Reparations

Mediante las voces y experiencias de campesinos quechuas de las comunidades de Ocros y Huancapi (Ayacucho), Los silencios de la guerra. Memoria y conflicto armado, hurga en los rastros de los años de violencia que enlutaron al Perú a fines del siglo XX. El agudo análisis de la antropóloga Valérie Robin Azevedo es una etnografía sensible de los secretos de las memorias campesinas de la guerra contra Sendero Luminoso, donde se rememora el pasado en fiestas patronales y en carnavales, en la creación musical y en los bailes comunales, en los sueños o en las apariciones de un santo milagroso.
¿Cómo se construyen hoy los recuerdos de la guerra y qué se silencia del pasado? ¿Qué muestran y qué ocultan las narraciones y celebraciones que escenifican lecturas parciales del pasado? Este fascinante libro nos revela las encrucijadas campesinas que siguen buscando rutas de convivencia pacífica hacia el futuro para reconstruir los lazos sociales profundamente dañados por la guerra interna.

This article argues that the post-Dayton political organisation of Bosnia represents an exemplary illustration of the difficulties associated with the empirical application of the pluralist model of “consociational democracy”. The country’s political system has been predicated on the existence of consensus and the spirit of cooperation among the three ethnic groups without, however, offering any electoral or political incentives to their leaderships to cooperate. Also, the inclusion of several elements to the Dayton accords of a partition approach to conflict resolution has even encouraged the ethnic leaderships to maintain their nationalistic programs and their endeavours to exploit the aforementioned power-sharing arrangements. Indeed, the structural deficiencies of the Dayton agreement have permitted nationalists to continue implementing their ethnic
agendas and have accounted for the slow progress towards the implementation of the Bosnian peace process. Therefore, this article elaborates on the international policies in Bosnia, aimed at transforming the country into a viable multiethnic state, and highlights the significance of motivations for implementing the peace process.

In light of the armed conflict that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the 1990s, most research focuses on the high-level war crimes committed in this period and there is a tendency to put the focus on the perpetrators. However, few concern themselves with the victims of the countless war crimes that took place across the country and the lives of the survivors in the post-conflict B&H. Survivors of sexual violence were, up till recently, completely disregarded in public policy of B&H. Reparation of victims, both material and symbolic, together with the prosecution of war criminals, the search for truth, and institutional reforms with a focus on vetting candidates for public office and lustration, represent the contributions made by the authorities of B&H to transitional justice. In this regard, although the emphasis is on prosecuting war criminals, transitional justice requires the full reparation of victims, as much as possible, in order to be considered as such. This paper focuses on one aspect of reparations: compensation of damages in both criminal and court civil proceedings. Furthermore, this paper introduces the concepts of conflict-related sexual violence, treatment of survivors of conflict-related sexual violence under the domestic legislation of B&H and how they can exercise their rights as such. The paper used general methods, ie. descriptive, historical-normative, explicit, comparative-comparative, and analytical, but also some specific methods, namely induction, deduction, analysis, and synthesis. The conducted research implies that criminal courts rarely resolve compensation but rather refer victims to civil courts, subjecting them to further retraumatization and less identity protection. Due to safety and financial reasons, most victims do not proceed to ask for compensation before civil courts. This brings us to the conclusion that B&H has failed in its obligation to provide adequate reparations.

In this article, I offer the opposing view (con-side) against reparations for American slavery, as if in a forensic debate before a moot court: I presume the American public will judge the merits of my opposing arguments. I oppose reparations for slavery based on: 1) the legal standard of culpability, 2) the “clean-hands doctrine,” 3) Black people who were themselves slave owners, and 4) fairness in the administration justice. While anyone else is welcome to argue the pro-side, I argue the con-side of the following proposition: America owes Black Americans reparations because of its history of plantation slavery, which has privileged White Americans economically over Black Americans. I provide a plethora of evidence that reparations and justice are incompatible in the application of American justice. Moreover, any law requiring reparations for slavery could create an unintended liability for far too many Black Americans whose ancestry extends far beyond Sub-Saharan Africa.

