Zutot 20 (2023) 135–146 ZUTOT:

Perspectives on
Jewish Culture
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The Hazanic Revival in Later Hasidism

Dov Bergman | orcid: 0000-0002-2399-1367
Doctoral student, Department of Jewish Thought,
Ben Gurion University, Beʾer Sheva, Israel
bergmanbibi@gmail.com

Received 5 February 2023 | Revised 5 June 2023 |

Accepted 4 October 2023 | Published online 16 October 2023

Abstract

During the early stages of the Hasidic movement, a mixed sentiment towards hazanut
(cantorial music) existed. However, a significant shift occurred during the later period
of Hasidism. Embracing change, hazanim (cantors) started performing at Hasidic
courts. With the rise of the ‘celebrity hazan’ in the late 19th century, certain American
Hasidic rebbes harnessed the widespread popularity of hazanut to advance philan-
thropic endeavors within the Hasidic world.

Keywords

Hasidism – hazan – celebrity –court – early American Hasidism – Eastern Europe –

culture – emotion

Introduction

The hazan (cantor), a figure in Jewish history for over a thousand years,1
underwent two transformations during the last four hundred years. In the 17th
century, the hazan was transformed into a professional artist, with hazanut
(cantorial music) being recognized as a distinctive musical genre among the

1 For a short history on the cantorate, see L. Landman, The Cantor: An Historic Perspective (New
York 1972).

Published with license by Koninklijke Brill NV | doi:10.1163/18750214-bja10039

© Dov Bergman, 2023 | ISSN: 1571-7283 (print) 1875-0214 (online)
136 Bergman

Jewish masses.2 Later, in the late 19th-century, some of the most talented haza-
nim (plural for hazan) achieved widespread fame, giving birth to the ‘celeb-
rity hazan.’3 This essay argues that the resurgence of hazanut within Hasidic
circles in later Hasidism is due to its focus on intense emotion during worship,
where music served as one means of expression. This essay further asserts that
two Hasidic rebbes who immigrated to America prior to World War I, adopted
a pragmatic approach to the existing celebrity culture, despite earlier criticism,
by recognizing the importance of the hazan’s celebrity status within American
Jewish traditional society, and eventually took advantage of it.

Hazanut and Early Hasidism

The early Hasidic period saw mixed feelings towards hazanut during prayer
services.4 Hasidim prioritized devekut, or ‘a close and intimate communion
with God’ during prayer,5 and believed that proper kavanah (intention) was
crucial.6 They thought that an excessive focus on hazanut could hinder con-
centration during prayers,7 and preferred the simple baʿal tefilah (precentor)
as the mediator between the congregation and the divine.8 Despite contin-
ued ambivalence towards hazanut among some Hasidic groups,9 this attitude
changed after the death of the Maggid of Mezhirech (1704–1772). The Hasidic
movement went from a loose affiliation of mystical social circles to a mass
movement,10 and the intense mystical atmosphere gradually diminished.11

2 A.Z. Idelsohn, Jewish Music: Its Historical Development (New York 1992) 181.
3 See J. Shandler, ‘Sanctification of the Brand Name: The Marketing of Cantor Yossele
Rosenblatt,’ in R. Kobrin, ed., Chosen Capital (New Brunswick, NJ 2012); J. Shandler, Jews,
God, and Videotape: Religion and Media in America (New York 2009).
4 E. Seroussi, ‘Ekshor otkha be-ʿolam ha-nigun,’ Yedaʿ ʿam: bama le-folqlor yehudi 83–84
(2021) 14. I am indebted to Cantor Matthew Austerklein for referring me to this article.
5 G. Scholem, ‘“D’evekut,” or Communion with God,’ in G.D. Hundert, ed., Essential Papers
on Hasidism (New York 1991) 275.
6 L. Jacobs, Hasidic Prayer: With a New Introduction (Liverpool 2022) 17.
7 Toldot Yaʿakov Yosef (Jerusalem 1973) 292; E. Seroussi, ‘Music,’ in M. Wodziński, ed.,
Studying Hasidism: Sources, Methods, Perspectives (New Brunswick, NJ 2019) 213.
8 Eliyahu Schleifer, ‘Part C: Hasidic Cantorial Art (Nos. 93–96),’ in Chemjo Vinaver, ed.,
Anthology of Hassidic Music, (Jerusalem 1985) 269.
9 E. Seroussi, ‘Shamil: Concept, Practice and Reception of a Nigun in Habad Hasidism,’
Studia Judaica 20, no. 40 (2017) 287–306
10 A. Rapoport-Albert, ‘Hasidism after 1772: Structural Continuity and Change,’ in A.
Rapoport-Albert, ed., Hasidism Reappraised (Oxford 1996) 100–101.
11 On the distinction between early and later Hasidism, see G. Sagiv, Ha-Shoshelet: beit
Chernobyl u-mekomo be-toldot ha-hasidut (Jerusalem 2014) 13–18; D. Assaf, G. Sagiv,

