Frantz Fanon

The book Nonidentities. Tillion, Fanon, Bourdieu, Derrida and the Dilemma of Decolonization presents the histories of four French-writing, XXth century intellectuals whose biographies were associated with Independence War-era Algiers. Its goal is such a reading of their works that could uncover its Algerian-French duality. On one hand, the experience of close, direct biographic contact with Algiers allowed for a view from a distance (cultural, social and political) on France and Europe, which sharpened the view and imbued it with characteristics of criticism, but on the other education in the French cultural circle allowed for a specific way of writing and thinking about Algiers, a specific way of understanding and experiencing it. At the same time, that specific way (ways), which was shaped by assumptions placed at the foundations of certain traditions of thinking and related interpretative strategies - displays its power, but also its limitations in the confrontation with experience. The postcolonial timbre that connects the works of those authors does not limit itself to the confines of a single theory, but is located inside the entirety of contemporary humanities. It gives it its dynamism, but it also blows it up, that is to say by not allowing a permanent identity to be established. The decolonization of Algiers was not just a direct cause of the crystallization of basic terms characteristic to emancipatory discourses of the second half of the XXth century and first decades of the XXIst, but also a kind of social laboratory in which previous-century ideas of classic social philosophy could be put to test.
In exposing the Algerian entanglement of those authors, I did not seek to reveal hitherto unknown facts. My intention was an attempt at reading their works in a way that would highlight the French-Algerian duality and that unfull, unfinal and unfree of doubt belonging, cut across by the unerasable boundary between the two opposing shores of the Mediterranean, between “metropole” and “colonies”, “North” and “South”. This boundary is not only variously present in the texts I analyze, but also is the foundation of their strength and originality.

“Here” and “there” are not stable references. “Here” can at one time in France, at another in Algiers. This is the source of alterity, of the reversibility of points of view. To paraphrase a popular notion by Claude Lévi-Strauss, one can say that on one hand an experience of close, direct, biographical contact with Algiers can allow a view from afar, that is a look at France and Europe from a cultural, social and political distance. This makes the view sharper and imbues it with critical strength. On the other, education in the French culture allows a certain way of writing and thinking Algiers, a certain way of understanding and experiencing it. At the same time, this way (or those ways, because they are multiple) - established through assumptions laying at the foundations of certain traditions of thought and interpretative strategies associated with them - reveals then its limitations through confrontation with experiences, that is with with people, living and dead, people in flesh and bone.

The work I am describing here is not a book about the history of Algiers, but rather about a few French-speaking French intellectuals. They were all connected through Algiers, but also divided in how their varied biographical experiences of contact with the stormy history of that country in the XXth century was then processed by them. In that, it served to create an important, although always obvious, element of their attitudes and ways of critically examining the social, cultural, political and ethical. Neither is it a work from the field of research on collective memory. I am not posing questions about the causes of forgetting the history of Algiers and the European, especially French, participation in its fates. I am not attempting to “unforget” that story. However, it is my intention to directly address the colonial entanglement of the thought of the authors described, so that it can be properly appraised in the context of their intellectual work. It will allow a better understanding of what they had to say, and who and where we are, when we today ask questions in the language framework they built.

Matters of Algiers are not ones I follow closely, and postcolonialism understood as a complete, ready theory is not a perspective I employ to read the texts. What I call anticolonial or postcolonial timbre in analyzed works is not limited to a single theory, but is at home at the heart of the entirety of contemporary humanities. It gives it its dynamism, but also blows it up, allowing no stable identity. In searching for ways that Western critical thought can follow after the works of Bourdieu or Derrida, we find evidence that it is not, and maybe has never been “Western” in the sense that the language of identity implies, and that it is its nonidentity that makes it positive.

Nonidentities. Tillion, Fanon, Bourdieu, Derrida and the Dilemmas of Decolonization came to be as a result of at least two years of research based on queries both locally and abroad. To write it, I used foreign-language sources and materials that are poorly or not at all known in the Polish humanities, and which I hope to introduce to the local academic exchange. Many of them should be translated into Polish. I attempted to write the book in a way that, in spite of its extensive bibliographical references, allows it to be read by audiences outside the academic circles. In my view, the matters that the described authors touch and which I highlight, often against the grain of traditional interpretations, are of utmost importance. They deal with matters such as immigration, cultural fundamentalism or violence in service of political aims. In materials analyzed I show, on one hand, the nonobviousness of those issues, and on the other cognitive limits of the tools usually utilized to describe them.

