Women's Suffrage

Some ten years ago in 2005 I made some remarks on the Internet about art and how art was not appreciated in today’s world for what the artists actually were endeavoring to express in their works.  I was speaking more about ancient art; rather, than that which is usually produced in modernity. Kathy Feig and her husband opened Galerie Charmante in Montreal, Canada in 2003 and upon reading my remarks Kathy invited me to comment on Vita Di Milano artwork: a series of twelve paintings, which I will display and comment upon each of them in this paper.

When I looked at Vita Di Milano’s artistic expression of the Suffrage Movement I was somewhat surprised; for the reason that, there were two independent messages in Vita’s artwork. Individually each painting has its own materialistic expression; however, collectively the series was saying something entirely different then each painting by itself.  I understood immediately what Vita intentions were in creating this series of paintings of Women & Wheels; however, being a symbolist I also envisaged that the spiritual aeons mystically took the series away from Vita and sent forth their own message, which Vita knew nothing about.

After I sent Kathy Feig my analysis and commentary Vita Di Milano added to it by commenting in a blue color font setting putting a more down to earth background to his artwork in contrast to my remarks.  Vita spoke from the perspective he was writing in regarding the Women’s Suffrage Movement and I was noting the symbolic and psychical aspects of his artwork.

I publish my analysis and commentary on Vita’s work on this Independent Academic site in order to introduce to the reader the idea that every single human being that has ever live has a divine purpose in life; though, individually we may not see that in ourselves and others.  When each of us finds that raison d’être (reason for existence) as Vita did in his artistic expressions the spiritual aeons speak mystically through that individual’s work.

Women’s suffrage as a controversial issue among Dutch feminists,
1870-1900
Female suffrage was not the Dutch women’s movement’s central issue from the beginning, nor did contemporary social reformers conceive it as part of the democratisation process they favoured. This article explores the public debate on women’s suffrage against the backdrop of the movement towards universal suffrage in its first three decades. Due to sources refraining from stating the obvious, it remains obscure why exactly parliamentary politics continued to be seen as an exclusively male domain for so long. What is clear, is that conservative feminists
associated the demand for women’s suffrage with a radical strand of feminism which they abhorred.

Ethel Weed (1906-1975) was one of the few American women who devised and implemented U.S. foreign policy during the U.S. occupation of Japan from 1945-1952. As Chief Women's Information Officer she was in charge of all initiatives aimed at the "democratization" Japanese women. While previous works on Ethel Weed have examined her public persona, this article turns to her private thoughts by examining letters that Weed wrote home during her time in Japan. These letters show that Weed drew great inspiration from the Japanese women with whom she worked during the occupation. As this article contends that Weed was awed and inspired by the struggles of the women, both prominent and ordinary, whom she came to know. Moreover, through her work in Japan, she came to believe that the people of the world, including those in once warring nations, must begin to learn from one another.

Since I am so fond of the historical movement called “Women’s Suffrage” occured in England in early Edwardian period, I would like to write a paper and make a presentatiton , titled “God Save The Suffragettes” ,which bounds the groundbreaking incident and literature. I believe that the right to vote and its struggle heretofore have a major role in the process of women’s civil rights and becoming equally democratic in the face of government. Therefore, I strongly think that this real-life progress has affected the term’s and future world of letters regarding its widespread impacts and attitudes toward the gender politics. In addition I would like to higlight this relation between the movement and the literature via a fictional novel named “Falling Angels” by renowned author Tracy Chevalier, known by her famous historical novel “Girl With A Pearl Earring”n first published in 2000.