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The Hazanic Revival in Later Hasidism 137

In this setting, certain leaders within the movement then viewed hazanut as a
significant emotional and spiritual component of Hasidic existence.

The Hazan as an Agent

David Assaf and Glenn Dynner stress that Hasidic leaders used hazanut as a tool
to attract followers to their groups.12 Abraham Baer Gottlober, a 19th-century
Ukrainian maskil who was drawn to Habad in his youth,13 writes that these
leaders employed professional hazanim as agents to spread Hasidism in
Eastern Europe.14 The masses were drawn to their prayer services through the
hazanim’s Hasidic-style cantorial compositions, which provided opportuni-
ties for the hazanim to talk about Hasidic life and ideas.15 Gottlober notes that
in contrast to many non-Hasidic hazanim who were often seen as religious
scofflaws,16 Hasidic hazanim were devout, making them more effective in
promoting Hasidism.17 On the recommendation of R. Levi Isaac of Berdichev
(1740–1809), Gottlober’s father, who was known for his pleasing voice and mel-
odies, was appointed as the hazan of Starokostyantyniv in Volhynia.18

Hazanut at the Hasidic Court

The true expression of hazanut was in the Hasidic court, manifesting in two
forms: the ‘traveling hazan’ and the ‘court hazan.’ The traveling hazan would
visit various Hasidic courts and perform for the rebbe and his Hasidim.19 Among
these hazanim was Nissan Spivak (1824–1906), also known as Nissi Belzer,20 a

and M. Wodziński, ‘Introduction: Toward the Nineteenth Century,’ in David Biale et al.,
Hasidism: A New History (Princeton, NJ 2020).
12 D. Assaf, The Regal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin (Redwood City, CA
2022) 181–182; G. Dynner, Men of Silk: The Hasidic Conquest of Polish Jewish Society (Oxford
2008) 56–57.
13 J. Meir, ‘Reform Hasidism: The Image of Habad in Haskalah Literature,’ Modern Judaism
37, no. 3 (2017) 303–305.
14 A. Gottlober, Zikhronot u-maʿasot (Jerusalem 1976) 59.
15 Gottlober, Zikhronot u-maʿasot, 58–61.
16 See Landman, The Cantor, 58–64.
17 Gottlober, Zikhronot u-maʿasot, 60.
18 Gottlober, Zikhronot u-maʿasot, 61.
19 Schleifer, ‘Part C: Hasidic Cantorial Art,’ 298.
20 J.L. Ne’eman, ‘Spivak, Nissan,’ in M. Berenbaum and F. Skolnik, eds., Encyclopaedia Judaica,
vol. 19 (New York 2007) 125.

