Qatar

In Katar haben 16 Teams um den Arab Cup gespielt, ein Testturnier für die Fußball-WM in einem Jahr. Am Ende gewann Algerien den Titel. Seit langem verspricht Katar eine WM für die ganze arabische Welt. Doch hinter der Fassade möchte sich das Emirat als Regionalmacht etablieren.

We determined the knowledge of, attitude to and practice of contraception and the associated sociodemographic factors among a representative sample 1130 Qatari married women aged 18-49 years. Data were collected by questionnaire. The mean age of the women was 32.5 (SD 7.6) years. The vast majority (94.6%) knew about contraception but of these 1070, only 694 (64.9%) were in favour of contraception. Knowledge of contraception increased with increasing level of education (P < 0.001), but decreased the lower the household income (P = 0.002). Only 511 (47.8%) women were currently using contraceptives, which was significantly associated with age, husband's age, years of marriage, education level, income level and attitude to family planning. The most commonly known and used contraceptives were intrauterine device and pills. Friends were the most common source of knowledge about family planning method (80.0%).

Amidst the reinvigoration of the discourse on national identity in Qatar since mid-1990s, the governments of neighboring countries, such as Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, announced the cessation of diplomatic relations and the stoppage of any exchange with Doha in June, 2017. Since then, the “blockade on Qatar” has become a fact in the public imaginary in Qatar as it operates as an important event around which time is organized. Thus, rather than an externally imposed political event that triggered an automatic reaction from the affected parties, the blockade has been creatively integrated into ongoing imaginaries about the nation, which turns its meaning into a matter of political contestation. Drawing on the field of memory studies and, more specifically, on the literature about the national politics of collective memory, this chapter looks at the process through which a series of diverse, and sometimes even diverging, actions are constantly put together in order to assemble “the blockade on Qatar” as a single, compact and self-evident event that never took place nonetheless. In other words, rather than looking at how the blockade produced nationalism, this chapter looks at how nationalism produced the blockade.

Objectives: The aim of this study was to investigate the prevalence of erectile dysfunction, its severity, and other sexual function domains in hypertensive and normotensive Qatari's men and to estimate the association between hypertension and predictors of erectile dysfunction. Material and methods: A matched case-control study was conducted at the primary health care clinics during a period from May to October 2006. Four hundred twenty-five hypertensive patients and 425 age-matched normotensive attendants of primary health care clinics, aged 30-75 years, were approached for the study. Of them, 296 hypertensive participants (74%) and 298 normotensive men (70.1%) gave their consent to participate in it. The mean age of the hypertensive participants was 54.8+/-11.5 years as compared to nonhypertensive participants with a mean age of 54.5+/-12.1 years. Face-to-face interviews were based on a questionnaire that included variables on age, sociodemographic status, educational level, occupation, cigarette smoking, and blood pressure. Hypertension was defined as mild for systolic blood pressure (SBP) 120-139 mmHg and diastolic blood pressure (DBP) 80-89 mmHg; moderate for SBP 140-159 mmHg and DBP 90-99 mmHg; and severe for SBP >160 mmHg and DBP >100 mmHg. All patients completed a detailed questionnaire addressing their general medical history, with special emphasis on hypertension (i.e., duration of hypertension, type of treatment, and presence of any complications). Sexual function was evaluated with the International Index of Erectile Function (IIEF). Results: Of the 296 hypertensive patients, 196 participants reported erectile dysfunction (66.2%), while among the 298 nonhypertensive participants, only 71 had erectile dysfunction (23.8%). Of the hypertensive participants studied, 25% had severe, 29.1% had moderate, and 12.1% had mild erectile dysfunction. The percentages of various sexual activity domains were highly significant and at higher risk among hypertensive patients than normotensive men (P<0.001). Frequency and severity of erectile dysfunction increased with advancing age. Conclusions: Our results have shown that the prevalence of erectile dysfunction was significantly higher in Qatari hypertensive men than in normotensive men. Age, level of education, diabetes mellitus, occupation, and duration of hypertension were considered statistically significant predictors of erectile dysfunction. Erectile dysfunction was more common in hypertensive individuals receiving antihypertensive treatment.

