeted Qatari nationals and migrant workers. The survey explored how recent employment system changes affected their lives, perceptions, and attitudes. Findings reveal the potential for substantial change, driven partly by international pressure promoting reform. Continuous research and monitoring are vital for sustaining these changes and navigating challenges. This comprehensive approach is essential for grasping the intricate dynamics shaping Qatar's evolving socioeconomic landscape.

The current study sought to investigate the perceptions of school teachers regarding student absenteeism and presenteeism in the State of Qatar. Drawing on the existing relevant literature in the field and based on a survey research method, the study was carried out during the first term (Fall semester) in 2015. The study involved preparatory (middle) and secondary (high) school teachers at both public (Independent) and private (International) schools in Qatar. To attain this goal, a causal model was used to examine the causes that shape teachers’ perceptions of absenteeism and presenteeism. The data required for the present research was collected from a sample of 495 teachers at Independent and International schools. Based on factor analysis, the findings concluded from the study indicated that seven valid dimensions were extracted. In addition, three determinant factors that influence the perceptions of preparatory and secondary school teachers with regard to students’
absentee and presentee behaviours were identified. These factors are: (a) reviewing curriculum content, (b) the teaching load, and (c) the expected rate of student graduations. The study concludes by offering some important recommendations for education practitioners and policy makers as well as some useful suggestions for future research and practice.

The emergence of mass media in Qatar parallels the country’s rise in prosperity. Yet, traditional media outlets have not challenged government legislation and are not liberated from subordination to capital and advertisers. These factors mean that they perform a lesser role than social media in raising the ceiling of freedoms and providing space for those calling for political, economic, or social reforms. With the transformation of modern media technologies, the traditional media in Qatar are under considerable pressure to maintain their status among the public to compete with new media’s ability to report events instantly and facilitate direct audience interaction. New media now offers a broad range of ideas based on expression, dialogue, open discussion, the sharing of supportive and opposing views, and the dissemination of news and information. Despite this, there have been several obstacles and challenges that have hindered Qatar’s efforts to encourage the optimal use of these new communication platforms and applications.

This study aims to explor Qatari public perception of EHTERAZ, a compulsory government-backed contact tracing application, by performing a sentiment analysis of tweets pertaining to this app. Methods: The software NodeXL was used to conduct a social network analysis of 8061 tweets which were collected over the period of four weeks in May 2020. Further, we also conducted a sentiment and thematic analysis of the tweets using the MAXQDA software. Results: Our results revealed that EHTERAZ conversation resembled a community cluster network as we found multiple smaller groups around a few hubs. The results, also, confirmed non-Qatari foreign polarized crowds that attempted to diffuse fake news concerning the EHTERAZ app. The study found that Qatari individuals' sentiments towards EHTERAZ were mostly neutral then negative. Conclusion: Despite EHTERAZ was developed primarily to reduce the spread of COVID-19 virus, social network analysis of tweets revealed ethical, social, political and economic critical issues, including privacy concerns, foreign disinformation, and digital inequalities. Policy makers are strongly recommended to have a clear plan regarding combating foreign propaganda, disinformation, and fake news.

Objectives: A small country in the Arabian Peninsula, Qatar experienced rapid economic growth in the last three decades accompanied by major socio-demographic shifts towards a younger and more highly educated population. To date, no national epidemiological study has examined the prevalence, associated factors, or sequelae of mental disorders in Qatar's general population. Methods: The World Mental Health Qatar (WMHQ) is a national mental health needs assessment survey and is the first carried out in collaboration with the WMH Survey initiative to assess the prevalence and burden of psychiatric illnesses among the full Arabic speaking population (nationals and nonnationals) within the same country. Results: Standard translation and harmonization procedures were used to develop the WMHQ instrument. A survey quality control system with standard performance indicators was developed to ensure interviewer adherence to standard practices. A pilot study was then carried out just prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Endorsement from public health authorities and sequential revision of the interview schedule led to full survey completion (as opposed to partial completion) and good overall response rate. Conclusions: The WMHQ survey will provide timely and actionable information based on quality enhancement procedures put in place during the development and piloting of the study.