Zutot 20 (2023) 135–146

138 Bergman

Sadagorar Hasid.21 He was one of the most renowned hazanim in the mid-19th
century. Belzer would visit the courts of Hasidic masters, impressing them with
his cantorial abilities.22 Later in the century, celebrities such as Jacob Samuel
Morogowski, better known as Zaydl Rovner (1856–1943), and Josef (Yossele)
Rosenblatt (1882–1933) traveled throughout the Hasidic world, performing in
numerous courts.
Hazanut historian Akiva Zimmerman writes that a hazan was often pres-
ent in nearly every Hasidic rebbe’s court. He served as an accomplished
cantor/composer skilled in musical arts, who entertained the rebbe and
Hasidim at the court.23 The hazan also performed during Hasidic celebra-
tions and gatherings such as the Hasidic tish (a ritual meal led by the rebbe).24
Two well-known court hazanim were Joseph Volynets (1857–1919),25 primar-
ily known as Yossele Talner, and Pinchas Spector (1872–1951), nicknamed
Pinye Hazan. Talner served as the hazan at the court of R. David of Talna
(1808–1882),26 while Pinye Hazan was appointed as the court hazan for the
Boyan Hasidic group, serving first under the dynasty’s patriarch, R. Isaac
Friedman (1851–1917),27 and then under his son R. Yisroel (1878–1951).28
Even the nascent world-renowned Josef Rosenblatt, in his formative years,
had aspirations of serving as the official hazan at R. David Moses Friedman of
Chortkov’s (1828–1903) court. As noted by Rosenblatt’s son and biographer: ‘My
father expressed a desire to become the official precentor at [R. David Moses’s]
private synagogue. What could be more satisfying than a life in the entourage
of such a saint.’ However, recognizing Rosenblatt’s exceptional talent, it was
actually R. David Moses who discouraged this plan, saying: ‘Here there is no
future for you. Continue traveling. With the renown you will achieve for your-
self you will rise to great heights.’29
The eventual integration of hazanut into the Hasidic world was due to
Hasidism’s central emphasis on intense emotion during ʿavodat Hashem
(divine worship), particularly prayer. The observance of religious precepts does

21 E. Zaludkovsky, Kultur treger fun der yidisher liturgye (Detroit, MI 1930) 146.
22 Schleifer, ‘Part C: Hasidic Cantorial Art,’ 271.
23 A. Zimmermann, ‘Point/Counterpoint: 1) The Hasidic World’s Attitude towards Hazzanut,’
Journal of Synagogue Music 34 (2009) 148.
24 Y.Y. Kopolowitz, Shirat Yisra‌ʾel (Jerusalem 2012) 259–260; P. Minkovsky, ‘Mi-sefer ha-hai,’
Reshumot, n.s., vol. 1 (Tel Aviv 1924–1925) 116–118.
25 Idelsohn, Jewish Music, 433.
26 D.L. Rosenblatt, ‘Tokhter fun barimten Talner hazan Yossele shraybt tzum Forverts vegin
ir taten,’ The Forward (April 23, 1942) 3.
27 D. Rabinowitz, Mishkenot ha-roʿim (Jerusalem 1984) 511 n. 42.
28 Rabinowitz, Mishkenot ha-roʿim, 511 n. 42.
29 S. Rosenblatt, Yossele Rosenblatt: The Story of His Life as Told by His Son (New York 1954) 56.

Zutot 20 (2023) 135–146

The Hazanic Revival in Later Hasidism 139

not suffice, as ʿavodat Hashem must be accompanied by hitlahavut (fervor)

and simhah (joy).30 Music, dance, and passionate prayer were seen as essential
ways to channel these intense emotions.31 Additionally, song production has
been a hallmark of Hasidism since its inception,32 and became an integral part
of Hasidic rituals such as the tish.33 As Abraham Baer Birnbaum (1864–1922)34
wrote in 1907: ‘You can give up the “torah” [sayings of the rebbes] and the tish,
but not the zemirot [hymns, usually sung].’35
Early Hasidic leaders also encouraged singing during prayers, as they
believed that it could enhance the prayers and help with concentration.36 Thus,
in the later Hasidic period, leaders saw hazanut, just like other musical styles,
as a tool that not only would not detract from prayers, but rather added vitality
and emotion to them. The court hazanim were appointed to fulfill this role by
serving as musical facilitators. The initial hesitation of some early Hasidic lead-
ers towards hazanut was due to the intense mystical atmosphere that marked
the first generations of Hasidism.37 Formatively, the Hasidic movement was
marked by spontaneous expression, rather than formalized and institutional-
ized norms.38 Hazanut, with its set of rules, was seen as a distraction from this
mystical state. However, as Hasidism itself became more structured, with large
groups of followers under the leadership of rebbes, hazanut, like other musical
genres, was fully embraced by Hasidic leaders as a form of music to energize
prayers and other rituals.