We surveyed the incidence of congenital heart disease in 49 887 native live born children in the period between 1984 to 1994 in Qatar. Each child with clinically suspected congenital heart disease underwent echocardiographic examination. Magnetic resonance imaging, cardiac catheterization and surgical intervention were done at the discretion of the patient&#39;s pediatric cardiologist. Virtually no postmortem examinations were performed. Children with

Bacterial meningitis is a common medical condition in Qatar. The aim of this study was to describe the clinical characteristics of bacterial meningitis, the frequency of each pathogen, and its sensitivity to antibiotics and risk factors for death. This retrospective study was conducted at Hamad General Hospital between January 1, 2009, and December 31, 2013. We identified 117 episodes of acute bacterial meningitis in 110 patients. Their mean age was 26.4 ± 22.3 years (range: 2-74) and 81 (69.2%) of them were male patients. Fifty-nine episodes (50.4%) were community-acquired infection and fever was the most frequent symptom (94%), whereas neurosurgery is the most common underlying condition. Coagulase-negative staphylococci were the most common causative agent, of which 95% were oxacillin-resistant, while 63.3% of Acinetobacter spp. showed resistance to meropenem. The in-hospital mortality was 14 (12%). Only the presence of underlying diseases, hypotension, and inappropriate treatmen...

BACKGROUND Alcohol consumption is a high-risk factor for several medical disorders and traffic accidents and poses a burden on outpatient clinics and emergency units. We aimed to assess the pattern of alcohol screening among patients in a multicultural setting in a national referral hospital in an Arab Middle-Eastern country. MATERIAL AND METHODS A retrospective analysis was conducted for patients who were screened with blood alcohol concentration (BAC) in the Emergency Department (ED) in the period from January 2009 to December 2012. BAC positive and negative patients were compared, and BAC positive patients were classified into mmol/L (Group 1: BAC 0.1-10.8 (less intoxicated); Group 2: BAC 10.9-21.7 (intoxicated), and Group 3: &gt;21.7 mmol/L (intoxicated at CNS depression level). RESULTS A total of 9417 patient visits were screened for BAC during the study period (an average of 4.87 per 1000 ED visits); 38% of these tested positive. Most screened persons were males (97%) with a m...

The aim of this study was to determine the rate of compli-cations in percutaneous nephrostomy (PCN) and nephro-lithotomy (PCNL) performed through the 11th and 10th intercostal spaces using our monitoring technique and to discuss the safety of the procedure. Out of 398 ...

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Cigarette smoking is one of the major preventable causes of death and diseases in Qatar. The study objective was to test the effect of a structured smoking cessation program delivered by trained pharmacists on smoking cessation rates in Qatar. A prospective randomized controlled trial was conducted in eight ambulatory pharmacies in Qatar. Eligible participants were smokers 18 years and older who smoked one or more cigarettes daily for 7 days, were motivated to quit, able to communicate in Arabic or English, and attend the program sessions. Intervention group participants met with the pharmacists four times at 2 to 4 week intervals. Participants in the control group received unstructured brief smoking cessation counseling. The primary study outcome was self-reported continuous abstinence at 12 months. Analysis was made utilizing data from only those who responded and also using intent-to-treat principle. A multinomial logistic regression model was fitted to assess the predictors of s...

Background There are increasing concerns about clinically significant interactions between proton pump inhibitors (PPIs) and clopidogrel, resulting in adverse cardiovascular outcomes in patients with acute coronary syndromes (ACS). However, published evidence on the prevalence and predictors of PPI use with dual antiplatelet therapy (DAPT) is scarce. Objective This study investigated the prevalence of PPI use among patients with ACS receiving DAPT and possible predictors of co-prescribing the PPIs with the DAPT. Setting Heart Hospital, a specialized tertiary care center in Qatar. Methodology A retrospective observational study of a prescription database was conducted. Subjects included 626 patients admitted between January and December 2012 with the diagnosis of ACS who received DAPT and discharged with or without a PPI. Univariate analysis and multivariate binary logistic regression analysis were performed to determine the predictors of PPI-DAPT co-prescription. Main outcome measur...