Truth commissions have become key mechanisms in transitional justice schemes in post conflict societies in order to assure transitions to peace, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. However, few studies examine what must happen to ensure that the transition process initiated by a truth commission successfully continues after the commission concludes its truth-gathering work and submits its final report. This article argues that

This toolkit supports viewers in discussing what it means to be an American, community choices, civil rights and civil liberties, the role of media during times of war, and connecting the Korematsu v. United States Supreme Court case to contemporary issues. *Includes an op-ed written by Fred Korematsu on September 16, 2004, titled “Do we really need to relearn the lessons of Japanese American internment?” Can support learning about Asian American history, connections between history and the present, what it means to be a responsible citizen, and how to get involved in defending civil rights.

FILM SYNOPSIS: Of Civil Wrongs and Rights is the untold history of the 40-year legal fight to vindicate Fred Korematsu — who resisted the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II — one that finally turned a civil injustice into a civil rights victory.

*Served as one of the guide producers.

Da un anno a questa parte le relazioni fra Giappone e Corea del Sud sono ai minimi storici. Le divergenze fra i governi giapponese e coreano intorno a una sentenza della Corte Suprema della Corea sono degenerate in una spirale di ritorsioni economiche e diplomatiche fra i due paesi. La materia del contendere riguarda un tema da sempre delicato: le responsabilità del Giappone nei confronti della Corea in qualità di ex colonizzatore. Una pagina nella storia dei rapporti fra i due paesi che il Giappone vorrebbe considerare archiviata, e per la quale invece una parte consistente dell'opinione pubblica coreana continua a chiedere un gesto di espiazione. D La mancata collaborazione fra i due paesi rischia di avere serie ripercussioni sugli equilibri dell'intera regione, perché, in qualità di alleati degli Stati Uniti ospitanti basi militari americane, hanno ruoli chiave nella strategia statunitense di contenimento di Cina e Corea del Nord.

This article offers a new interpretation of Marcel Mauss's The Gift. It situates Mauss's argument within his broader thinking on the politics of sovereign debt cancellation and the question of German reparations paid to the Allies after World War I. Mauss applauded the policies of reparation and debt cancellation proposed by the French " solidarist " activists who were responsible for inclusion of reparations provisions in the Versailles Treaty. But Mauss was also aware that their legal mobilization could not by itself restore a sense of solidarity among European peoples. Broader systems of political alliance and anthropological norms of gift-making were also necessary. In Mauss's writings on war reparations, as in The Gift, he described the legal, political, and macrostructural dynamics at work in the settlement of reparations and sovereign debts, which he differentiated from the dynamics at work in the speculative logics of financial capitalism. In doing so, Mauss provided insights into the settlement of sovereign debt crises, which still agitate the international community today.

African Nova Scotians constitute the largest multigenerational Black Canadian community, with 400 years of presence in Atlantic Canada. Despite the end of de jure school segregation in 1954, African Nova Scotians' social and cultural capital were not incorporated in curricular and pedagogical practices. Using the theoretical framework of cultural trauma, this article draws from a qualitative study conducted using semi-structured interviews and focus groups with sixty participants. A cultural trauma process takes place after a traumatic event and involves a cycle of meaning-making and interpretation that can result in demands for reparation or civic repair. This study illustrates how through the cultural trauma process grounded in their collective memory, African Nova Scotians articulate an aspiration for culturally relevant and sustaining pedagogy as a form of civic repair. This transformative pedagogy would facilitate a reconnection with their heritage and a fulfilment of the democratic goals of public education.

This paper will attempt to present the biblical and theological argument for reparation and will encourage Caribbean spiritual and religious leaders to be deliberate, intentional and reconciliatory in their support of  the Caricom Reparations Justice Program (CRJP), as established by the Caribbean Reparations Commission (CRC) of 2013.