This essay represents a somewhat belated attempt to extend my previous work on curiosity by providing a programmatic overview of some of the roles that curiosity played in various European imperial projects.  Here, I begin to think how curiosity operates in some of the spaces defined by European colonialism.  I am interested in two features of curiosity’s operation within these imperial spaces. First, I am interested in the fate of curiosity in imperialism: Broadly speaking, we might say that curiosity came to be understood as a virtue during the early modern period because it was constitutive of both scientific and colonial reason.  These forms of rationality must be thought together, in terms of their efforts to classify and fix the nature of their objects (natural objects in the case of biological taxonomy and colonial subjects in the case of colonial reason).  The sciences and the arts of colonial governance become professionalized and bureaucratized during the late nineteenth century and into the twentieth, following a general trend that saw the systematization of disciplines in the modern research university and the bureaucratization of government institutions.  With this professionalization and bureaucratization, curiosity increasingly comes to be seen as a liability.  Objectivity becomes the defining trait of both scientific and colonial reason, while curiosity comes to be seen as simultaneously both too passionate and too idiosyncratic once methods of objective control come to define both scientific reason and colonial reason.  This means that the burden of curiosity gradually shifts from those who claim control to those who are claimed by this control within these imperial spaces.  In the bland face of the colonial bureaucrat appealing to rules, it is the colonial subject who must be curious about these rules and seek to know everything about them that she can.  The first section traces the effacement of curiosity in colonial reason, while the second section looks at how curiosity becomes a burden for those who are governed by colonial and post-colonial regimes.  Furthermore, it is this burden of curiosity that might eventually light the spark of resistance. My focus in the second section is on the French imperial context, but I hope eventually to more comprehensively trace how this burdensome curiosity can ignite resistance to imperial domination in various cultural contexts.

The work of the Afro-Martinican psychiatrist and philosopher Frantz Fanon is crucial to understanding the psychological and socio-political causes of disorder. Drawing upon his corpus, this article details the radical potential for disalienation located within his sociodiagnostic method and argues that personal and structural well-being can only be achieved together. This article will also analyze both psychiatric and phenomenological models of depression as experienced by Africana people in order to better illuminate the usefulness of sociodiagnostics.

En este artículo parto de Calibán y la Bruja, obra de la historiadora italiana Silvia Federici, para señalar una serie de insuficiencias en los principales paradigmas teóricos en torno a la modernidad y la opresión. En primer lugar, abordo la figura moderna de "la Bruja" en relación a la opresión de género y, a continuación, profundizo en la figura de "Calibán" en relación a la opresión racial. Para ello me sirvo de la obra martiniqueño Frantz Fanon y de algunas reinterpretaciones posteriores de la misma. Sostengo que el arquetipo caribeño de Calibán representa al colonizado al tiempo que oculta a la colonizada. Reivindico la invisible figura de la "calibana" como puente a una teoría de la opresión más compleja y descolonizada.

Рецензія на перший український (і східнослов'янський) переклад класика антиколоніалізму Франца Фанона. В огляді розглянуто як конструктивні аспекти Фанонової візії соціальної емансипації та солідарності, так і проблематичні тези, які віддаляють Фанонову апологію практики від марксистської політичної теорії.

Partigiano, scrittore, storico, editore ma soprattutto vulcanico promotore di iniziative politico-culturali: Giovanni Pirelli è stato tutte queste cose e a ripercorrerne oggi la vicenda, appare incontestabilmente come uno dei maggiori organizzatori di cultura del secondo Novecento italiano. Il peso di un cognome ingombrante -quel Pirelli scritto con la "p" allungata, simbolo di una delle realtà industriali più potenti d'Italia -l'avrebbe reso schivo, uso ad evitare le luci della ribalta per meglio condurre la lotta con cui aveva fatto coincidere la propria vita. Subito dopo la guerra, "Pioppo" -questo era il suo nome di battaglia nella 90 a brigata Garibaldi "Zampiero" -si inscrive al Partito socialista di unità proletaria: la Resistenza e ancora prima, nel 1942, la terribile esperienza in Russia come uficiale di collega-

The term decolonize has gained a new life in recent art activism, as a radical challenge to the Eurocentrism of museums (in light of Native, Indigenous, and other epistemological perspectives) as well as in the museum's structural relation to violence (either in its ties to oligarchic trustees or to corporations engaged in the business of war or environmental depredation). In calling forth the mid-twentieth-century period of decolonization as its historical point of reference, the word's emphatic return is rhetorically powerful, and it corresponds to a parallel interest among scholars in a plural field of postcolonial or global modernisms. The exhortation to decolonize, however, is not uncontroversial-some believe it still carries a Eurocentric bias. Indeed, it has been proposed that, for the West, de-imperialization is perhaps even more urgent than decolonization.

What does the term decolonize mean to you in your work in activism, criticism, art, and/or scholarship? Why has it come to play such an urgent role in the neoliberal West? How can we link it historically with the political history of decolonization, and how does it work to translate postcolonial theory into a critique of the neocolonial contemporary art world?