The digital revolution has impacted all aspects of our lives. For governments agencies ICT can improve inter-department business, as well as deepen relationships with businesses and citizens. It can do this by enhancing and streamlining service delivery, creating a more informed and active citizenry and making government more accountable, transparent and effective. This paper explores how the six countries in the Gulf Co-operation Council (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) have responded to this opportunity and challenges, and how they will need to react to emerging technological trends if they are to maintain the momentum and potential afforded by e-Government. Given the pace of technology-related changes, this chapter encompasses academic literature, industry perspectives, and news reports to tell this emerging story.

Michael Quentin Morton
Nov 3, 2020 / James M. Dorsey

Masters of the Pearl
A History of Qatar

REAKTION BOOKS 2020

History is not the first thing that comes to mind when one thinks of young, energy-rich monarchies of the Gulf that often punch above their weight in geopolitics and geoeconomics. Yet, that is the rich, mostly unknown story of Qatar that Michael Quentin Morton tells in his book, Masters of the Pearl: A History of Qatar (Reaktion Books, 2020).

It is a story that sheds light on a country that is ruled by an autocratic family that has wielded power for centuries and that frequently dominates headlines with its grand and often controversial ambitions, including its hosting of the 2022 World Cup, as well as its predicaments, controversies, and idiosyncrasies. Morton, author of nine books on the Gulf and oil, brings an understanding of Qatari history to the table based on extensive research and the fact that he lived as a young age in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates where his father worked as a geologist.

Morton puts into perspective Qatar’s differences with Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and the UAE that exploded in 2017 with the imposition of a diplomatic and economic boycott that its detractors unsuccessfully hoped would force Qatar to fall into line with their designs for the Gulf and the Middle East at large. Morton draws the reader in by weaving a well-written tale of tribal intrigue, regional and historic animosities, and big power rivalry.

It is a history that on the one hand illustrates the forces that have shaped Qatar and other Gulf states and on the other describes how much the region has and is changing as the result of economic and social development and wealth garnered from oil and gas. Masters of the Pearl constitutes a critical, yet compassionate contribution to an understanding of a small state that manages to punch above its weight and the stormy winds that attracts.

Click here to listen to the podcast
________________________________________
Dr. James M. Dorsey is an award-winning journalist, senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore and the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute, and the author of the syndicated column and blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer

Nous proposons d’analyser le phénomène Al-Jazira,
depuis son apparition en 1996. Cette chaîne, qui a été un sujet de controverses dans le monde arabe et au-delà, est mondialement connue depuis la guerre en Afghanistan et les événements du 11 septembre 2001. L’impossibilité des médias internationaux d’assurer une couverture impartiale d’événements – tels le conflit israélo-palestinien ou la guerre en Irak – a eu pour conséquence la progression de la pratique journalistique atypique d’Al-Jazira. Un espace public est né pour un public arabe sans voix, espace qui facilite le débat pan-arabe sur des sujets en rapport avec la région. Il faut savoir qu’après des décennies de censures, médias gouvernementaux et hommes politiques arabes ont subi d’énormes pressions pour permettre l’expression
d’opinions divergentes. Toutefois, l’indépendance relative de la chaîne est à appréhender selon le rôle qu’elle joue auprès du gouvernement du Qatar, autant que selon sa situation économique.

Mots clés. — Médias arabes, incrustation, expression libre, sphère
publique, public arabe, opinion publique.

The intersection of two significant trends are affecting the regional dynamics of the Horn of Africa: the political transition underway in Ethiopia since 2018 and evolving Red Sea and Gulf security dynamics. Ethiopia’s transition has affected its relations in the Horn of Africa and the broader Red Sea region. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have taken a much more assertive approach to regional security since 2015, contributing to a major diplomatic rift with Qatar since 2017. Elucidating how states in the Horn of Africa are affected by and responding to external influences largely hinges on understanding the Ethiopian transition. The implications for the future of regional integration in the Horn of Africa must also be considered.