The 'structural injustice' framework is an increasingly influential way of thinking about historical injustice. Structural injustice theorists argue against repara-tions for historical injustice on the grounds that our focus should be on forward-looking responsibility for contemporary structural injustice. Through the use of a case study-the Caribbean Community (CARICOM's) 10-Point Plan for reparations from 2014-I argue that this reasoning is flawed. Backward-looking reparations can be justified on the basis of state liability over time. The value of backward-looking reparations is that they ensure that historical perpetrators do not evade their reparative obligations and that affected communities are taken seriously. However, I argue that this backward-looking approach should be supplemented by a forward-looking structural injustice approach and the 'social connection model' of responsibility, which can (a) expand the scope of responsible agents and forms of injustice that warrant repair and (b) explain how citizens living now can be expected to pay for crimes of the past.

Immunità degli Stati dalla giurisdizione e negoziazioni fra Stati: sulla vicenda delle comfort women coreane Sommario: 1. La vicenda delle comfort women e la ricerca di una riparazione adeguata.-2. La sentenza della Corte distrettuale di Seoul e le due prospettive per affermare un'eccezione alla immunità dello Stato.-3. Giudici nazionali e eccezioni alla immunità dello Stato per violazione dei diritti umani: la prassi più recente.-4. Rilevanza di eventuali accordi interstatali sulla riparazione: la possibile compressione del diritto individuale di accesso a un giudice e il ruolo delle vittime nei negoziati. O Os ss se er rv va at to or ri io o-D Di ir ri it tt ti i c ci iv vi il li i e e p po ol li it ti ic ci i

Publication complète: https://unesco.delegfrance.org/Publication-des-Actes-du-colloque-Les-nouveaux-enjeux-patrimoniaux-en-contextes-4784

Il n’y a guère de conflits sans son cortège de pillages et de destructions de biens culturels. Le nombre croissant de ce type d’atteintes ces dernières années a relancé, en réponse, les discussions sur la réparation. En droit international humanitaire, les biens culturels sont protégés par la Convention de La Haye de 1954, ses protocoles et le droit coutumier. Ce droit spécial ne spécifie toutefois pas de règles sur les conséquences des violations ; face à cette lacune, le droit international général énonce des principes directeurs pour la mise en place des réparations. Nous analyserons ici l’application de ces principes aux réparations des destructions et des pillages des biens culturels, en droit des obligations des États (I) et en droit international pénal (II).

In the wake of the explosion of the "comfort women" issue, with the help of lawyers and activists, Chinese comfort women instigated four class-action lawsuits against the Japanese government. However, how the lawyers represented the history of comfort women and what happened in the courtroom have remained obscure. Unlike the conventional verdict-centered approach to civilian trials involving comfort women, this research adopts a procedural approach by delving into the court transcripts, legal briefs, and other evidentiary materials tendered to the court. It argues that although the plaintiffs lost every case, through the court proceedings the victims and their lawyers managed to carve out an official space for knowledge transmission and recognition. These proceedings have the potential to serve as an exemplary model for future civil trials adjudicating injustices (historical or otherwise) involving sexual and gender-based violence.

La jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos ha tenido un impacto trascendental en la forma como el Consejo de Estado de Colombia viene reparando a victimas de graves violaciones de derechos humanos, desde hace algunos anos. Asi, se ha pasado de una mera indemnizacion pecuniaria a una verdadera indemnizacion integral, siguiendo para tales efectos los lineamientos que ha dado la Corte Interamericana en sus pronunciamientos. Para ello, el maximo Tribunal Administrativo ha aplicado el denominado control de convencionalidad y ha incorporado dentro de su jurisprudencia medidas de justicia restaurativa conforme al principio de restitutio in integrum y de reparacion integral, llegando inclusive a abordar el tema de la reparacion transformadora. Palabras clave: Control de convencionalidad, reparacion, victimas, Colombia, Consejo de Estado y Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. Abstract: Since few years ago, the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Righ...