East European Mass Migration

The period between 1881 and the start of World War I in 1914 witnessed a sig-
nificant wave of East European mass migration to the New World. Around two
million Jews from the Old World embarked on the journey to America during

30 M. Buber, Tales of the Hasidim (New York 1991) 2; M. Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and
Magic (Albany, NY 2012) 237–238.
31 Biale et al., Hasidism, 209–220; Scholem, ‘D’evekut,’ 287.
32 Scholem, ‘D’evekut,’ 205.
33 Seroussi, ‘Music,’ 211.
34 On this figure, see A. Zimmerman, ‘Ha-Hazan Avraham Ber Birnbaum VeItono,’ in Dukhan:
meʾasef le-musiqa yehudit 14 (Jerusalem 1996) 152–157.
35 Cited by Seroussi, ‘Music,’ 206.
36 Biale et al., Hasidism, 213.
37 A.E. Milgram, Jewish Worship (Philadelphia, PA 1971) 511.
38 J. Katz, Tradition and Crisis: Jewish Society at the End of the Middle Ages (Syracuse, NY
2000) 209.

Zutot 20 (2023) 135–146

140 Bergman

this time.39 Among them were Hasidim who opted to settle in America as
their new homeland.40 Upon arrival, they established their own synagogues.41
Many would be named after the Hasidic groups they belonged to. In Marcin
Wodziński’s Historical Atlas of Hasidism, a chapter entitled ‘The New World,
1900–1939’ is dedicated to this topic.42 Wodziński maps out the presence of
Hasidic synagogues across the American landscape, with a primary focus on
New York. The author illustrates that in 1939 there were 157 active synagogues
there.43
Wodziński’s research relies primarily on a survey conducted by the Works
Progress Administration (WPA), an ambitious government employment and
infrastructure program in the United States during the Great Depression that
also documented all of the known houses of worship in the country. However,
there is potential for further insights through the use of additional sources,
such as the pre-World War II American Yiddish press and personal memoirs.
These sources consistently mention the existence of Hasidic shtiebels (infor-
mal prayer halls) that operated during the early era of American Hasidism.
In a chronicle focusing on early American Habad, two lists were compiled by
American Habad Hasidim around 1944 and 1948, respectively, documenting all
of the Habad synagogues in New York. The first list counted 30 Habad syna-
gogues, while the second counted 22.44
Among the immigrants to America were kelei qodesh (religious function-
aries) such as rabbis, shohatim (ritual slaughterers), hazanim,45 and eventu-
ally Hasidic rebbes. The initial settlement of Hasidic rebbes in the New World
primarily took place in the early 1910s, towards the end of the mass migra-
tion period. By the conclusion of World War I, New York alone had at least
four Hasidic rebbes.46 Ira Robinson’s groundbreaking essay The First Hasidic

39 J.D. Sarna, American Judaism: A History (New Haven, CT 2004) 151–152.

40 J. Eisenstein, Otzar zikhronotai: korot toldot u-miqrei yom be-yomo (New York 1930) 156;
Biale et al., Hasidism, 637.
41 See I. Robinson, ‘Anshe Sfard: The Creation of the First Hasidic Congregations in North
America,’ American Jewish Archives Journal 57, nos. 1–2 (2005) 53–66, https://sites.ameri
canjewisharchives.org/publications/journal/PDF/2005_57_01_02_robinson.pdf.
42 M. Wodziński, Historical Atlas of Hasidism (Princeton, NJ 2018) 141–153.
43 Wodziński, Historical Atlas of Hasidism, 146.
44 S.D. Levin, Toldot Habad be-ʾArtzot ha-Berit: be-shanim 5660–5710 (Brooklyn, NY 1988)
125–128.
45 See K. Caplan, “In God We Trust: Salaries and Income of American Orthodox Rabbis,
1881–1924,” American Jewish History 86, no. 1 (1998) 77–106.
46 I. Even, ‘Chassidim in the New World,’ Jewish Communal Register of New York City, 1917–1918
(New York 1918) 341–347.