'Travelling' Englishes and neo-liberal ideologies and policies to Qatar have implications for perceptions towards languages other than English, in particular Qatar's migrant languages. The current spotlight on the West and English in Qatar, often viewed in juxtaposition to Arabic, and in competition with it, has led to other languages that play an important role in the society and are part of the linguistic ecology of the region, being ignored. While the capital, status and position of these languages is variable, Qatar has chosen to favour English, leaving multilingualism and linguistic diversity off the agenda. This study examines Qatari students' perceptions about learning migrant languages in Qatar vis-à-vis English and looks at how the mobility of Englishes has in some ways generated further inequalities in Qatar, especially regarding knowledge and appreciation of its migrant languages. Important implications of these findings are discussed in terms of the interface of the impact of travelling Englishes with Qatar's growing linguistic diversity and trajectories related to language planning and policy, as well as Qatar's national identity and visions.

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The concepts of diversity and inclusion have great cultural power in American society right now.  Among their proponents, however, there is a failure to recognize these concepts as part of a paradigm indelibly intertwined with American culture and history. While many academics have been longstanding critics of American imperialism, both past and present, many contemporary anthropologists fail to recognize the imperial footprint of the ideas and values that course through that paradigm’s uniquely Americanist premises. This essay examines the historical source of this diversity paradigm and seeks to describe its imperialist practices, specifically through an analysis of the export of the social prism that distills these premises to the wealthy Arab state of Qatar and the narratives woven into its new slavery museum.

The first two pages are included here. The full version is free and online here: https://areomagazine.com/2019/09/10/imperial-diversity/

This paper discusses how Turkey’s bilateral relations with Saudi Arabia and Qatar have changed after the Arab Spring erupted and assesses how the Syrian conflict affected them. The paper argues that Turkey had developed excellent relations with Saudi Arabia and Qatar in the 2000s, but eventually fell out with Saudi Arabia and strengthened its relations with Qatar as the Arab Spring unfolded. The Syrian conflict, in which the three countries colluded to overthrow the Assad regime, has alleviated the deleterious impact of the differences between Saudi Arabia and Turkey on the bilateral relations or, to put it in another way, slowed down the deterioration of Turkey-Saudi Arabia relations. The paper also argues that the geopolitical landscape that pushed Turkey and Saudi Arabia apart also pushed Turkey and Qatar closer.

The conference “Neolithic of Arabia: new results and perspectives” is the Third International Conference on the Archaeology of the Arabian Peninsula in Kuwait, yearly organized by the National Council for Culture, Arts and Letters (NCCAL) and the French Centre for Archaeology and Social Sciences (CEFAS). This project also involves Kuwait University, especially through the investment of its Department of Anthropology. This conference is a continuation of the excellent cooperation between the CEFAS and the NCCAL, which led us to conjointly organize the first two conferences and to strengthen the key role that Kuwait is intended to play in the coordination and impulse of a vast archaeological network.
This conference is organized by Dr. Sultan Al-Duwaish (NCCAL), Dr. Hasan Ashkanani (Kuwait University), and Dr. Rémy Crassard (CEFAS). In 2018, the conference is held at the National Museum of Kuwait between November 20 and 22.

Bei den Asienmeisterschaften steht ein Team besonders im Fokus: Katar, Gastgeber der WM 2022. Die Mannschaft trifft in der Vorrunde auf Saudi-Arabien. Der übermächtige Nachbar hatte gegen Doha eine Blockade verhängt. Doch Katar hat seine Sicherheitspolitik angepasst – ein wichtiges Element dabei ist der Fußball.

Afghan Taliban is one of the richest insurgent groups in the world.
Its annual income from 2011 onwards was estimated to be $400m.
But it is believed to have significantly increased & could be as high as $1.5bn.
What are its local and foreign sources of income?
How is the group running a sophisticated financial network and taxation system to pay for insurgent operations?