Respondents include Nana Adusei-Poku, Brook Andrew, Sampada Aranke, Ian Bethell-Bennett, Kader Attia, Andrea Carlson, Elise Y. Chagas, ISUMA, Iftikhar Dadi, Janet Dees, Nitasha Dhillon, Hannah Feldman, Josh T. Franco, David Garneau, Renee Green, Iman Issa, Arnold J. Kemp, Thomas Lax, Nancy Luxon, Nelson Maldonado-Torres, Saloni Mathur, Tiona Nekkia McClodden, Alan Michelson, Partha Mitter, Isabela Muci Barradas, Steven Nelson, Ugochukwu-Smooth C. Nzewi, Alessandro Petti, Paulina Pineda, Christopher Pinney, Elizabeth Povinelli, Ryan Rice, Andrew Ross, Paul Chaat Smith, Nancy Spector, Francoise Verges, Rocio Zambrana, and Joseph R. Zordan.

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1369801X.2014.991417?journalCode=riij20#

The name of Frantz Fanon has become a symbol of anti colonial militancy and the struggles of national emancipation against colonial rule. However, Fanon was also a psychiatrist, who never abandoned clinical practice even after resigning from his post in colonized Algeria in 1956. The coexistence, in Fanon, of medicine and political involvement represents one of the most productive and contradictory aspects of his life and work. Fanon was highly critical of colonial ethnopsychiatry, but never abandoned his commitment to improving the condition of psychiatric patients. After his escape from Algeria, he wrote extensively for El Moudjahid, the journal of the anti colonial resistance, but also practised in the hospital of Charles Nicolle in Tunis. In this essay I propose a new assessment of the relation between psychiatry and politics by addressing Fanon’s influence on Franco Basaglia, leader of the anti-institutional movement in Italian psychiatry in the 1960s and 1970s. Basaglia was deeply inspired by the example of Fanon and the contradictions he had to confront. Rereading Fanon through the mirror of Italian anti-institutional psychiatry will define a new understanding of Fanon as committed intellectual. Indeed, this may suggest a new perspective on the function of intellectuals in contexts signed by the aftermath of colonial
history, drawing on the example of two psychiatrists who never ceased to inhabit the borderline between the clinical and the critical, medicine and militancy, the necessity of cure and the exigency of freedom.

This article emerges from one collaboration with Palestinian clinicians while presenting the work of Frantz Fanon to a group of training clinicians in the Maana Center of EMMS Nazareth Hospital in Nazareth (al‐Nasirah). Reading and discussing Fanon in Palestine with Palestinian clinicians and trainees elicited deepseated feelings of affirmation and validation, while also disclosing anxieties arising from colonial alienation, as Fanon would say. At the same time, Fanon conjures in Palestine an affirming and empowering spirit that, inevitably, results in a consideration of how Palestinian indigeneity, no matter how mediated by regimes of domination and control, recenters itself as a repost to the extractive psychological and material violence that constitutes settler colonialism; in this case, Zionism. Adopting a decolonial methodology, we came to understand how psychological theory and practice provides Palestinian clinicians a means to work for selfawareness within a regime of oppression. Centering indigenous lives, their relationships to their own collectives and communities, and their relationship the psychopathy of settler colonial structures, produced critical psychological and social knowledge.

In Walcott's epic ​ Omeros Major Plunkett is the model of white inclusion in Saint Lucia's national identity-the creative identification and construction that is the underlying principle in the book. All new political structures have the need to create "national mythology" to legitimize themselves as independent political nations. The process of national legitimization can be done in different ways: the creation of national symbols such as flags, coat of arms, or national animals; the instrumentalization of history to create narratives with a clear purpose of portraying the national enemy in an exaggerated way; or the use of mythology to codified the new social, political, and cultural structure of the new nation. Is not arbitrary the fact that ​ Omeros is an epic poem, a genre that has been fundamental for the construction of a unifying identity: the ​ Iliad and the ​ Odyssey for the Ancient Greeks, the Aeneid for Rome, ​ The Song of My Cid for Spain, and now ​ Omeros ​ for Saint Lucia , all of them have been imperative aspects of the creation, identification, and construction of a national ethos in their respective nations. This question of identity suggests a process of both exclusion and inclusion that determines the "Us" from the "Others" in relation with who are the individuals that are going to participate or not in the construction of national identity. This process of differentiation is where Dennis Plunkett is situated. Major Plunkett is a WWII veteran from Great Britain that moved with his wife, Maud Plunkett, to Saint Lucia, an island from the Caribbean that was previously colonized by both the French and the British, a colonial past filled with struggle, pain, slavery, and genocide

While Sigmund Freud and Maurice Merleau-Ponty both acknowledge the role that spatiality plays in human life, neither pays any explicit attention to the intersections of race and space. It is Franz Fanon who uses psychoanalysis and phenomenology to provide an account of how the psychical and lived bodily existence of black people is racially constituted by a racist world. More precisely, as I argue in this paper, Fanon's work demonstrates how psychical and bodily spatiality cannot be adequately understood apart from the environing space of the social world. For Fanon, body, psyche, and world mutually influence and constitute each other. In a raced and racist world, therefore, the lived bodily experience and the unconscious of human beings will be racially and racist-ly constituted as well.