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The Hazanic Revival in Later Hasidism 141

Rabbis in North America,47 and the Biale et al., comprehensive multi-authored

volume Hasidism: A New History48 offer a concise overview of the early
American Hasidic rebbes.49 The latter makes reference to Tzvi Rabinowicz’s
Encyclopedia of Hasidism, which documents a minimum of 47 early American
Hasidic rebbes.50 However, deeper investigation into the Yiddish press and
additional resources reveals that the true count exceeded one hundred. For
instance, R. Meir Leifer of Nadvorna (1881–1941), who arrived in America in
1920,51 is not included in Rabinowicz’s list. He would later establish his pres-
ence in Cleveland, and gain recognition as the Clevelander Rebbe.52 Another
Hasidic rebbe, R. Isaac Tzevi Taub of Modzitz (d. 1964), who had relocated to
America in approximately 1929 and settled in the Bronx,53 is also missing from
Rabinowicz’s references.
Within the group of immigrant hazanim were Hasidim such as Rosenblatt
and Rovner, mentioned earlier, who arrived in 191254 and 1914, respectively.55
In America, Jewish immigrants became enamored with hazanut, leading
Jonathan Sarna to refer to this period as a ‘hazan craze.’56 It lasted from approx-
imately 1885 to the early 1930s.57 In 1887, R. Moses Weinberger (1854–1940),
a Hungarian American religious leader, wrote about the zeal for hazanim in
the Jewish community of New York, stating that synagogues would go to great
lengths to find the best hazan to entertain their congregants.58

47 I. Robinson, ‘The First Hasidic Rabbis in North America,’ Translating a Tradition (Boston,
MA 2008) 190–205.
48 Biale et al., Hasidism, 637–644.
49 For insights on a prominent early American Hasidic rebbe, see G. Sagiv, ‘A Hasidic
Leader Migrating to America: Egodocuments by Rabbi Joshua Heschel Rabinowitz of
Monastyryshche (1860–1938),’ Zutot 20 (2023), https://brill.com/view/journals/zuto/aop
/article-10.1163–18750214-bja10028/article-10.1163–18750214-bja10028.xml.
50 T. Rabinowicz, The Encyclopedia of Hasidism (Lanham, MA 1996).
51 ‘A groisen kabalat panim,’ Der Morgen Journal (hereafter, MJ) (December 3, 1920) 13; see
R. Horowitz, The Bostoner Rebbetzin Remembers (Brooklyn, NY 1996) 45–53.
52 ‘Mazal tov ale Maramorisher landsleit bi-frat un ale yiden bi-klal,’ Di Yidishe Velt (August
28, 1922) 6; see also I. Robinson, ‘“A Link in the Great American Chain”: The Evolution of
Jewish Orthodoxy in Cleveland to 1940,’ in S. and J.J. Grabowski, ed., Cleveland Jews and the
Making of a Midwestern Community (Ithaca, NY 2020) 16.
53 M.S. Geshuri, Music and Hassidism in the House of Kuzmir (Kazimierz) and Its Affiliation
(Jerusalem 1952) 128 [Hebrew].
54 Shandler, ‘Sanctification of the Brand Name,’ 256.
55 J.L. Ne’eman, ‘Morogowski, Jacob Samuel,’ in Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 14, 507–508.
56 J.D. Sarna, ‘Editor’s Introduction,’ in People Walk on Their Heads: Moses Weinberger’s Jews
and Judaism in New York (Teaneck 1982) 12–13.
57 M. Slobin, Chosen Voices: The Story of the American Cantorate (Champaign, IL 2002) 51–61.
58 M. Weinberger, Sefer ha-Yehudim ve-ha-yahadut be-New York (New York 1887). This
was translated and edited by Jonathan D. Sarna as People Walk on Their Heads: Moses