What should we do with statues and place‐names memorializing people who committed human‐rights abuses linked to slavery and post-slavery racism? In this article, I draw on UN principles of transitional justice to address this question. I propose that a successful approach should meet principles of transitional justice recognized by the United Nations, including affirming rights to justice, truth, reparations, and guarantees of nonrecurrence of human rights violations. I discuss four strategies for handling contested heritage, examining strengths and weaknesses of each strategy. Examples from Bristol, England, highlight common challenges and positive lessons.

Die Sammlung zum Goldenen Leuen im Schweizerischen Diessenhofen, Kanton Thurgau, beinhaltet neben hunderten von pharmazeutischen Gefässen und Geräten auch fünf Steinzeuggefässe mit Netzbindungen aus Eisendraht, die in die zweite Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts datieren und wohl in Betschdorf im Elsass hergestellt wurden. Die Gefässe gehörten nachweislich zum Bestand des Laboratoriums der Brunner’schen Apotheke. Repariert wurden die Gefässe nicht aus Armut oder aufgrund ihrer schlechten Verfügbarkeit, sondern weil ihr Gebrauchswert hoch war und wohl auch, weil im benachbarten Gailingen viele Trödler lebten, die unter anderem Reparaturen mit Netzbindungen ausführen konnten. Die Technik der Netzbindung ermöglichte es erstmals, Gefässe mit hartem Scherben wie Steinzeug überhaupt zu reparieren. Künftige Forschungen werden zeigen, ob die Verbreitung der Netzbindung im Laufe des 19. Jahrhunderts auch von der Verfügbarkeit und dem Preis von Draht abhängig war.

The Movement for Black Lives: Philosophical Perspectives brings philosophical analysis to bear on the aims, strategies, policy positions, and intellectual-historical context of M4BL. Leading scholars tackle such themes as: "Black Lives Matter" as a political speech act, M4BL's conception of the value of Black lives, the gender dynamics of the Movement, the relation of M4BL to other Black liberation movements and transitional justice movements, the Movement's new forms of leadership and organization, and the impact of racism on the normative assessment of the criminal justice system. The volume broaches a wide range of pressing issues in the philosophy of language, social and political philosophy, philosophy of race, philosophy of gender, and the philosophy of punishment. It is vital reading for students and scholars in the humanities and social sciences interested in race, inequality, and social justice movements.

Embedded in transitional justice processes is an implicit reference to the production of collective memory and history. This article aims to study how memory initiatives become a crucial component of truth-seeking and reparations processes. The article examines South Korea's Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the creation of collective memory through symbolic reparations of history revision in education. The South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission recommended a set of symbolic reparations to the state, including history rectification reflective of the truth on human rights violations. Using political discourse analysis, this study compares the South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission's Final Report to the 2016 national history textbook. The article finds that the language of human rights in state sponsored history revisions contests the findings of the truth commission. And in doing so, this analysis argues for the need to reevaluate the government-initiated memory politics even in a democratic state that instituted numerous truth commissions and prosecuted former heads of state. The discourse on post-conflict societies and transitional justice centers upon a common understanding of the importance of truth-seeking, reparations, criminal justice, legislative changes, and institutional reforms in addressing past abuses of a state. Embedded in these transitional justice processes is a reference to memory. Framed in transitional justice discourse, memory is regarded as " a silent shibboleth of the field " (Manning, 2017: 5), one that serves the role of a " register that organizes its most taken-for-granted principles that demand confrontations with the past in order to renew the present " (Manning, 2017: 5). The confrontation is a process that societies need to undergo to progress socially and amend the trauma of the past (Manning, 2017: 31). Such processes often involve state authorities and actors who use memory as a tool to reproduce history and strengthen a political order in states undergoing transition.

This article assumes the existence of the principle of full reparation to consider the potential applicability of punitive damages in international human rights law and, more specifically, whether the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has ever recognized its existence as a rule of international law. The evolution of the relevant decisions of the Court are analyzed, identifying three stages: (i) the early years of the Court, when it plainly rejected punitive damages requests by stating that punitive damages were not a rule of international law, but of some domestic legal systems; (ii) the introduction of the notion of aggravated responsibility, as well as the debate generated by Judge Cancado Trindade on the punitive function of reparation; and (iii) recent decisions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. In the light of the case-law of the Court, without analyzing the status of the principle of full reparation in international law, this article concludes that punitive damag...