Resumo: Este artigo discute o "novo estágio" contemporâneo dos estudos de Fanon com foco nas interconexões entre os escritos clínicos de Fanon e a política. A ideia de Fanon de que a revolução anticolonial deve afirmar uma "humanidade ilimitada" e, ao mesmo tempo, insistir que a psiquiatria política é considerada por meio de seu envolvimento com François Tosquelles e a socioterapia. Erica Burman’s Fanon, Education, Action: Child as Method and David Marriott’s Whither Fanon and Nigel Gibson and Roberto Beneduce’s Frantz Fanon, Psychiatry and Politics ajudam esclarecer os diversos níveis de discussão de Fanon sobre trauma e transtornos mentais produzidos pela guerra colonial e a questão de responsabilidade " dentro de uma estrutura revolucionária”.

This paper discusses the contemporary “new stage” of Fanon studies focusing on the interconnections between Fanon’s clinical writings and politics. Fanon’s idea that the anticolonial revolution has to affirm a “limitless humanity” while at the same time insisting psychiatry has to
be political is considered through his engagement with François Tosquelles and sociotherapy. Erica Burman’s Fanon, Education, Action: Child as Method and David Marriott’s Whither Fanon and Nigel Gibson and Roberto Beneduce’s Frantz Fanon, Psychiatry and Politics help enlighten the
myriad levels of Fanon’s discussion of trauma and mental disorders produced by colonial war and question of responsibility “within a revolutionary framework.”

In this book, I argue that black atheists reject belief in God more for political than epistemological reasons.  The God-concept was frequently used as an ideological instrument for subjugating and violating blacks.  Therefore, to make a more just polity possible, atheism is a political must.  Included here is the introduction to the book.

Se pretende aplicar y analizar el concepto de 'máscara' en relación con el significado que Frantz Fanon le asigna a esta entidad simbólica en Piel negra máscaras blancas (1952). Para llevarlo a cabo se tomará como base teórica el libro Antropología de la imagen de Hans Belting (2007).

La influencia de Fanon en los movimientos de liberación nacional que surgen en toda América Latina desde principios de la década del 60' es obvia e innegable. Sin embargo esta dimensión de dar por sobreentendida su influencia en estos movimientos, y en especial en las elaboraciones teóricas de algunos de sus principales intelectuales, esta teñida de un escaso abordaje concreto acerca de cómo y porqué actuó esa influencia. 
En la búsqueda de comprender estos procesos políticos, se enmarca esta aproximación hacia el estudio de la influencia y convergencias del pensamiento y la práctica de Fanon con John William Cooke, uno de los referentes fundamentales del sector más combativo del peronismo. Tras el golpe de 1955 fue uno de los que intentó la organización de la resistencia peronista y en quién Perón dejó en ese primer periodo su representación política. En esos años pasa a ser un intelectual clave de la izquierda peronista, y un interlocutor de Ernesto Guevara y Fidel Castro sobre las problemáticas de Argentina. Sus experiencias en la lucha argentina y la defensa de la revolución cubana lo llevan a una dinámica elaboración política, en las cuales se puede advertir un camino teórico que va desde el nacionalismo burgués hacia un antiimperialismo revolucionario y socialista.
Tomamos a Cooke, para leer su práctica militante a la luz de la obra y la práctica de Fanon y para leer la obra de Fanon con los trabajos de Cooke. En ese plano rastreamos el uso de algunos conceptos claves como nación, líder, moderación. Intentamos entender cómo se construye la visión que tienen sobre la alienación de los hombres en el marco de una sociedad colonial, y de la violencia revolucionaria como único camino posible hacia la liberación colectiva e individual.