This paper presents an ongoing study of selected human occupations during the early Islamic period (seventh-tenth century) in the northwestern region of Qatar. Taking into account the excavations at Murwab and Yoghbi, which are our only stratigraphic references in Qatar for this period, this is an examination of the organization of the occupation of territories, from single isolated cells to larger complexes. Through the study of architecture and spatial organization we aim to complement the surface data that has been collected over the past decades, up to the high-resolution kite survey carried out in 2018 by Carter and Stremke (2021). In addition to the houses and villages for which we have a large sample both in excavation and in survey, we have focused on the study of a fort and large complexes whose interpretation and function remain to be defined.

Scholarship on Qatar is in general agreement that state-owned companies serve also as tools for Qatar to achieve its overall foreign policy objectives to brand the state and gain soft power. This article compares how Qatar Airways’ sponsorship agreements with three major European clubs –– Paris Saint-Germain FC (PSG), Bayern Munich, and FC Barcelona –– have been perceived. It examines the challenges Qatar faced in winning the hearts and minds of ordinary people like international football fans, who have concerns about Qatar’s domestic issues, and global elites, who are more concerned with geopolitics. This is particularly noticeable in the cases of Bayern Munich and Barcelona. Activism by Barcelona fans forced Qatar Airways to improve its crew member contracts by removing a ban on marriage and pregnancy, showing that activism can be highly effective when focused on specific issues. The least resistance towards Qatari sponsorship was in Paris: most PSG fans associate the club’s Qatari owners with success, in contrast to Barcelona and Bayern football clubs, which were already successful before their sponsorship contracts with Qatar Airways. This article concludes by arguing that it is important for Qatar’s state-run companies to openly engage with critics on controversial topics.

This introduction to the CIRS Special Issue on the goals and impact of Qatar’s World Cup sets out the aims of this new set of studies in the context of the existing literature on Qatar, small states in international politics, and the use of sports in development and soft power strategies. It signposts the different sections and summarizes the key insights. The issue explores the multifaceted implications of Qatar hosting the FIFA World Cup 2022, positioning it within the context of the country’s domestic development and global influence. The introduction highlights Qatar’s rise to global prominence despite its small size, emphasizing its strategic investments in LNG and its successful bid for the FIFA World Cup 2022, and draws attention to the way in which the 2022 World Cup challenged European dominance of the sport. It then offers a summary of the remaining ten articles in the issue. These are grouped into three thematic rubrics, all relating directly or indirectly to the 2022 World Cup: Qatar’s foreign policy, including the impact of the 2017–21 Gulf crisis and Qatar’s resilience in the face of challenges; the theme of Qatar’s soft power and branding efforts; and Qatar’s domestic politics and culture, including discussions on football fandom among citizens and migrant communities and Qatar’s alcohol policies during the World Cup. The introduction concludes by highlighting areas for future research, particularly focusing on women’s participation in sports and Qatar’s labor reforms.

The influx of unprecedented oil riches brought about an array of new styles, techniques, and expertise to Qatar in the 1950s and ‘60s. Given the drought of documentary evidence, analysing the materiality of buildings classified as Doha Deco may reveal otherwise partly or completely unknown information on the identity of the architects and artisans who created them. I shall introduce some of the key representatives of Doha Deco, highlight their recurrent structural and decorative elements, and thereby outline the genre’s classification. Similar to a palimpsest, the visual language of architecture may reveal virtually concealed data and, in this case, point to evident analogies with contemporary buildings in South Asia, inserting Qatar into a global phenomenon. Major cities such as Delhi, Mumbai, and Kolkata began bursting with Art Deco architecture in the 1930s, which soon spread to other areas and remained in fashion well into the ‘60s. Countless examples remain undocumented today. Yet, the substantial corpus reviewed as part of this project demonstrates a strong link with Doha, especially in terms of construction technique and decorative style. While the incoming architects or artisans facilitated novel forms of material expression for the local clientele, the indigenous culture also contributed to the artistic repertoire. In short, this paper will discuss an enigmatic chapter of Qatari architectural heritage within the cross-cultural context of the Indian Ocean.