Cet ouvrage est la publication de ma thèse de doctorat soutenue le 12 décembre 2013 à l'Université Paris II (Panthéon-Assas)

Résumé:
La réparation internationale de dommages individuels est un sujet assez nouveau et peu réglementé en droit des gens. Chapitre manquant du droit de la responsabilité internationale de l’État tel qu’il a été codifié par la Commission du droit international des Nations Unies dans les Articles sur la responsabilité de l’État pour fait internationalement illicite, la responsabilité internationale de l’État à l’égard de l’individu trouve dans la jurisprudence de la Cour interaméricaine des droits de l’homme un environnement salutaire à son développement. Jouissant d’une compétence large en matière de réparations conférée par l’article 63§1 de la Convention américaine des droits de l’homme, la Cour interaméricaine a développé une jurisprudence très riche et originale qui fournit un ensemble coordonné de règles et principes permettant de dégager un régime juridique de la réparation de dommages individuels dans le cadre de rapports transétatiques. L’étude du régime de réparations interaméricain permet d’identifier que ses spécificités – liées à la nature transétatique du rapport de responsabilité et à la nature grave des violations qu’on retrouve dans le contentieux régional – n’impliquent pas un détournement des règles classiques de la responsabilité internationale mais plutôt leur complétion: le régime juridique de la réparation qui se dégage de la jurisprudence de la Cour interaméricaine contribue définitivement à combler les lacunes du droit des gens ayant trait à la discipline de la réparation internationale de dommages soufferts par des personnes privées.

Title and Abstract: Reparation of damages in the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights
The international reparation of damages suffered by individuals is a relatively new subject that hasn´t received the amount of attention it deserves from international law. The international responsibility of the State towards individuals is indeed a topic missing from the Articles on responsibility of States for internationally wrongful acts adopted in 2001 by the United Nations International Law Commission, which was mainly featured to discipline the responsibility of a State towards another State. The jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights might considerably contribute to filling this important gap in the law of international responsibility. Taking advantage of its large competence to order reparation measures according to article 63§1 of the American Convention of Human Rights, the Inter-American Court has developed a substantial and original jurisprudence leading to the establishment of a legal regime on the reparation of individual damages on the basis of the international responsibility of the State. From the study of the inter-american regime on reparations, it can be inferred that its specificities – deriving from the particular character of the State responsibility towards the individual and from the seriousness of the human rights violations brought to the Court – do not lead to a diversion from the general rules on State responsibility, but rather to their completion: the legal regime of reparation that comes out from the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court definitely contributes in filling the lacunas of international law with regards to the discipline of the international reparation of damages caused to private persons.

This article examines the legal and moral basis for migration as a form of reparation for the harms inflicted on the states and peoples of the Global South through climate change and through centuries of predatory economic policies. Using Central America migration to the United States as a case study, the article explains that susceptibility to climate change is a function of two variables: exposure and social and economic vulnerability.  High-emitting affluent states are disproportionately responsible for Central America’s exposure to climate change due to their historic and current greenhouse gas emissions, their unwillingness to curb these emissions, and their failure to provide adequate adaptation assistance.  The United States is responsible for Central America’s social and economic vulnerability due to its history of invasions, coups, military occupations, support for brutal dictatorships, and imposition of damaging economic policies.  Climate law scholars have proposed that high-emitting states accept climate-displaced persons into their territory in proportion to each country’s historic contribution to climate change. Migration law scholars have advocated for the admission of so-called “economic migrants” as a form of compensation for the North’s exploitation and domination of the South from the colonial era to the present. This article combines the insights of both group of scholars and argues for migration as a form of reparation for the environmental, social, and economic harms inflicted on the Global South that have undermined its resilience to climate change and have disrupted the lives and livelihoods of its inhabitants.  Re-conceptualizing migration as one form of reparation challenges traditional notions of bounded autonomous sovereign states by highlighting the political, ecological, and economic interconnectedness of states and peoples and by calling for policies that recognize this interdependence.