Using the example of the French journal Partisans, this article analyses the reciprocal constitution of a new radical Left and a comprehensive concept of global explanation in the shape of the so-called Third World. In the 1960s, Partisans became the most important organ in France of radical left-wing ideas about the Third World. The programme for de-centring the West undertaken by the journal found its framework in the concept of the Third World and accompanied the genesis, differentiation and radicalisation of the French Left until the end of the decade. There emerged a forum for anti-colonial intellectuals and activists divided into periphery and metropolis. First, the analysis illustrates this using the example of one of the monumental political texts on decolonisation of the twentieth century, Frantz Fanon’s manifesto "Les damnés de la terre". Then it throws light on important topics, arguments, developments and functions of radical leftist discourse about the Third World by means of relevant texts from Partisans. Finally, the analysis is placed within a wide-ranging spatio-temporal genealogy of critical discourse about Western modernity, which makes evident the fundamental ambivalence of radical leftist discourse about the Third World.

Bruno Gullì -2013 "[E]very citizen of a nation is responsible for the actions committed in the name of that nation" -Frantz Fanon, paraphrasing Francis Jeanson We live in an unprecedented time of crisis. The violence that characterized the twentieth century, and virtually all known human history before that, seems to have entered the twenty-first century with exceptional force and singularity. True, this century opened with the terrible events of September 11. However, September 11 is not the beginning of history. Nor are the histories of more forgotten places and people, the events that shape those histories, less terrible and violent -though they may often be less spectacular. The singularity of this violence, this paradigm of terror, does not even simply lie in its globality, for that is something that our century shares with the whole history of capitalism and empire, of which it is a part. Rather, it must be seen in the fact that terror as a global phenomenon has now become self-conscious. Today, the struggle is for global dominance in a singularly new way, and war -regardless of where it happens-is also always global. Moreover, in its self-awareness, terror has become, more than it has ever been, an instrument of racism. Indeed, what is new in the singularity of this violent struggle, this racist and terrifying war, is that in the usual attempt to neutralize the enemy, there is a cleansing of immense proportion going on. To use a word which has become popular since Michel Foucault, it is a biopolitical cleansing. This is not the traditional ethnic cleansing, where one ethnic group is targeted by a state power -though that is also part of the general paradigm of racism and violence. It is rather a global cleansing, where the sovereign elites, the global sovereigns in the political and financial arenas (capital and

What it would mean for phenomenology to move in an ontological direction that would render its relevance to contemporary political movement less ambiguous while at the same time retaining those aspects of its method that are epistemologically and politically advantageous? The present study crafts the beginnings of a response to this question by examining four configurations of consciousness that seem to be respectively tied to certain oppressive contexts and certain kinds of oppressed bodies: 1. false consciousness, 2. bad faith, 3. double consciousness, and 4. se faire objet (making oneself an object). Such a comparison both promises to widen our understanding of the ontology of consciousness in general and generate a suggestive vision of what it would take to follow through, ontologically speaking, on the idea that consciousness is fundamentally and irrevocably of a bodily nature.

Através de uma tomada de posição que visa a considerar a problemática da interpelação ideológica em relação à questão racial, apresento, neste artigo, uma análise discursiva que busca dar consequência a tal relação no modo como ela se materializa no grito “Você é negro!” que se encontra em uma das cenas do filme Ó paí, ó!. O artigo perpassa três eixos teórico-analíticos, a saber: a) a questão da interpelação ideológica tomada por uma visada que considera a problemática racial; b) o problema da denúncia no intercruzamento entre interpelação e raça; e c) a materialidade vocal do grito como forma de denúncia. Toda discussão é feita assumindo os pressupostos da Análise de Discurso de orientação materialista.

Obra incontornável para compreensão das lutas do século XX, "Discurso sobre o colonialismo", do poeta, dramaturgo, ensaísta e líder político Aimé Césaire (1913-2008), acaba de receber reedição pela Veneta, traduzida pelo experiente Claudio Willer. Com notas de rodapé e extensa cronologia biográfica, assinadas por Rogério de Campos, conta ainda com ilustrações de Marcelo D’Salete, um dos grandes dos quadrinhos. Trata-se, portanto, de um lançamento editorial à altura deste clássico, que nos leva a celebrar sua importância e a interpelar as estruturas coloniais que persistem entre nós.

This chapter argues that biopolitics as engendered in Fanon’s work mobilizes injury, vulnerability, affect, and risk, in order to foreground the possibilities for the reclamation of the black body: a rehumanization. Proceeding from the dis- cussion of the loss of a form-of-life and embodied dignity to the public insur- gencies of voluntary exposure, Fanon maps a trajectory for the dehumanized colonized native.

Youth Gangs, Racism, and Schooling examines Vietnamese American youth gang formation in Southern California, with an emphasis on the experiences of those heavily involved in the 1990s. Lam traces the genealogy of the Vietnamese American youth gang phenomenon as part of the conflict in Southeast Asia. He describes the consequences of war and migration for youth as well as their racialization as "Asian American" subjects. Grounded in the critical narratives of three gang members, Lam addresses themes of racism, violence, class struggle, style, and schooling in an era of anti-youth legislation in the state and nationally. In this dehumanizing context, Lam frames Vietnamese and Southeast Asian American gang members as post-colonial subjects, offering an alternative analysis toward humanization and decolonization.