The dispute that erupted in 2017 between the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has been the gravest crisis in the history of the institution. In the last fifteen months, the rupture between the GCC states was consolidated and became a lasting reality to which each regional and global power must accommodate its strategy.

In the wake of the events of 9/11 there has emerged a now significant body of literature that seeks to account for the resurgence of religion in international relations. Insofar as this literature typically focuses on particular religious traditions, however, a critical blind spot has developed whereby the contemporaneous proliferation of transnational interfaith initiatives - that necessarily rely on the collaborative efforts of two or more religious traditions - has often been overlooked. This special issue highlights this oversight and explores the role of interfaith actors, organizations and initiatives in the broader narrative of the ‘return’ of religion in international relations.

The Trump Administration has withdrawn the United States of America (USA) from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and announced the reinstating of sanctions on Iran. The Permanent Five Plus One (P5+1) has consequentially been reduced to four permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) – China, France, Russia, and the United Kingdom (UK) plus Germany (P4+1) – which are still presently engaged in a deal with Iran regarding its nuclear program. International reactions to the USA withdrawal from the JCPOA have ranged from support to disapproval. Regardless, Iran still maintains significant regional influence and tensions in the Middle East have flared. The provocative withdrawal enacted by the Trump Administration additionally contributes to further strengthening the current Iranian regime and simultaneously encourages the Iran to look East for business ventures, thereby facilitating Asianization.

In his effort to improve Saudi Arabia’s badly tarnished image and project the kingdom as embracing an unidentified form of moderate Islam, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has hinted that he envisions a conservative rather than an ultra-conservative society, but not one in which citizens are fully free to make personal, let alone political choices of their own.

D epuis quelques jours, la tension est montée d'un cran au sein même des pays du Conseil de Coopération du Golfe : Arabie saoudite, Bahreïn, Émirats arabes unis, plus l'Égypte ont décidé de bannir le Qatar de leurs relations diplomatiques, quelques semaines après la visite du président américain Trump. L'Arabie saoudite, porte-parole et porte-étendard de la « cause » des musul-mans sunnites, est devenue depuis les années 1980, à la fois un problème sécuri-taire et un « allié » problématique des Occidentaux. Les origines du deal américano-saoudien sont anciennes, puisque c'est depuis 1945 que la relation entre Riyad et les États-Unis est réglée par un accord stratégique, politique et militaire, le Pacte du Quincy. L'alignement irréfléchi de Donald Trump sur le coup de force saoudien démontre les méfaits d'une alliance quasi inconditionnelle. Un Qatar intégré Dans le contexte des négociations nucléaires avec l'Iran, l'ancien président Obama s'était rendu en Arabie saoudite en avril 2016 quelques mois avant la fin de son mandat. L'objectif était clair : rassurer les Sunnites. En effet, c'est Obama qui avait voulu la signature du fameux accord sur le nucléaire civil avec l'Iran du 14 juillet 2015, apaisant les Chiites longtemps considérés comme les moutons noirs de la région. La France n'a jamais été en reste dans son rapprochement avec certains des pays du Golfe : la coopération historique France-Qatar est en réalité très ancienne. Et elle couvre à la fois la culture, le domaine scientifique, la sécurité et le champ militaire. Longtemps le vent en poupe, Doha avait intégré l'OMF (Organisation mondiale de la Francophonie), introduit le français dans une partie de ses programmes éducatifs comme langue d'enseignement. Depuis 1996, la coopération militaire entre le Qatar et la France n'a eu de cesse de croître également : collaboration des forces de sécurité qataries avec la gendarmerie française, alter-nance de l'organisation du Salon mondial de la sécurité des États Milipol entre Doha et Paris inaugurés jusque 2015 par les plus hauts dirigeants des deux pays. En 2011, l'engagement à la fois des aviateurs français et qataris lors des opérations en Libye avait marqué une nouvelle étape entre les deux pays. Enfin, la signature www.defnat.fr-15 juin 2017

A multi-domed, sand-coloured, architectural marvel, Doha's biggest and national mosque, symbolizes Qatar's complex and troubled relationship with Saudi Arabia. Its naming six years ago after an eighteenth century Islamic scholar, Mohammed Ibn Abdul Wahhab, the founder of one of Islam's most puritan strands, raised eyebrows, sparked controversy, and has since become an episode in the latest Gulf crisis.