Private restitution of Nazi looted art was until recently an
underestimated issue on the agenda of nations and art institutions. The historical and legal context shows clearly that WWII brought the protection of cultural property on the foreground. Private parties were left out of the scope of all international agreements that provided for the restitution of
Nazi looted art. A private party in order to establish its claim for restitution has to deal with the legal complexities that arise. This essay attempts to present and compare the relevant case law and to portray the new tendencies. Emphasis is given to alternative dispute resolution particularly in connection to the special advisory commissions/panels, which followed the Washington Principles 1998. Moreover, this essay tries to inform about
the private cultural property of the Greek Jews of Thessaloniki, presenting the results of a compressed yet fruitful research in published sources and the archives of the Jewish Community of Thessaloniki.

This is from a symposium on Catherine Lu's Justice and Reconciliation in World Politics, published in the journal Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric.

Abstract:
This article analyzes and criticizes the temporal orientation of Catherine Lu's theory of colonial redress in Justice and Reconciliation in World Politics. Lu argues that colonial historic injustice can, with few exceptions, justify special reparative measures only if these past injustices still contribute to structural injustice in contemporary social relations. Focusing on Indigenous peoples, I argue that the structural injustice approach can and should incorporate further backward-looking elements. First, I examine how Lu's account has backward-looking elements not present in other structural injustice accounts. Second, I suggest how the structural injustice approach could include additional backward-looking features. I presuppose here, with Lu, that all agents connected to an unjust social structure have a forward-looking political responsibility to reform this structure, regardless of their relation (or lack thereof) to victims or perpetrators of historic injustice. However, I suggest that agents with connections to historic injustice can occupy a social position that makes them differently situated than other agents within that same structure, leading to differences in how these agents should discharge their forward-looking responsibility and differentiated liability for failure to do so. Third, I argue that Lu obscures the importance of rectifying material dispossession. Reparations, pace Lu, can be justified beyond a minimum threshold of disadvantage. Theorists of settler colonialism and Indigenous scholars show how the dispossession of Indigenous land can be seen as a structure that has not yet ended. I conclude by arguing that rectification can be a precondition for genuine reconciliation.

Here is the link to the issue, which has several pieces on Lu's book:
https://www.theglobaljusticenetwork.org/index.php/gjn

Here is a link to my article:
https://www.theglobaljusticenetwork.org/index.php/gjn/article/view/216

MASTER THESIS SUBMITTED IN 2910 IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE EUROPEAN REGIONAL MASTER’S DEGREE IN DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE

The thesis was written in 2010, as The conflict in ex – Yugoslavia made 25.000 to 30.000 people victims of enforced disappearances, of which approximately 10.000 are still missing without trace. The thesis was meant to point the neuralgic spots in BiH reparations to the families of missing persons, evaluate the overall system as well as give certain recommendations, which could be used in the future practice to improve the fate of the vulnerable group concerned. Hence, the research question was: are the currently available national and international legal instruments designed to seek reparations a sufficient mean to get it in case of the Bosnian disappeared and their families? The thesis has examined how the so far granted to this group of victims reparations fulfill the conditions of: completeness, comprehensiveness, complexity,
coherence, finality and munificence.
The study has used various research methodologies, including the interpretation of primary sources such as international and Bosnian legislation and court judgments, as well as data found in secondary sources. Other sources of information analyzed were: reports by international organizations and civil society organizations and informal interviews.
The construction of the dissertation has enabled a broader insight to current developments in the theory of reparations to victims of disappearances, as well as to the practice of seeking reparations for enforced disappearances in Latin America, but also in Europe to use some models and good practices in the case of Bosnian victims. According to the traditional structure (from theoretical part, through international State practice and
finishing with the specific case study of BiH), the first chapter has explained various terms and definitions. The second chapter has examined the possibilities of seeking various types
of reparation, according to the State practice, whether on the domestic or on the international level (examples of Argentina, Chile and UN Compensation Commission). Whereas, the third
chapter studied the situation of the victims of disappearances in BiH.
The conclusion was that the system of reparations in BiH is not based on a program. It is a complex system, putting biggest emphasis on satisfaction. A bigger effort needs to be put
on enforcing the Law on Missing Persons of 2004 and ensuring proper functioning of the Missing Persons Institute. The reparations’ external coherence can still be improved by
coordinating it better with other means of transitional justice. The model recommended for BiH, due to its slim financial potential to compensate a huge amount of victims should concentrate on ensuring best possible means of satisfaction, by additionally coordinating all forms of transitional justice. Therefore the reparations in BiH ought to be collective and symbolic, concentrated on finding the whereabouts, disclosing truth, punishing perpetrators, restoring dignity, as well as acknowledgment and well constructed commemoration.