Türkiye, coğrafi konumu itibarıyla farklı kültürler ve çıkarlarla etkileşim içinde olduğu bir dizi ülke ile komşu konumda bulunmaktadır. Bu çeşitlilik, zaman zaman ortaya çıkan sorunlara neden olmuştur. Kafkasya ve Ortadoğu'da yaşanan çatışmalar, Türkiye'nin bu olaylarla doğrudan ya da dolaylı olarak ilişkilendirilmesine yol açmıştır. Türkiye'nin merkezi konumu, çeşitli ülkelerle ilişkilerini çok yönlü bir şekilde geliştirmesine olanak sağlamıştır.
Stratejik konumu nedeniyle Türkiye, çözüm odaklı müdahalelere ve etki alanının genişlemesine yönelik yeni stratejiler benimsemiştir. Türkiye, çatışma potansiyeli taşıyan bölgelere müdahalede tek başına hareket etmek yerine NATO, BM, AGİT gibi uluslararası kuruluşlarla işbirliği yapmayı tercih etmiştir. Ayrıca, askeri güç bakımından bölge ülkelerine göre öne çıkması, Türkiye'yi birçok ülke ile askeri eğitim, barış için ortaklık programları, çok uluslu barış güçlerinin oluşturulması ve barışı destekleme operasyonlarında önemli bir aktör haline getirmiştir “(Öcal, 2010)”.
Ortadoğu'nun karmaşık ilişkileri ve bölgenin kırılgan yapısı, Türkiye'nin diğer devletlerden farklı politikalar izlemesini zorunlu kılmıştır. Türkiye'nin bölgedeki tarihi mirası, bölge halklarının Türkiye'ye olan sempatisi ve Osmanlı Devleti'nin devamı olarak algılanması, Türkiye'nin Ortadoğu politikasını şekillendiren önemli unsurlar arasında yer almaktadır. Son yıllarda yaşanan değişim, Türkiye'nin diplomasiye ek olarak askeri ilişkileri güçlendirme ve geçmiş hataları telafi etme çabasını içermektedir.
Türkiye'nin bölgedeki askeri ilişkilerine odaklandığımızda, Irak'taki askeri varlığının sadece PKK'ya karşı faaliyetlere yönelik olmadığı, aynı zamanda Türkiye'nin Irak üzerindeki etki gücünü korumaya yönelik stratejik bir hamle olduğu görülmektedir. Türkiye'nin Sünni ve Şii kesimler üzerindeki etkisi, bölgedeki nüfuzunu açıkça yansıtmaktadır. Ayrıca, Suriye'deki askeri üssü ile Türkiye, bölgedeki istikrarsızlığa karşı mücadele etme ve terörle mücadele operasyonlarına destek sağlama amacı gütmektedir. Suriye'deki üs, Türkiye'nin bölgesel güvenliği sağlama ve Suriye içindeki güvenlik durumuna müdahale etme çabalarını yansıtmaktadır. 1. Dünya Savaşı sonrasında Katar'daki askerlerini çekmesiyle bölgeden ayrılan Türkiye, bugün Katar'ın talebi üzerine Katar’da bir üsse sahiptir. Bu sayede hem Katar’ın güvenliğinde önemli bir unsur olmuş hem de Katar ile ilişkilerini stratejik bir düzeye taşımıştır. Bu, Türkiye'nin bölgedeki etkisini güçlendiren bir adımdır. Lübnan'da BM Lübnan Geçici Görev Gücü'nde yer alan tek Müslüman askeri birlik Türk birliği olarak, Türkiye'nin barış ve düzenin korunmasına yönelik katkısı, bölgeye verdiği önemi göstermektedir ve bu durum, bölge halkı arasında olumlu bir algı yaratmıştır “(Doğan, 2016)”.
Bulunan bu üsler, Türkiye'nin bölgedeki rolünü güçlendirmekte ve ulusal güvenlik çıkarlarını koruma noktasında önemli bir faktör haline gelmektedir.

The Qatar crisis or blockade presents the sorts of questions Foreign Policy Analysis would seem well suited to help answer. The most obvious derives from the extent to which the blockading countries' approach, in its sudden, far-reaching and seemingly impetuous nature, appeared to diverge in key respects from past foreign policy patterns in the Gulf. AT the same time, the case study may illuminate aspects of this sub-discipline of International Relations.

This paper examines the interdependence between the Gulf states and the Indo-Pacific in the context of the global energy transition away- from a fossil-based energy system. Instead of ending this energy interdependence, we argue that the energy presents opportunities for the Gulf states to transition, address, and manage energy governance issues with the Indo-Pacific. Applying a framework with four stylized choices comprising rule-breaking, taking, promoting, and shaping, we find evidence that the Gulf states have evolved away from binary choices of rejecting or accepting the rules of global energy governance. Instead, some of them are becoming more adept at rule promoting and rule shaping, which, respectively, strengthen and contest but do not undo the energy transition status quo.