Jelen tanulmány a Nőkért Egyesület „A magyar feminizmus története” című vándorkiállítása kísérőjeként a hazai nőjogi törekvéseket tekinti át az előfutároktól napjainkig, Bárány Péter 1790-es, az özvegyek nevében írt beadványától a 2013-as Nőkongresszusig. A nők helyzetéről, szerepéről már a 18. század végén jelentek meg röpiratok, újságcikkek, a dolgozat ezek közül azokra koncentrál, amelyek elsősorban nem esszenciális vagy instrumentális alapon, hanem alanyi jogon szorgalmazzák a nők helyzetének javítását, jogaik, lehetőségeik kiterjesztését. Külön fejezet foglalkozik a XX. század eleji feministák egyesületével, majd az 1945 és ’89 közti időszakot vizsgáló rész feltárja a feminizmussal szembeni mai bizalmatlanságnak a szovjet „emancipációban” keresendő lehetséges okait. A rendszerváltáskor létrejött Feminista Hálózat történetének áttekintése után a tanulmány a hazai Gender Studies oktatás intézményesülésének kezdeteit idézi fel, majd a jelen nőjogi csoportok bemutatásával zárul.

Kulcsszavak: női szerepek, választójog, emancipáció, a feminizmus előfutárai, női munkavállalás, Feministák Egyesülete, A Nő és a Társadalom, Bédy-Schwimmer Rózsa, Kőrösi Zsuzsa, Feminista Hálózat, Nőszemély, magyarországi Gender Studies, családon belüli erőszak önálló törvényi tényállása, nőkongresszus

Mouvement féministe et droit de vote en Bolivie (1920-1952) est un travail qui analyse les organisations féministes en Bolivie au cours de la période 1920-1952, depuis leur émergence jusqu’à l’obtention du droit de vote en 1952. Il étudie comment leurs modes d’organisation, leurs stratégies d’action, et la priorité donnée à certains objectifs se sont modifiés en fonction du contexte social et politique dans lequel elles se sont développées.

Il étudie ainsi l’évolution et les transformations du mouvement féministe au cours d’un contexte mouvementé: les années 1920, marquées par l’émergence et le développement des organisations féministes ; les années 1930, celles de la guerre du Chaco contre le Paraguay (1932-1935) qui ont entraîné des bouleversements sociaux, politiques et culturels porteurs de conséquences importantes concernant la condition des femmes et le mouvement féministe; et enfin, les années 1940 à 1952, celles de la première participation des femmes à la vie politique à travers les élections municipales et l’intégration des femmes au parti politique qui mena à bien la révolution qui aboutit, en 1952, au renversement de l’oligarchie en place.

"To Answer a Need" distinguishes the women’s club house typology and relates the history of the Women's Club Movement, specifically examining Southern California clubhouses erected during and after the Progressive Era. As women’s club houses are important and rare sites of women's collective history this thesis offers strategies for the appropriate and sensitive reuse of such properties. Their distinctive architectural features and siting make them an advantageous property for many specific reuse projects, and the prevalence of historically designated women’s clubs offers the possibility of redevelopment funded in part with historic tax credits.
Through the end of the nineteenth to the middle of the twentieth century, women's clubs created the environment for activities which changed women’s status, abilities, and opportunities in the 20th century. Clubhouses were designed wholly or in part as “gendered” space which by décor, layout, and functionality gives power to the women working within its walls. Spaces were also gendered female by the manner in which they were used: by and for women, for purposes important to women as a social and political group.
These buildings vary in size and lavishness but are frequently designated historic at some level. They were often the work of a great architect; for reasons unique to the women’s club phenomena many retain remarkable integrity; and each is a physical monument to a significant pattern in history--the change wrought upon American society as women improved themselves, asserted their rights, and fought to become an active and recognized part of society. Clubs’ success in integrating women into public culture has rendered the separate women’s organization somewhat obsolete. Clubs are rapidly closing their doors forever, and the question of how to best preserve this physical reminder of women’s history is becoming an urgent issue. Concepts for woman-centric but viable re-utilization of these gendered spaces are herein described.

In studies of the international dimensions of women’s suffrage, the role of international organisations has been overlooked. This article examines the suffrage activities of the Pan-American Union (PAU), and in particular those of the Inter-American Commission of Women (IACW), between 1920 and 1945. Attentive to historical context, the examination suggests that international organisations can be both bearers of state interests and platforms for social movement interests. The article also argues that while not independent bureaucracies, the PAU and IACW nevertheless had some importance for suffrage that cannot be attributed either to their state members or to the suffragist movements.