Zutot 20 (2023) 135–146

142 Bergman

The influx of hazanim to the New World coincided with the rise of the
‘celebrity hazan phenomenon’ in both Europe and America. Jeffrey Shandler
explains that whereas the traditional hazan was ‘a mediating figure, strategic
to traditional Jewish worship,’ the celebrity hazan became ‘a subject of media-
tion him[self].’59 The new status of hazanim was criticized by Weinberger:

New chazanim who succeed in the job market comport themselves with
the greatest majesty and splendor. Our people distribute money to them
as if it grows on trees.’ Comparable to opera celebrities, ‘multitudes who
for lack of money can’t hear [the hazanim] at least want to view them:
the sight of their glorious visages fills them with happiness.60

American Hasidic Rebbes and Celebrity-Hazanim

R. Israel Hager of Radowitz (1876–1942) of the Kosov Hasidic dynasty and

R. David Mordecai Twersky of Talna (1888–1956), the grandson of the previ-
ously mentioned R. David of Talna, were among the few Hasidic rebbes who
had established their courts in America before World War I. They adopted a
contrasting approach in comparison to Weinberger. As World War I impacted
Europe, many Hasidic rebbes were forced to flee their hometowns and establish
their courts in unfamiliar cities such as Vienna, Budapest, Warsaw, and Lodz.61
Rabbis Israel and David Mordecai spearheaded initiatives to gather funds for
the support of Hasidic rebbes who were refugees during the war. They created
organizations, Ezrat HaRabbanim62 and Agudat Ezrat Israel,63 respectively,
and arranged concerts featuring American hazanim, including the renowned
Josef Rosenblatt. As a reflection of this fact, Rosenblatt’s son states that his
father was ‘especially devoted … to [American] pedigreed descendants of the
Chassidic saints.’ There were ‘many’ who ‘benefitted materially from the con-
certs that he gave on their behalf,’ and ‘there was hardly a Chassidic rabbi in

Weinberger’s Jews and Judaism in New York, 103; A.J. Karp, ‘Overview: The Synagogue
in America – A Historical Typology,’ in J. Wertheimer, ed., The American Synagogue: A
Sanctuary Transformed (Cambridge 2003) 18.
59 Shandler, Jews, God, and Videotape, 214.
60 Sarna, ‘Editor’s Introduction,’ in People Walk on Their Heads, 102.
61 M. Wodziński and J. Garliński, ‘War and Religion: How the First World War Changed
Hasidism,’ Jewish Quarterly Review 106, no. 3 (2016) 290–295.
62 ‘Ezras HaRabbanim,’ Yidishes Tagblatt (hereafter, YT) (June 17, 1915) 2.
63 ‘Agudas Ezras Israel,’ MJ (May 24, 1915) 5.

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The Hazanic Revival in Later Hasidism 143

the United States, to whatever dynasty he might have belonged, who was not
at one time or another the recipient of my father’s favors.’64
In July 1915, R. Israel organized a concert at Congregation Magen Abraham
Anshei Dukler, referred to as the Galitzianer Shul, located on the Lower East
Side of New York.65 The concert featured Rosenblatt as the star performer. R.
Israel even attended the concert and addressed the audience, going so far as to
use his own home as the official address to purchase seating tickets.66
Similarly, at the same time of year, R. David Mordecai’s organization, Agudat
Ezrat Israel, organized a cantorial concert at Congregation Shaarei Shamayim,
referred to as the Romainisher Shul, on the Lower East Side, with legendary
performer Zaydl Rovner as the star.67 Like his colleague R. Israel, R. David
Mordecai’s home was the designated location to purchase tickets.68 When
Romanian Hasidim put together a concert to support R. Isaac Meir Heschel
of Kapischnitz (1862–1936), who had sought refuge in Vienna and was in dire
financial trouble, R. David Mordecai attended the event.69
R. Israel and R. David Mordecai went a step further in their fundraising
efforts by holding musical concerts in concert halls. R. David Mordecai decided
to arrange a cantorial concert at Carnegie Hall featuring legendary performers
such as Rosenblatt and Rovner, with the profits going to aid Hasidic rebbes in
Vienna.70 In August 1918, R. Israel also organized a hazanut concert, featuring
Rosenblatt at the Lorraine Hotel in Edgemere, Long Island71 to generate funds
for Jewish orphans impacted by the Great War.72
Weinberger’s aversion to the reverence given to celebrity hazanim was
rooted in his broader criticism of late 19th-century American Jewry. According
to his explanation, in the Old World, the greatest respect and prestige was
accorded to talmudic scholars and pietists such as the communal rabbi, rosh
yeshivah (dean of a religious studies school), the magid (preacher), and Hasidic
rebbe,73 all of whom served as vital sources of guidance and authority for the