Tento článek se zaměřuje na Katar a jeho veřejnou diplomacii. Katar, monarchie ležící v Perském zálivu, která naprostou většinu svých příjmů získává z ropného bohatství, využívá jako velmi užitečný nástroj diplomacie pořádání různých sportovních akcí. Organizace světového šampionátu v kopané v roce 2022 je nyní největším úspěchem katarské veřejné diplomacie. Nicméně tato událost je pouze jednou z mnoha podobných aktivit Kataru, které by společně s dalšími nástroji veřejné diplomacie měly vést ke zlepšení katarského obrazu v regionu a v mezinárodním společenství obecně.

This article looks at the argument that Qatar is the most stable of the Gulf states and the region's leader in higher education, hence the July 2017 diplomatic crisis will have a severe effect on the entire region. It concludes that while Qatar has a high number of international campuses, student numbers are low, and that particularly in recent statistics the UAE has taken the lead.

Katar ve Katar bağlantılı gelişmeler dünya gündemindeki yerine korumaya oldukça kararlı. İki  gün önce İsrail İletişim Bakanı Kara, 6 Ağustos'ta yaptığı açıklamada, "İsrail'e karşı tahrik içerikli yayın yaptığı" gerekçesiyle  Katar merkezli Al Jazeera televizyonunun  Kudüs ofisinin kapatılacağını duyurmuştu. Kara, televizyonun kapatılma tarihine değinmeksizin  İsrail'in "Al Jazeera'nın ofislerini kapatan Arap ülkelerinin kararını" takip ettiğini belirtmişti.’Bugün de ( 8 Ağustos 2017) İsrail'in  Al Jazeera televizyonunun  Kudüs ofisini kapatma kararı,  Gazze Şeridi'nde protesto edildi. Hamas'a bağlı  Hükümet Enformasyon Ofisi tarafından düzenlenen gösteriye onlarca basın mensubu katıldı. Al Jazeera televizyonunun  Gazze'deki ofisi önünde bir araya gelen Filistinliler, "Al Jazeera ile dayanışma içindeyiz", "Gazeteci olmak suç değildir" yazılı dövizler taşıdı. Hükümet Enformasyon Ofisi Müdürü Selame Maruf yaptığı konuşmada, "basın özgürlüğüne ve Al Jazeera kanalına destek vermek için" burada olduklarını söyledi.