In The Rhetoric of Racism Revisited, Mark McPhail refines his analysis of racism as complicitous interaction and his conception of rhetoric as coherence, but he then suggests that racism in the US may be a psychological problem beyond the reach of rhetoric. In response, I contend that the recent trend of intergroup reconciliation exemplifies a form of rhetoric that can constitute a bridge from complicity to coherence, and it highlights a gap in McPhail’s proposed enlargement of rhetorical theory. Drawing from the burgeoning multidisciplinary literature on reconciliation, I argue that reconciliation tends to frame conflict tragicomically, both emphasizing human relatedness and highlighting the seriousness of offense and guilt. Within this dialogic process, genuine apology and forgiveness potentially enable rhetorical redemption and psychological catharsis, increasing participants’ capacity to interact coherently on matters such as reparations. These rhetorical potentials in reconciliation invite more thoroughgoing consideration in public and scholarly discourse about race relations.

This guide supports viewers in discussing the history of slavery in the United States, confronting hard truths and emotions around the legacy of slavery, the importance of having difficult conversations, privilege, “repair” and reconciliation, and how some people still hold economic power and social privileges over others.

FILM SYNOPSIS: First-time filmmaker Katrina Browne makes a troubling discovery — her New England ancestors were the largest slave-trading family in U.S. history.

*Served as one of the guide producers.

In this paper, I examine the Caribbean reparations movement using an intersectional framework that is located within the Black radical tradition. In order to engage civil society in the discourse of reparations, I argue for the movement to have a strong youth-led component. In addition, I use Frantz Fanon s notion of new humanism, Sylvia Wynter s concept of the Third Event and Walter Rodney s groundings pedagogy as entry points for the Black radical imagination to develop and implement its own ideologies of liberation through a collective struggle towards Caribbean reparations. As such, the paper explores philosophies of Rastafari livity and traces how the social movement influenced the consciousness shift in individuals across working and middle classes in Jamaica in the 196 s to 197 s. The paper argues that Rastafari philosophies embody Fanon and Wynter s notions of the human in thinking through Caribbean reparations.

Legacy of slavery research has branched out into an important new niche in social science research by making empirical connections between the trans-Atlantic slave trade and contemporary social outcomes. However, the vast majority of this research examines black-white inequality or black disadvantage without devoting corresponding attention to the other side of inequality: white advantage. This study expands the legacy of slavery conversation by exploring whether white populations accrue long term benefits from slave labor. Specifically, I deploy historical understandings of racial boundary formation and theories of durable inequality to argue white populations in places that relied more heavily on slave labor should experience better social and economic outcomes than white population in places that relied less on slave labor. I test this argument using OLS regression and county level data from the 1860 United States Census, the 2010-2014 American Community Survey (ACS), and the 2014 United States Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service (USDA ERS). My results offer support for my hypothesis. Historical reliance on slave labor predicts better white outcomes on five of six metrics. I discuss the implications of these findings for race, slavery, whiteness studies, and reparations.