Écrire l’histoire de la revendication du droit de vote en période d’exclusion partielle des femmes de la vie politique implique de revenir sur l’histoire des féminismes. Les questions qui consistent à comprendre comment ce droit a évolué après 1867, et à interroger l’octroi du droit de vote à certaines femmes par le gouvernement fédéral permettra de mettre en lumière cette période pendant laquelle les femmes du Québec peuvent voter aux élections fédérales, mais pas aux élections provinciales jusqu’en 1940. Nous appuyant sur les travaux témoignant du rôle essentiel d’organismes comme la FNSJB (Hebert, Cohen) ou des grandes figures suffragistes (Lévesque, Lamoureux, Maillé), on a choisi d’aborder les rivages moins connus des réseaux de femmes libérales. Le rôle du Parti libéral dans l’octroi du vote aux femmes nous semble avoir été souvent oublié dans ces histoires, alors même que la plupart des suffragistes, hommes et femmes se recrutaient en son sein. Nous présenterons ici certaines de leurs trajectoires comme autant d’exemples de leur implication. Cette histoire révèle les difficultés de l’analyse des différents paliers de gouvernement, qui implique de travailler sur une périodisation fine et sur les trajectoires de deux générations de militantes.

A consummate and innovative entrepreneur and fundraiser, by the 1950s, Dr. J. Calvitt Clarke was running the world’s largest Protestant organization dedicated to the welfare of children. Yet, while Dr. Clarke’s life and accomplishments made him one of the twentieth century’s foremost and beloved figures in philanthropy, confusion, contradiction, and even outright error sometimes recorded his legacy.

In Fifty Years of Begging, 1st edition, I, a grandson of Dr. Clarke’s, tried to navigate the complexities of Dr. Clarke’s personality and intellectual life—and yes, even their contradictions—to offer a detailed and heartfelt profile of this compelling man. Based on hundreds of newspapers and extensive archival research—including a large cache of family papers. The title, Fifty Years of Begging, was inspired by the title Dr. Clarke gave to the badly fragmented and scattered manuscript of his unfinished memoirs.

After Fifty Years of Begging was published in 2018, I received significant new contributions to the family papers. This new material filled in lacunae in my original story. Hence, the revised, updated, and enlarged 2nd edition.

Although both Dr. Clarke and I called Richmond our home, while growing up, I did not know my grandfather well. On the other hand, my work on his biography set me on an exciting and enjoyable road of discovery, one that revealed Dr. J. Calvitt Clarke’s proud heritage and lasting legacy of philanthropy and service.

LINK
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02614340.2018.1515874
ABSTRACT
This article traces the development of the feminist or, more
specifically, ‘feminine’ thought of Amalia Guglielminetti (1881–
1941), which was not fully understood by her contemporaries and
critics but which, on closer inspection, coincides with early
emblematic steps towards future emancipation. Guglielminetti
attended, even if only as an observer, the First Congress of Italian
Women (Rome, 1908), and she confided to Guido Gozzano her
deep disappointment with, even her disgust for, what took place
there, which she described as inconclusive. Later, in 1925 in Turin,
she took an active part in and spoke publicly at a Pro Voto Donne
demonstration, arguing in favour of women’s right to vote. But it
was above all through literature that Guglielminetti succeeded in
fully expressing her fascinating, even if inconsistent, vision as a
modern woman. The article aims therefore to reconstruct and
assess this vision for the first time in its entirety, by tracing the
development of the work of the writer whose eloquent motto
might be taken from the line of the protagonist of her 1919 play Il
baro dell’amore: ‘My person belongs to me, so I can dispose of it
as I wish’.
SOMMARIO
Questo articolo traccia la parabola del pensiero femminista o,
meglio, schiettamente ‘femminile’ di Amalia Guglielminetti (1881–
1941), non compreso fino in fondo dai suoi contemporanei e dai
suoi critici, ma che, a ben vedere, s’inserì fra i primi passi
emblematici di un’emancipazione di là da venire. Guglielminetti,
assistendo — in una posizione defilata di spettatrice — al Primo
Congresso delle Donne Italiane (Roma, 1908), confidò a Guido
Gozzano tutta la propria delusione, se non il disgusto, per un
incontro che definì inconcludente; poi nel 1925, a Torino, prese —
animatamente — parte e parola a una manifestazione ‘Pro Voto
Donne’. È, però, tramite la letteratura che Guglielminetti riuscì a
esprimere la propria visione di donna moderna, incoerente eppure
così interessante e che qui, per la prima volta nel suo insieme,
s’intende ricostruire e valorizzare, ripercorrendo l’opera della
scrittrice, il cui motto si può riassumere nelle parole della
protagonista della commedia Il baro dell’amore (1919): ‘poiché la
mia persona m’appartiene, io posso disporne come voglio’.