Bir diğer gelişme, bugün itibarıyla (8 Agustos 2017) Türkiye ve Katar Silahlı Kuvvetleri arasında dostluk, iş birliği, koordinasyon ve birlikte çalışabilirliği geliştirmek amacıyla tertiplenen ve icra edilen  Türkiye-Katar Birleşik Tatbikatı tamamlandı ve Genelkurmay Başkanlığı da açıklama yaptı. TSK'dan yapılan bu açıklamaya göre, tatbikatın kara safhası, 05-06 Ağustos 2017 tarihlerinde  Katar'da konuşlu Kara Unsur Komutanlığının iştiraki ile komuta yeri tatbikatı şeklinde icra edildi. Tatbikatın deniz safhasında,  Katar Deniz Kuvvetlerine limanda Çok Uluslu Deniz Güvenliği Mükemmeliyet Merkezi tarafından deniz güvenliğine ilişkin eğitimler ile TCG GÖKOVA'da yangın-yara savunma eğitimleri verildi. 6-7 Ağustos 2017 tarihlerinde icra edilen fiili deniz safhasında; manevra talimleri, arama kurtarma eğitimleri, SAT timlerinin iştiraki ile denizden güvenlik eğitimlerinin yanı sıra  Katar Hava Kuvvetlerine ait uçakların katılımı ile hava savunma harbi eğitimleri icra edildi.  İçinde bulunduğumuz 2017 yılının 5 Haziran'ında Suudi Arabistan, Mısır, Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri (BAE) ve Bahreyn ,Yemen ve Libya yönetimlerinin, Körfez Arap ülkelerinin Liderliğinde en güçlü  adayı olan Katar’ın bir takım  terör örgütlerine maddi destek sağladığı ve İran’la stretejik işbirliği yaptığını öne sürdükleri  Katar ile tüm diplomatik ilişkilerini kesmeleriyle başlayan ve  ardından aldıkları yaptırım kararlarıyla  bir krize dönüşen Katar meselesi;  Orta Doğu’da sürmekte olan bölgesel gerilimin  daha da  artmasına sebep oldu.  Hatırlarsak içinde bulunduğumuz sene Mayıs ayında Emir Şeyh Tamim Bin Hamid es-Sani'nin askeri okul mezuniyet töreninde yaptığı bir konuşmada İran ve Körfez ülkeleri arasında artan gerilimi eleştirirken, Hizbullah ve Hamas'a karşı müsamaha gösterilmesi gerektiğine ve ABD Başkanı Donald Trump'ın Beyaz Saray'da uzun süre kalamayacağına yönelik açıklamaları Katar Krizi’nde  fitili ateşleyen gelişmeydi. Bu açıklama haberi Katar'ın resmi haber ajansı Qatar News Agency(QNA), tarafından servis edilmiş olarak gözükmekle birlikte esasen haberin QNA sunucularına sızan bilgisayar korsanları tarafından yerleştirilmiş olduğu ve gerçeği yansıtmadığı Katar tarafından ifade edilip haber içeriği  yalanlanmış olmasına ragmen, Suudi Arabistan ile Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri, El Cezire dahil Katar yayın organlarını ülkelerinde yasaklama kararı aldı. Katar Dışişleri Bakanı Saif Ahmed es-Sani, ülkesinin siber saldırı mağduru olduğunu, çıkan haberlerin yalan olduğunu iddia etmesine karşılık Suudi Arabistan'ın El Arabiya televizyon kanalı ise "QNA'nın hacklenmediğinin ispatı" başlıklı bir haber yayınlayarak, Emir es-Sani'nin açıklamalarının QNA Instagram hesabında da yer bulduğunu söylemişti.

Tam bu gelişmeler esnasında Haziran ayında daha bir gün içinde diplomatik yaptırımlar, petrol fiyatlarında ani ve sert yükselişe neden oldu. Brent petrolün varil fiyatı yüzde 2'ye yakın yükselerek 50 dolar seviyesinin üzerine çıkmıştı. Kriz patladığının ertesi günü petrol piyasasını altüst etmişti. Bir OPEC ülkesi olan Katar'ın bölge ülkelerinin karasularını kullanarak sıvılaştırılmış doğalgaz (LNG) sevkiyatlarını yapamayacağı endişesi de, enerji piyasalarında tedirginlik yaratmıştı. Japon yatırım bankası Mitsubishi UFJ, yatırımcılara gönderdiği piyasa notunda, Bölgedeki krizin büyümesi durumunda Katar'ın OPEC'ten ayrılması ihtimali bulunduğu ve böylesi bir senaryonun gerçekleşmesi halinde, petrol fiyatlarında ciddi artışa sebebiyet vereceğine işaret etmişti.

Diğer tüm şartları sabit tutup “caeteris paribus” ,burada sadece uçuş rotalarının  değişmek zorunda kalınması ve  uçuşların süreleri kaçınılmaz olarak artmasıyla beraber yakıt masraflarının artması ve beraberinde yolcu memnuniyetsizliği gibi bir silsileden dahi sözetsek Katar Ekonomisinin krizden gördüğü zararı hissetmek mümkün. Bu bağlamda Doha üzerinden Asya ve Avrupa'yı birbirine bağlama iddiasıyla büyüyen Qatar Airways, diplomatik ilişkilerin kesilmesinden en zararlı çıkan  kuruluşlardan biri olduğunu da söyleyebiliriz.