64 Rosenblatt, Yossele Rosenblatt, 128.

65 ‘Bekantmakhung,’ YT, July 25, 1915, 6.
66 ‘Shtitze far di Ezras HaRabbanim vas zenen na ve-nad in Vien, Ungarin Behmen,’ YT (June
28, 1915) 2.
67 ‘Concert far di fertribene zaddikim,’ MJ (June 4, 1915) 7; ‘Concert,’ MJ (June 11, 1915) 4.
68 ‘Concert far di fertribene zaddikim,’ 7.
69 ‘Groise velt barimte chazanim …’ MJ (March 14, 1919) 13.
70 ‘Avend in Carnegie Hall far di ferluzene gute yiden,’ MJ, April 16, 1915, 7.
71 ‘An Appeal fin dem R. Yisrael Rebbe vegen dem Beis Yesomim …’ MJ (January 27, 1919) 8.
72 ‘Radowizer Rebbe grindet a Beis Yesomim in Tzfas,’ MJ (December 26, 1918) 8.
73 See S. Stampfer, ‘The Missing Rabbis of Eastern Europe,’ in Families, Rabbis, and
Education: Traditional Jewish Society in Nineteenth-Century Eastern Europe (Oxford 2010);
I. Bartal, ‘Hasidim, Mitnagdim, and Maskilim,’ in The Jews of Eastern Europe, 1772–1881

Zutot 20 (2023) 135–146

144 Bergman

masses. Eastern European communities considered them indispensable for

upholding tradition.
However, in America, these very same figures were seen as ‘old fashioned,
outmoded antiques.’74 Their leadership was being replaced by baʿalei batim
(laymen) with superficial qualities, who lacked depth of knowledge and piety.
Instead, they acquired influence through arrogance and greed. These individu-
als, admired by the masses for their appearance and charisma, became promi-
nent figures within the community, with many eagerly seeking their counsel.
Weinberger saw the rise of celebrity hazanim as a continuation of this trend
of valuing ‘flashy’ and superficial role models over traditional religious lead-
ers. Hence, American Jews preferred a cantor who sang well over all religious
figures such as rabbis and preachers.75 Synagogues put more effort into finding
a suitable hazan for their community, rather than appointing a suitable rabbi
as their religious guide.76
Although in Eastern Europe, Hasidic rebbes undoubtedly did not participate
in or organize concerts, nor did they use their status to achieve various goals
for Hasidic purposes, R. Israel and R. David Mordecai were more practical and
less idealistic than Weinberger in this regard. They acknowledged the dimin-
ished status of the traditional religious leadership in America and embraced
the celebrity culture surrounding cantorial entertainment by arranging con-
certs featuring famous hazanim, which would appeal to the American Jewish
community and encourage them to support a cause. Although this meant
compromising their status by subordinating themselves to the star hazan, they
were willing to adapt to the reality of American Jewish culture.
This was a departure from traditional Hasidism, where the rebbe was the
center of attention. In the Eastern European Hasidic world, rebbes held the
highest authority. As a result, the hazanim considered it an honor to perform
for them; even celebrities such as Rovner and Rosenblatt were willing to travel
long distances to sing for them. Although held in high regard by the Hasidim,
their status never challenged that of the rebbe. Their performances were for
the sake of the rebbe and the Hasidim, and had a spiritual focus rather than
being for entertainment purposes.
Despite the fact that court hazanim never achieved widespread celebrity
status, they were still renowned and highly respected in the Hasidic world.