In establishing the Socialist Women‘s International (SWI) within the Second International in 1907, Clara Zetkin sought to bring together delegates from the women’s socialist movement from around Europe and beyond. In the case of Britain, women from the Indepedent Labour Party (ILP), the Women’s Labour League (WLL) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) attended SWI conferences. But, although the SDP was relatively marginal in the British socialist women’s movement (the ILP prepoderated and the WLL represented many millions in the trade union movement), Zetkin’s patronage ensured Dora Montefiore, the leading socialist woman in the SDP, stood out on the international stage as the spokeperson for British socialist women.
Zetkin first came to Montefiore’s attention through her publications in the SDP’s journal, Justice (from 1899), and her initial meeting with Zetkin at the 1907 SWI conference in Stuttgart led to an ideological bond which lasted into the 1920s when both women joined their countries‘ respective Communist Parties. Indeed, Zetkin and Montefiore’s personal bond was so strikingly immediate that in 1909 the latter arranged an official visit to London by Zetkin, hosting Zetkin in her own home and arranging a series of events at which Zetkin was guest of honour. In 1910, when the second SWI conference occurred in Copenhagen, Montefiore was again welcomed by Zetkin, and again spoke on behalf of the British socialist women. Two years later, at the Extraordinary International Socialist Peace Congress in Basel, Montefiore attended as official reporter for the British Daily Herald, marching in the procession between Zetkin and Rosa Luxemburg, and writing of Zetkin’s leadership of the women’s contingent in her articles.
The favourtism shown to Montefiore at the 1907 and 1910 SWI conferences led to disputes (both personal and ideological) within the British socialist women’s movement (including an en masse conference walk-out by ILP delegates in 1910) and resulted in the SWI adopting policy with ‘official‘ British endorsement which did not represent the strength of feeling of British socialist women and, indeed, was disregarded by them when campaigning back home. (Such policies included calls for full universal suffrage – as against gradual democratisation in the suffrage – and the refusal of socialist women to collaboarate with ‘bourgeois feminists‘ in joint campaigns.) Indeed, although Montefiore retained Zetkin’s patronage during this period, she was marginalised from 1910 within the British socialist women’s movement precisely because she was seen as misrepresenting the British movement on the international stage!
This paper will discuss the relationship between Zetkin and Montefiore in the context of the latter’s position in the British socialist women’s movement. It will consider the British resistence to Zetkin’s patronage of Montefiore (and the policies which resulted from it at the SWI conferences) and discuss the coup which saw international socialist influence wrestled from Montefiore by socialist women in the ILP and WLL (two organisations with common ideological foundations). Ultimately, Montefiore became a noted socialist woman on the international stage whilst simultaneously losing her political voice in the British domestic movement – an ironic turn of events created largely by the distorting factor of Montefiore’s personal relationship with the SWI’s leader, Clara Zetkin.