Reviews:
"Youth Gangs, Racism, and Schooling is a pioneering book about the interplay of colonialism, racism, and the production of Vietnamese youth gangs in Southern California. Lam’s narrative is moving, rigorous, and deeply compelling. Weaving his own personal experiences with the poisonous dynamics of American imperialism, diaspora, displacement and the reconfiguration of place and agency, Lam provides a searing commentary on Vietnamese American youth gang subculture, the dynamics of racism, disruption, and poverty that now mark a notable chapter and offshoot of American domestic and foreign policy. The subculture of youth gangs is understood by Lam as a way not only to analyse a politics of disposability and state racism and violence, but also to connect the related matters of empire, immigration, geopolitics, and education. This is a brilliant book which should be required reading by everyone concerned about politics, power, and what it means to take seriously learning from historical memory in order to treat youth in general as part of the project and promise of a radical democracy."
- Henry A. Giroux, McMaster University Chair for Scholarship in the Public Interest, The Paulo Freire Distinguished Scholar in Critical Pedagogy, and Professor of English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University, Canada

"Lam is a new voice in critical education. In this rich account, Lam provides compelling analysis of Vietnamese gang formation in a framework that combines studies of political economy, racialization, and empire. Stuck between model minority and gang-banger status, Vietnamese youth seek meaning as criminalized and perpetual strangers in the US. As Lam shows, they are neither victims of their circumstances nor freely acting subjects. We peer into a world of contradictions where hope resides as a concrete possibility through Lam's retelling of their migration and social struggle."
– Zeus Leonardo, Professor and Affiliated Faculty Member of the Critical Theory Designated Emphasis, Graduate School of Education, University of California, Berkeley, USA

http://www.palgrave.com/us/book/9781137475589#otherversion=9781349581382

This paper examines the decolonization process in Najib Al-Kailani's novel, Nābulyūn fī al -Azhar (Napoleon in Al-Azhar-1980). The study explores the ways the colonized react to the colonizers in order regain liberty, freedom, and sovereignty of their land. Decolonization is the reverse process of colonization by which colonies become independent of the colonizing country. Najib Al-Kailani (1931 -1995 is an Egyptian novelist, poet, and critic. In his writings, he focuses on the colonial experiences that the Arabs and Muslims have faced throughout history. Al-Kailani here wrote a revisionist novel recounting the French invasion of Egypt in the eighteenth century (1798-1801) commanded by Napoleon Bonaparte (15 August 1769 -5 May 1821), the general in Chief of what they called at that time ‗Armée d'Orient (English: Army of the Orient) and depicts the people's resistance and rebellion against the colonizer. The novel depicts the Egyptian resistance, against French subjugation and humiliation, and sacrifices for the sake of independence and dignity. The analysis of decolonization based on the events in the novel is executed by applying Frantz Fanon's theory of resistance and revolution which embodies three stages and steps of decolonization. These stages are: assimilation to the colonizer's culture, rediscovery of their own culture and identity, and finally the confrontation with the colonialists. Colonized people usually do not reach the confrontation stage with the colonizer unless they go through the first two stages; assimilation and rediscovery. The paper also discusses the impact of the violence experienced by both the colonizer and the colonized as a result of the confrontation.

This book opens with a meditation on how Africa's fate has long -since Antiquity -been decided from the outside. Its central thesis calls for the continent to move forward in a new way, locating itself at the centre. 'Se penser, se répresenter, se projeter' [To think itself, to represent itself, to project itself]. Afrotopos is a future, imagined the place. Far from a 'douce reverie' it is an 'active utopia' envisioned as a guide to new ways of living now. Afrotopia is foremost a critique of development; Felwine Sarr is an economist at Gaston Berger University in Saint-Louis, Senegal. He is also a philosopher, poet, writer and musician and in his book he presents his broad vision of a new Africa.

Can humanism be post-colonial? What is Africana Philosophy? Who is Lewis Gordon? This paper presents some typical elements of the Jamaican philosopher Lewis Gordon's thought and relates it to the field of Africana Philosophy. For this purpose, it seeks to delineate its theoretical influences and the usage of concepts, such as theodicy, bad faith and reason to understand anti-black racism. In this sense, the following argument pivots on Lewis Gordon's singular contribution to different areas of study, especially political philosophy, social sciences and the humanities.