(Philadelphia 2011); I. Bartal, ‘From Corporation to Nation: Jewish Autonomy in Eastern

Europe, 1772–1881,’ Jahrbuch des Simon-Dubnow-Instituts 5 (2006) 17–31.
74 Weinberger, Sefer ha-Yehudim; Sarna, People Walk on Their Heads, 44.
75 Sarna, ‘Editor’s Introduction,’ in People Walk on Their Heads, 42–44.
76 K. Caplan, ‘In God We Trust: Salaries and Income of American Orthodox Rabbis, 1881–
1924,’ American Jewish History 86, no. 1 (1998) 91–93.

Zutot 20 (2023) 135–146

The Hazanic Revival in Later Hasidism 145

Nevertheless, like the cooks and beadles, court-hazanim were ultimately

functionaries, and their role was of a secondary nature to serve the rebbe and
the Hasidim. The only ‘star’ of the Hasidic court was the rebbe. It was thus
perfectly natural that the previously mentioned Spector, while serving as the
hazan at R. Israel of Boyan’s court, also served as the latter’s personal shamash
(servant).77 Similarly, the earlier referred to Talner, in the course of functioning
as court hazan to R. David of Talna, would also serve as an emissary to col-
lect maʿamadot (Hasidim’s annual financial contributions to their respective
rebbes) from Talner Hasidim throughout Russia.78
Furthermore, due to their affiliation with the Hasidic courts they served,
court hazanim typically did not assert ownership rights over the liturgical
pieces that they composed. The relationship between court hazanim and their
compositions was indirect, and their cantorial works would often be attrib-
uted to the specific Hasidic group that they were affiliated with. Spector’s and
Talner’s songs were called ‘Boyaner songs’ and ‘Talner songs,’ respectively. The
identities of court hazanim, in the eyes of the Hasidim, were deeply intercon-
nected with the Hasidic rebbes that they served. Talner was referred to as ‘Yossel
Reb Duvedels’ (a Yiddish embellishment of Dovid, a reference to R. David
of Talna),79 or ‘Yossele dem Rebbins,’ (‘the rebbe’s’ – connoting R. David).80
Similarly, Boyaner Hasidim would say that Spector’s compositions were rooted
in the holiness of R. Isaac,81 while Talner Hasidim believed that Talner’s musi-
cal abilities emanated from the ‘spiritual energy’ of R. David of Talna.82

Conclusion

To conclude, this essay emphasizes that Hasidic rebbes demonstrated a willing-

ness to embrace innovation in order to expand and uphold Hasidism. Initially,
hazanut was met with disapproval, as it was seen as a hindrance to Hasidism’s
mystical path. However, as a powerful medium for religious expression, Hasidic
leaders integrated hazanut into their musical repertoire as a distinct genre. The
innovativeness of Hasidic rebbes reached new levels when American rebbes
were open to incorporating elements of the ‘celebrity cantorial culture’ of their
time to raise funds for their Hasidic brethren in Eastern Europe.

77 Rabinowitz, Mishkenot ha-roʿim.

78 Rosenblatt, ‘Tokhter fun barimten Talner hazan Yossele.’
79 Zaludkovsky, Kultur treger, 172.
80 Minkovsky, ‘Mi-sefer ha-hai’; Idelsohn, Jewish Music, 433.
81 Kopolowitz, Shirat Yisra‌ʾel.
82 M.S. Geshuri, La-hasidim mizmor (Jerusalem 1936) 27.

Zutot 20 (2023) 135–146

146 Bergman

Moreover, the historical narrative surrounding hazanut in later Hasidism

reveals how elements of Hasidic tradition, which originated and flourished
within the traditional and close-knit Jewish communities of Eastern European
shtetls, struck a chord with Hasidic Jews residing in the dynamic and cultur-
ally diverse environment of New York City. This resonance inspired them to
actively support the causes advocated by figures such as R. David Mordecai of
Talna and R. Israel of Radowitz, and a ‘bridge’ was forged between the Hasidic
world of Eastern Europe and that of America.

Zutot 20 (2023) 135–146