In a surprising turn of events, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Russian government are reportedly on the brink of signing a major military and economic agreement. The deal, which would purportedly give Russia a naval logistical support facility on the Red Sea in return for supplying the Sudanese government with weapons and ammunition, was confirmed by Lt. Gen. Yasir al-Atta, assistant commander-in-chief of the SAF, in an interview with Alhadath TV in late May.

Many experts believe that the move is a message to the West and a clear sign of the SAF’s disappointment that the United States and its allies have not stopped external actors from providing military and economic support to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, its opponent in Sudan’s civil war.

The Russia-Sudan deal has reportedly been in the works since February 2023 but was hindered by the outbreak of civil war in the country, as Russia has been seeking to forge closer political ties with African countries that have been hard hit by European Union and US sanctions. The rift between the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar over Sudan’s civil war, combined with the ongoing Red Sea crisis, has prevented them from responding effectively to the Houthis’ attacks on commercial shipping and given Russia an opening to assert its strength and make the Red Sea “red” again.

David Lammy's policy of "progressive realism" will meet its match in Afghanistan. The progressive element should focus on women's rights. The realist strand would major on terrorism. The question is whether the Taliban will offer sufficient flexibility to justify a perceived betrayal of core principles.

The central question is whether engagement can extract sufficient benefits to be worth the risk of being credibly accused of selling out fundamental women’s rights. On the other hand there is no point in pretending the Taliban do not exist. So Lammy should proceed but with extreme caution. If he gives too much in return for too little, he will become the latest of many generations of UK politicians to underestimate the political dangers of Afghanistan. The probability is that any hopes of genuine change will ultimately perish on the rocks of the Amir’s theocratic obduracy.

Over the past two decades, the Chinese language has emerged as a global language. Gulf Cooperation Council countries, such as Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, have integrated Chinese language into their educational systems and established Confucius Institutes to promote Chinese language and culture. In Qatar, interest in Chinese language education has risen, though not as pronounced as its neighbouring countries. This article, grounded in a Critical Cultural Political Economy of Education (CCPEE) approach, provides a comprehensive overview of Chinese language and education policy in Qatar, utilising a mix of primary and secondary sources, and insights from the second author’s role as a Chinese language coordinator in Qatar. The article examines cultural, political, and economic aspects related to Qatar-China ties and the Chinese community in Qatar, the role of China during the World Cup, Chinese language in the linguistic landscape, Chinese language education policies, and the state of a Confucius Institute in Qatar. Finally, it offers some implications in terms of the future of Chinese language education in the country and some fruitful directions for further research.

Horticultural Expos are second-tier expositions sanctioned by the Bureau International Des Expositions (BIE) and the latest event was held in Doha, Qatar from October 2023 to March 2024. Organized around the theme of “Green Desert, Better Environment,” Expo 2023 included pavilions from about 80 countries and organizations, and aimed to entice 3 million visitors to Qatar. Although Horticultural Expos are smaller and receive less attention than top-tier World’s Fairs, they are nonetheless important sites for host countries to engage in cultural diplomacy. Drawing from an event ethnography at the Expo in December 2023, this article shows how the Qatari hosts adapted nationalist scripts about the desert and local identity – to cement the state-led storyline that Qatar is committed to a sustainable and globally-engaged path to future development – in crafting its cultural diplomacy discourse for the event. Though cultural diplomacy works differently at second-tier global events, the case of Qatar’s Expo 2023 still has concrete effects that must be understood and evaluated on their own terms.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to determine arsenic, cadmium and lead contents of rice imports and to estimate their impact on these heavy metal intakes in Qatar. Design/methodology/approach In total, 30 rice samples imported from various countries (Vietnam, Thailand, India, Pakistan, the USA, Australia, the UK and Lebanon) were analyzed for arsenic, cadmium and lead contents with plasma optical spectrometer. These heavy metal intakes from rice were estimated for Qatar population based on the per capita consumption of rice as per 2018 rice consumption data. Findings In all rice samples, mean concentrations of arsenic, cadmium and lead were 1.11 mg/kg, 19.7 µg/kg and 131.3 µg/kg, respectively. Average arsenic, cadmium and lead contents were the highest in rice imported from Thailand (1.25 mg/kg), Vietnam (30 µg/kg) and India (178.3 µg/kg), respectively. Estimated arsenic, cadmium and lead intakes through rice consumption by Qatari population were 225.7, 4 and 26.7 µg/day, respe...