This book tells the history of Cambridge from the earliest Roman and Anglo Saxon inhabitants through to the notorious Cambridge Spies, who actively spied for the Soviet Union in the 1950s. Told in an accessible manner, and illustrated throughout, the contents are:
1. Etheldreda: Born a Princess, Died a Saint
2. Vanquished by the Vikings: the sacking of Cambridge
3. Fire, Death and Murder at the Fairs: Stourbridge and Midsummer Fairs
4. Jousting Tournaments: history of jousts at Cambridge
5. The Black Death: death in Cambridge
6. Peasants' Revolt: attacks on Cambridge colleges during the revolt
7. Bloody Mary's Revenge on Cambridge
8. Burnt at the Stake: John Hullier, the Protestant Martyr
9. Bear-Baiting: cruel sport in Cambridge
10. Witches and Witchcraft: women killed for being witches
11. Bull-Baiting: more cruel Cambridge sports
12. The English Civil War: the fortification of Cambridge
13. Oliver Cromwell's Missing Head
14. Pressed for an Answer: Peine Forte et Dure
15. One in the Eye for Sir Isaac Newton
16. Highway Robbery: highway men in Cambridge
17. Branding: punishment for crimes
18. Bloody Burwell Fire: the death of 70 innocent people
19. Dick Turpin: his time hiding in Cambridge
20. Cockfighting: history of cockfighting at Cambridge
21. The Resurrection of Tristram Shandy - death of Laurence Stearne: grave robbers steal his body for dissection in the university
22. Cambridge Gallows: the tragedy of those hung at Cambridge
23. The Tragical Death of the Revd Samuel Reeve
24. The Chimneysweep Burglars: thefts from colleges
25. Elizabeth Woodcock and the Curse of the Three Tuns Inn
26. General Tom Thumb Causes a Riot
27. Sister Act: The Cambridge Arsenic Poisoners
28. The Three Tuns Inn: Den of Thieves
29. Burned Alive
30. Bloody Students: The Battle of Town and Gown
31. Fatal Bumps: death on the river Cam
32. Suffragette's Protest
33. The Great War: the role the university played in WWI
34. The Judases Who Betrayed from Within: the story of the Cambridge spies: Blunt, Burgess, Philby, MacLean, and others
35. The Enigma of the Second World War: the role Cambridge played in cracking the German enigma codes at Bletchley Park

Also attached are reviews of the book in the Cambridge News by Emma Higginbotham and a piece about Oliver Cromwell's Head, taken from the book.

In this article I examine the portraits of Martha Washington that circulated during the antebellum period. Her image became associated with a form of political womanhood that prized indirect participation in politics instead of the direct political participation that women's rights activists advocated. Washington's portrait and the type of political womanhood it represented dominated American culture during this time period. Martha Washington became the first woman whose portrait appeared on American currency.

Resumen
El presente artículo tiene como objetivo presentar la historia del Primer Congreso Feminista de Yucatán en 1916, lo que en opinión de los autores nos remite a revisar las acciones de figuras emblemáticas que lo promovieron, tales como Elvia Carrillo Puerto. Asimismo, se pueden calificar los hechos de este evento como los primeros que el Estado mexicano del siglo XX promueve legal y administrativamente a favor de las mujeres durante el trance revolucionario; porque las considera
como sujetos políticos femeninos dentro del espacio público de la época, aunque sin alcanzar, en ese momento, la condición de ciudadanía para ejercer plenamente sus derechos políticos.
Palabrasclave: Sujetopolítico, Primer Congreso Feminista, sufragio femenino, mujeres, México.
Abstract
This article aims to present the history of the First Feminist Congress of Yucatan in 1916, which,in the opinion of the authors refers us to review the actions of iconic figures who promoted this initiative; such as Elvia Carrillo Puerto. Also, we can qualify the facts of this event as the
first that the Mexican State of the twentieth century promotes legal and administrative in favor of women during the revolutionary trance; because it consider women as political subjects within the
public space of that time, although this was not, at that time, a fully citizenship status to exercise their political rights.

Keywords: Political subject, First Feminist Congress, women’s suffrage, women, Mexico.