The tug of war of both interests and identity-claims between Algeria and France seems to never meet its finalé, even until today. Its menacing yet seminal phenomena remains unclear in terms of not only duality between men and women, but also of a borderline dichotomizing Algeria and France as own-standing nations. Fanon, indeed, has explicitly discussed about this in his prominent “Algerian Unveiled” in which the two countries are anthropomorfized into a form of, not surprisingly, men and veiled women whose each stance plays key roles in beholding, and thus maintaining, their country to be considered as the “more superior.” However, his predominantly historical approach to construe how the colonization is latently carried out by France, still leaves cracks, and even holes, that enable scholars and historians today to question, re-enact, and build interpretations about this long-lasting, debatable issue over centuries. This paper endeavours to fill those gaps by offering new perspectives about how Fanon constructs, both literally and metaphorically, women as “the weaker vessel” in the presence of men, and in what mechanism Fanon depicts veil as political stance, configuration of resistance, and demarcation.

"Two years before I was born, Frantz Fanon’s seminal work The Wretched of the Earth was published at the height of the Algerian War that France was waging against its rebellious colony. Fanon’s text provides a framework for liberation from colonial subjugation, and it describes the psychological and physical trauma inflicted by a foreign power upon a dominated populace. It further elucidates the functional role of the “native intellectual”, the indigen who identifies with his colonizers. Fanon uses a striking passage to enlighten us concerning the mental makeup of those who acknowledge, accept, and finally assume the voice and narrative of the dominant culture.…"

O presente trabalho aborda a gênese e a sistematização da crítica ao colonialismo de Frantz Fanon. A denúncia da autoconsciência racista do colonizado, realizada por Aimé Césaire, e a dialética do colonialismo, estudada por Jean-Paul Sartre, são as fontes do conceito de “libertação nacional” de Fanon. Sua obra, pouco numerosa mas intensa, será apropriada por Glauber Rocha e aplicada no discurso cinematográfico, não somente como estética, mas como uma definição de Cinema nos países subdesenvolvidos. Portanto, nosso objetivo é dar uma apresentação geral das ideias de um dos principais teóricos da descolonização e a sua apropriação pelo cineasta Glauber Rocha no começo dos anos 1960 para responder uma difícil questão que tanto o atormentava na primeira metade da década de 1960: o que é o “Cinema Novo”? Para apreender a sua riqueza teórica, vamos relacioná-lo com Aimé Césaire e contrapor ambos com um interlocutor privilegiado, Jean-Paul Sartre, que está no outro polo do sistema colonial, ou seja, na Metrópole.

Présentation La pensée décoloniale commence tout juste à prendre place dans le monde intellectuel français, où apparaissent des espaces nouveaux comme la chaire Global South(s) au Collège d'études mondiales de la FMSH créée en septembre 2014 et dirigée par Françoise Vergès qui a contribué à ce numéro 1. C'est dans Tumultes qu'a été lancé sans doute pour la première fois en France l'appel à la décolonisation du savoir à travers la réflexion de Lewis Gordon 2. C'était l'époque où l'on découvrait la théorie postcoloniale pourtant déjà très familière aux anglophones. Il apparaissait peu à peu que la décolonisation à laquelle succédaient d'autres formes de dépendance politique et économique ne mettait pas fin à la « colonialité ». Celle-ci structure les expériences aussi bien dans les régions du monde naguère encore colonisées qu'à l'intérieur des puissances colonisatrices. La pensée postcoloniale s'est donné comme tâche de dévoiler ces phénomènes et d'en apporter la critique. On découvrait peu à peu l'ampleur de la catastrophe coloniale, qui s'est produite à partir de l'époque dite « moderne », avec des modalités et des temporalités différentes. Ce processus de conquêtes, de massacres et de destruction de formes diversifiées d'organisation sociale et de références symboliques, est toujours en cours. Il cherche à réduire au silence et à délégitimer ou diaboliser la vision du monde et les pratiques de celles et ceux qui ont été physiquement écrasés et/ou asservis, au nom d'une rationalité universelle. Il fallait mettre en lumière ces phénomènes et en produire une critique radicale et c'est ce qu'ont fait un certain nombre de postcoloniaux dans la lignée d'Edward Said. Cette critique radicale de l'eurocentrisme dominateur et destructeur, de la raison coloniale et de la production des binarités 1. http://www.fmsh.fr/fr/college-etudesmondiales/24262 2. Lewis R. Gordon, « Décoloniser le savoir à la suite de Frantz Fanon », Tumultes, n°31, octobre 2008.

Originally delivered to mark the fiftieth anniversary of both Frantz Fanon's death and the publication of his seminal discourse on decolonization, The Wretched of the Earth, these remarks seek to offer a preliminary outline of Fanon's continuing relevance to the present. Conceptually spanning such touchstone elements of Fanon's thought as sociogeny, race, violence, the human, and the relation between decolonial ethics and decolonial politics, the authors turn our attention to diagnosing the neoliberal face of contemporary coloniality/modernity and contributing to movements from the Arab (or North African) Spring to the Occupy movement, from Philadelphia's "flash mobs" to the new Latin American Left.