This research focuses on consumer behavior in Qatar and the individual social responsibility in support of environment. The research also describes the role of social media and CSR in promoting awareness campaigns and how effective they are in changing conceptions and behavior. This is measured by focusing on standards, emotions and actions of individuals and how they are affected by CSR campaigns launched by corporations and public sectors.The study measures the uses and impact of new media technology such as mobile applications and social media in achieving the environment pillar of Qatar vision 2030 in addition to designing effective CSR campaign. The Trans theoretical Model of behavior change, by Prochaska and DiClemente (1983) will be examined through a quantitative analysis on social media users.

Objectives: To determine the effect of herbal medicine therapy on decreasing of IgG anti-TORCH and comparison of the effectiveness of herbal therapy based on IgG titer group. Design: Experimental Study with Pre-Post Study Design Setting: The study was conducted at the Clinic of Aquatreat Therapy Indonesia Yogyakarta. Procedure: 255 subjects diagnosed with TORCH infection, were divided into three groups, each group was given with same treatment method using herbal medicine which Curcuma mango (White Turmeric), Catharanthus roseus (Rose Periwinkle), Phaleria macrocopra (Gods Crown), Curcuma longa (Turmeric), and Morinda sp. (Noni). Result: The result showed that there was significant in Cytomegalovirus (CMV) groups of pre and post test to decreases of IgG titers in patients with CMV with the value of asymp. Sig (2-tailed) <0.00. Conclusion: Herbal medicine therapy at Klinik Aquatreat Therapy Indonesia was effective to reduce the titer of IgG of TORCH patients within 3 months. The r...

İsrail saldırılarının bu korkunç bilançosuna rağmen, henüz Gazze’deki yangını söndürecek bir inisiyatif geliştirilememiştir. Uluslararası kuruluşların etkisiz kaldığı, uluslararası mahkemelerin bir türlü gerekli kararları alamadığı ve küresel güçlerin ise konuyu kendi çıkarları çerçevesinde ele alıp; katliamlara sağır ve dilsiz kaldığı Gazze’deki durumun yakın zamanda düzelmesi de beklenmiyor.
Buna rağmen hem çatışmanın tarafı olan aktörlerde yaşanan gelişmeler hem de bazı bölgesel ve küresel aktörlerin Gazze’nin geleceğine yönelik ortaya koymuş olduğu çabalar ve niyet beyanlarını da göz önünde bulundurarak, Gazze’nin akıbetine yönelik bazı çıkarımlarda bulunmak mümkün gözükmektedir.
Bu çalışmada, öncelikle Filistin ve İsrail zaviyesinden başlamak üzere, muhtemel bir ateşkes sürecinde yer alan ABD, Mısır ve Katar ile dolaylı olarak sürece müdahil olan Türkiye ve İran gibi aktörlerin yanı sıra AB ve BM gibi iki uluslararası kuruluşun Gazze’nin akıbetine yönelik perspektifleri de sergilenmeye çalışılacaktır.

The argument pursued in this study contends that the economic factor played a crucial role in determining the social formation of Kuwait and its subsequent political structure during 1896-1946. It is based on the belief that the social relations, which existed among the Kuwaiti people during that period, were greatly affected by the mode of production and its resultant relations of production in the pre-oil era. This study, therefore, presupposes that the mode of production, its specific divisions of labour, patterns of ownership and relations of production significantly influenced the general development of the Kuwaiti social and political structures. Thus, it intends to investigate the nature of the prevalent modes of production, and to find out to what extent the demand to meet individual and social needs in the predominant modes of production in Kuwait determined the organization of production, propelled the development of the means of production, and thereby influenced social r...

Gulf states. These players watched from the sidelines as Somalia's political situation spiraled downward from 2017 to 2022 under President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, known as Farmaajo, ultimately resulting in violence in the lead-up to and impasse around the presidential elections. Farmaajo's presidency caused frustration and donor fatigue among foreign powers, although they did little to address the issue beyond making empty threats. Meanwhile, the lack of coordination among