Nel 1916 un gruppo di donne scozzesi, incitate dalla Dott.ssa Elsie Inglis, profonde tutte le proprie energie per dar vita a un ospedale con sole donne, ad eccezione di tre autisti imposti dalle autorità francesi. La loro storia s'inscrive nella rivendicazione delle donne per la parità, solo che a differenza delle colleghe inglesi, guidate da Emmeline Pankhurst, che, nel 1903, fonda l'Unione sociale e politica delle donne (Women's Social and Political Union-WSPU), con il preciso intento di far ottenere alle donne il diritto di voto politico, concesso solo agli uomini tranne che per le elezioni ai consigli municipali e per le elezioni di contea. Le suffragette inglesi decidono di attuare delle azioni dimostrative finalizzate ad attirate l'attenzione pubblica. Anche se ottengono l'effetto contrario, meritando il titolo di pazze o scriteriate. Il gruppo scozzese opta per dimostrare l'uguaglianza delle donne nel silenzio e aiutando gli uomini, costringendoli a ricredersi a considerarli capaci come il sesso forte. Questo principio anima tutto il gruppo, anche nei momenti di maggiore difficoltà e di stress. Premessa A 30 miglia da Parigi, sorge l'Abbazia di Royaumont, una delle più belle abbazie cistercensi della Francia, divenuta, nel 1914, testimone silenziosa della resistenza francese dinanzi all'offensiva tedesca, da un lato, e, dall'altro, il primo ospedale, in terra francese, gestito, completamente, da donne scozzesi. Questa storia dimenticata, ma importante a mio parere, sia per la quantità di feriti che vi vennero curati, ma soprattutto, per le donne che dimostrarono, per la prima volta, al mondo maschilista che erano in grado di poter svolgere, in tutto e per tutto, lavori delicati e importanti, come quello del personale di sanità, in totale autonomia.

Abstract

This article examines the attitudes towards femininity expressed by the WSPU speakers at the 1907 Aberdeen by-election and the response these attitudes elicited from Aberdonians. Although the evidence suggests that a majority of the local population accepted the WSPU's demand for votes (for tax-paying women only) on the grounds of equality, the WSPU felt a need to emphasize the expediency of its proposal. In order to argue that such an extension of the franchise would benefit all women WSPU speakers emphasized the priority of sex over all other social divisions but deliberately accepted the specific differences assumed in popular concepts of ‘femininity’ rather than drawing attention to the male ideology and social institutions in which such definitions originated. Some of the imputed feminine attributes which led Aberdeen men and women of all classes to accept the popular stereotype of domestic woman are examined, as are the difficulties the WSPU encountered because its campaigning activities clashed with its own concept of woman, a difficulty shared by other women's association in Aberdeen.




Copyright © 1982 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

This paper recounts the arrival in the United States early in the twentieth century of woman journalist, Alice Henry, and novelist, Miles Franklin, both feminists and social activists, fresh from Australia where women had won the right to vote and to be elected to parliament and where labor laws provided protection for workers. In Chicago they used their separate talents to further the cause of woman suffrage, labor reform and the organisation of the women workers, initially in their work for the National Women’s Trade Union League, and later as editors of Life and Labor.

Book chapter in "Women in Transnational History. Connecting the local and the global. Ed.by Clare Midgley, Alison Twells and Julie Carlier. Routledge, 2016. The author analyzes the relationships between the national and the transnational in Russian Empire in terms of the complex historical interconnections between national and Russian women’ s movements.

Su iniziativa del Senatore Mario Mauro, Lunedì 11 dicembre, h 17-19, si terrà il convegno sul tema:

"DONNE IN POLITICA. DATI ATTUALI E STRATEGIE DI PROMOZIONE PARTECIPATIVA"

presso il Senato della Repubblica, Sala dell'Istituto di Santa Maria in Aquiro, Piazza Capranica, 72- Roma

Intervengono:
- Fiorenza Taricone (Università di Cassino): Donne e politica, un’introduzione storica
- Alessia Lirosi (Università Roma La Sapienza): Dati e strategie tra Italia, Europa, Mondo
- Cinzia Dato (Università del Molise): Il Rosatellum e le Leggi precedenti

Seguirà tavola rotonda con le Senatrici della 1a commissione Affari Costituzionali del Senato


L’accesso alla sala - con abbigliamento consono e, per gli uomini, obbligo di giacca e cravatta - è consentito fino al raggiungimento della capienza massima.