Yaşanan gelişmeyle bir anda kendini izole edilmiş bulan Katar’a  bir kaç gün içinde Türkiye (Yardımlara dair bkz…Türkiye’den 5000 metrik ton gıda yardımı  )  ve İran’dan yiyecek ve çeşitli yardımlar yağmaya başlamıştı. 

Gelişmelerin hemen ardından Uluslararası kredi derecelendirme şirketi Moody’s, Katar'ın kredi not görünümünü 'durağan'dan 'negatif'e düşürmüş ve değerlendirmesinde Katar'ın, Suudi Arabistan, Mısır, Bahreyn ve Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri'yle yaşadığı diplomatik krizin  ve Ülkeye karşı uygulanan ekonomik amborgonun ekonomik aktiviteyi olumsuz etkilebileyeceği temel varsayımı ile finansal riskler taşıyabileceğine,  dikkat çekerek, krizin kısa vadede çözüm olasılığının düşük olduğunun altını çizmişti.

Bu arada geçtiğimiz ay BBC, Katar krizinin  Katar'ın dünyada stratejik alanlarda 335 milyar dolarlık yatırımı bulunması ve bu paranın önemli bir kısmının  ABD ve İngiltere ekonomilerine akması hasebiyle şayet Batı, Katar ve ona yaptırım ülkeler uygulayan arasında bir tercih yapmak zorunda kalırsa sözkonusu yatırımların  teorik olarak riske girebileceğine dair bir habere yer vermişti internet sitesinde. Ayrıca, İngiltere  açısından krizdeki en büyük tehditin , Arap ülkelerinin "Katar'la iş yaparsanız bizimle yapamazsınız" diye dayatması olduğunun da altı çizilmişti. Zira Katar lüks mağazalar zinciri (luxury department store )  Harrods'ın sahibi olmanın yanı sıra Londra Borsası'nda yüzde 22, Merkezi İngiltere'de bulunan Barclays bankasında yüzde 6 (Qatar İnvestment Authorities (QIA) Yatırım İdaresi)  ve finans merkezi Canary Wharf'ta yüzde 50 hisseye sahip. Brexit sonrası dünyada İngiltere'nin bu yatırımlardan vazgeçmesi mümkün görünmemekte. Bu meyanda Barclays’den sözederken Haziran ayının üçüncü çeyreğinde  İngiltere’de (Serious Fraud Office) SFO, Ağır Dolandırıcılık Ofisi,)  ingiltere ve dünyanın en büyük bankalarından Barclays ve eski CEO John Varley dahil dört yöneticisini, 2008 deki mali kriz döneminde Katar’dan acil sermaye toplamak amacıyla ‘dolandırıcılık ve yasa dışı finansal yardım sağlamak’ la suçlandıklarını açıklamış ve suçlamaların, Barclays’in Haziran ve Ekim 2008’de Qatar Holding LLC ve Challenger Üniversal şirketleriyle gerçekleştirdiği sermaye artırımı anlaşmalarıyla ilişkili olduğu belirtmişti.  Beş senedir  süren bir soruşturmanın tamamlanması zamanlaması dikkat çekiciydi zra bu soruşturma, krizle birlikte  Katar’ın dünya gündeminde çok yer aldığı bir zamanda sonuçlandı. Uzmanlar Katarlıların zarar göreceği yönünde hemfikirler. Bunun gerekçeleri açısından ilki  sağlam İngiliz bankası olduğu fikriyle Katar ekonomik krizde bankanın hisselerinin %22sini satın aldı, fakat LIBOR skandalı, FOREX skandalı ve şimdi bu soruşturma ile hisselerden büyük zarar ettiler. İkincisi bu dolandırıcılığın diğer ayağında Katar Varlık Fonu yani kraliyet ailesi var. Zamanlama olarak Ortadoğuda devam eden Katar amborgosu ile direk bağlantısı olsun ya da olmasın bundan sonraki gelişmelerde bu olay fırsat bilinerek Katar Varlık fonuna, dolaylı olarakda Kraliyet ailesine karşı ekonomik yaptırımlara kadar gidebilecek bir tavrın da kapısı aralanmış oldu.