In Freud's Drive (2008), Teresa de Lauretis tries to keep the Freudian concept of the drive together with the Foucauldian category of biopolitics, through the mediation of Fanon's understanding of race. Indeed, according to Jean Laplanche, the drive does not coincide with the instinct, but it leans on the instinct and sticks onto the bodily surface. By doing so, it individuates an intermediate region between the physical and the psychic, like the one where race spreads out and biopolitics acts upon. From this region, the drive troubles the inscription of the subject into the social order, pushing them towards their dissolution. We should start from there if we wish not only to overcome vain dichotomies in queer theory between essentialism and constructivism, or between political and apolitical thinking, but also 'to do justice' to Freud and Foucault. And if we wish to stay queer while doing queer theory.

Şiddet, yaşadığımız yüzyılı tarif ederken dilimizden düşmeyen ve yakıcılığını her geçen gün daha sarsıcı şekilde hissettiğimiz bir gerçeklik. Şiddetin olmadığı bir dünya düşlemenin bile yadırgandığı günümüzde, onu azaltmaya ve son kertede ortadan kaldırmaya yönelik her türden girişim, öncelikle düşünsel bir cesaret gerektiriyor: Klişelerden sıyrılma ve hakiki düşüncenin derinliklerine dalma cesaretini.

"Şiddet döngüsünü kırmak için ne yapmak gerekir?" sorusuna yanıt arayan bu grafik roman, Arendtʼten Fanonʼa, Foucaultʼdan Butlerʼa, Saidʼden Sontagʼa insanlık tarihinin en önemli düşünürlerinden bazılarının eleştirel yaklaşımlarına çizgilerle mercek tutuyor. "Başka bir dünya mümkün" diyenler için hem ufuk açıcı hem de soluk soluğa okunacak bir kılavuz...

La questione è di sapere a chi e a che cosa serve un libro così. Si risponde: alla scuola e a tutti. È una parabola, si dice. I personaggi scolari e insegnanti sono figure di tutti noi. Un momento. La cosa veramente importante è che nessuno di noi leggerebbe il libro se fosse soltanto un contributo ai problemi della scuola dell’obbligo e degli istituti magistrali. Quel che ci fa tenere il fiato è quel passaggio – ora oscuro ora aperto – da un problema particolare, grandissimo quanto si voglia, al tema della rivoluzione salvezza. Dico subito: è un salto, non un passaggio. Al posto del passaggio c’è un uomo, una disperazione, una “mano tesa al nemico perché cambi”, la coscienza delle disuguaglianze, la coscienza: c’è una precettistica stupenda, una retorica di forza classica. Una fede e una letteratura. Non una politica.

Franco Fortini

In this paper, I examine the Caribbean reparations movement using an intersectional framework that is located within the Black radical tradition. In order to engage civil society in the discourse of reparations, I argue for the movement to have a strong youth-led component. In addition, I use Frantz Fanon s notion of new humanism, Sylvia Wynter s concept of the Third Event and Walter Rodney s groundings pedagogy as entry points for the Black radical imagination to develop and implement its own ideologies of liberation through a collective struggle towards Caribbean reparations. As such, the paper explores philosophies of Rastafari livity and traces how the social movement influenced the consciousness shift in individuals across working and middle classes in Jamaica in the 196 s to 197 s. The paper argues that Rastafari philosophies embody Fanon and Wynter s notions of the human in thinking through Caribbean reparations.

From the Publisher's abstract:

Through an original and close reading of the key literature regarding both revolutionary violence and nonviolence, this book collapses the widely-assumed concepts of violence and nonviolence as mutually exclusive. By revealing that violence and nonviolence are braided concepts arising from human action, Peyman Vahabzadeh submits that in many cases the actions deemed to be either violent or nonviolent might actually produce outcomes that are not essentially different.

Vahabzadeh offers a conceptual phenomenology of the key thinkers and theorists of both revolutionary violence and various approaches to nonviolence. Arguing that violence is inseparable from civilizations, Violence and Nonviolence concludes by making a number of original conceptualizations regarding the relationship between violence and nonviolence, exploring the possibility of a nonviolent future and proposing to understand the relationship between the two concepts as concentric, not opposites.

Environmental activist and ardent advocate for children’s rights and well-being, Jamaican laureate of the 2008 Jamaican National Literature awards, Diana McCaulay, published her critically acclaimed debut novel Dog-Heart in 2010. This paper will first focus on the legacy of colonial racism in Jamaica, before addressing the main characters’ quest for identity in a crime-ridden society.