Coordinamento scientifico: Alessia Lirosi
Coordinamento organizzativo: Margherita Simone

Leontine Cooper firmly believed that 'till women have a political vote...no real amelioration of their position can take place'. Short-story writer, journalist, teacher and bilingual scholar, she was Queensland's most significant writer addressing the rights of white women during the suffrage movement (which culminated in 1905 with the granting of one person one vote in the Lower House). By the late 1880s she had emerged as one of the key activists--from 1894 she was president of the Women's Franchise League and in the mid 1890S she edited Queensland's only women's suffrage paper, the Star. An acute and insightful commentator, Cooper is said to have had a 'slow graceful manner' and 'a gentle, low, and refined voice',' but she was also prepared to take extremely provocative and militant positions.

The article analyses the attitude towards the political rights of women in Piero Gobetti’s articles, mainly in the journals "Energie Nove" and "La Rivoluzione Liberale", which he edited in the years 1918-1920 and 1922-1925. While supporting women’s suffrage in principal, Gobetti's stance towards gender equality was ambivalent; his journals rarely touched upon the issue of women’s right to vote, even when the question was eagerly debated in parliament. Although he strongly advocated women’s intellectual education, he was far from promoting a change in traditional gender roles. The article likewise examines the ambiguous attitude of the young women in Gobetti’s circle, who were ambitious in pursuing their goals in education and in their professional lives but were nonetheless averse to committing to the suffragist battle.

«68» steht für studentische Bewegung, Streiks und Strassenschlachten in Berlin, Paris oder Zürich, ebenso für den Protest gegen den Vietnamkrieg, für den Prager Frühling oder das Experimentieren mit neuen Lebensstilen. Doch was war vor «68»? Welche Reformströmungen entwickelten sich unabhängig und jenseits davon? Das von Erika Hebeisen, Gisela Hürlimann und Regula Schmid herausgegebene Neujahrsblatt 2018 der Antiquarischen Gesellschaft zeigt vielfältige Aufbrüche zwischen den 1950er und den 1970er Jahren im Raum Zürich im Wechselspiel mit der Schweiz und der Welt.
Die «langen Sechziger» des 20. Jahrhunderts sahen Reformen und Initiativen, die sich in den 1950er ­Jahren anbahnten und im Folgejahrzehnt an Fahrt gewannen. Jazzlokale und Bildungsreformen, Verkehrsplanung und Bauboom, die Präsenz ausländischer Arbeitskräfte, die Emanzipation der Frauen oder die Frage der atomaren Bewaffnung, aber auch die Erweiterung der Psychoanalyse rückten in den Mittelpunkt der politischen und gesellschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung. Dieser Umbruch war beeinflusst von weltweit wirksamen Ereignissen und Veränderungen, die sich im lokalen Umfeld niederschlugen. Gelegentlich strahlten diese lokal ausgebildeten Neuerungen wiederum in die weitere Welt hinaus. Fünfzig Jahre nach 1968 stellen die dreizehn Beiträge dieses Bands Menschen und Organisationen vor, die in Stadt und Kanton Zürich in den langen Sechzigern Neues wagten und ihre Kräfte für nachhaltige gesellschaftliche Veränderungen jenseits der Revolte einsetzten. (Erschienen im Chronos-Verlag ,Januar 2018. Es handelt sich beim hier verfügbaren Beitrag um die Druckfahnen vor der Letztkorrektur.)

4-month training Course on
DONNE DIRITTI CULTURE. PERCORSI NEL TEMPO E NELLO SPAZIO

Director: Rita Tolomeo
Coordinator: Alessia Lirosi
c/o Sapienza Università di Roma

Il Corso si tiene dal 1 febbraio 2018 al 10 maggio 2018, una volta a settimana, il giovedì ore 15-19. Requisito base per iscriversi: laurea triennale. Il Corso attribuisce crediti per l'aggiornamento degli insegnanti. Costo: 500 €. Scadenza iscrizioni: 15.12.2017

Comitato Scientifico: Novella Bellucci, Sara Cabibbo, Marina Caffiero, Anna Maria Isastia, Alessia Lirosi, Emanuela Prinzivalli, Giuliana Scognamiglio, Rita Tolomeo

Entry on Dutch feminist and suffragist Annette W.L. Poelman, by marriage Annette Versluys-Poelman, first president of the Dutch Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht (Association for Women's Suffrage) from 1894 till 1903, as published in the national biographic dictionnary of the Netherlands