Il Mulino - Rivisteweb
Martyn Barrett
Citizenship Competences
(doi: 10.12828/100675)
Scuola democratica (ISSN 1129-731X)
Fascicolo speciale, maggio 2021
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SAGGI / 3. COMPETENZE, CURRICOLI, ORGANIZZAZIONE
Citizenship Competences
by Martyn Barrett
ABSTRACT: This paper provides an overview of the 20 citizenship competences that are specified by the Council of Europe’s Reference Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture (Barrett et al., 2018a, 2018b, 2018c). The procedure that was used to identify these 20
competences is described, and some of the notable characteristics of the set of 20 competences
are discussed. In addition, the descriptors that have been developed for the competences are
explained. Descriptors are clear, explicit and concise descriptions of the concrete observable
behaviours that a person will display if they have achieved a certain level of proficiency in a
given competence. It is argued that these 20 competences, together with their accompanying
descriptors, provide educators with a powerful set of tools for implementing a comprehensive,
coherent and transparent approach to civic and citizenship education.
KEYWORDS: Citizenship, Competence, Competences, Descriptors, Proficiency levels
This paper discusses the competences that may be taught and learned in civic
and citizenship education (CCE). The account offered here draws upon the
Council of Europe’s Reference Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture
(RFCDC) (Barrett et al., 2018a, 2018b, 2018c), which specifies a set of 20
citizenship competences that can be promoted through education. This paper
provides a broad overview of these 20 competences.
Before describing these competences, it is important to state a basic assumption made by the RFCDC concerning the competences required for citizenship
within culturally diverse democratic societies. This assumption is that democratic competence within such societies needs to include intercultural competence.
A fundamental principle of democracy is that the people who are affected by
: Educazione civica e alla cittadinanza
>
Martyn Barrett, University of Surrey,
m.barrett@surrey.ac.uk
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Martyn Barrett
political decisions should be able to express their views when those decisions are
being made, and that decision-makers should pay attention to those views when
they make their decisions. In a culturally diverse society, respectful intercultural
dialogue is therefore essential for democratic communication, discussion and
debate, and for enabling all citizens to contribute to political decision-making
on an equal basis, irrespective of their specific cultural affiliations. However,
in order to participate in respectful intercultural dialogue with fellow citizens,
intercultural competence is required. Hence, the RFCDC treats intercultural
competence as an intrinsic component of democratic competence in the case of
citizens who live within culturally diverse societies.
1. The concept of competence
The RFCDC builds on previous insights into the nature of competence, especially those of Jonnaert et al. (2006) and Kennedy et al. (2009). Taking its
cue from their work, the RFCDC defines ‘competence’ as the ability to select,
activate, organise and apply relevant psychological resources (values, attitudes,
skills, knowledge and/or understanding) in order to respond appropriately and
effectively to the demands, challenges and opportunities that are presented by
a given type of situation. Democratic competence, which is the overall goal of
CCE, is therefore defined as the ability to select, activate, organise and apply relevant psychological resources in order to respond appropriately and effectively
to the demands, challenges and opportunities that are presented by democratic
situations.
The RFCDC construes such competence in dynamic terms. This is because
responding to a situation in an appropriate and effective manner requires the
individual to actively monitor the impacts and results of their behaviour, and
to monitor the situation itself as it develops. If the behaviour fails to achieve its
intended purpose, or if the demands of the situation change, then a competent
individual will modify their behaviour in an appropriate way, possibly by drawing on further psychological resources, in order to meet the evolving needs of
the situation. In other words, a competent individual will mobilise and use
psychological resources in a dynamic and fluid manner, self-regulating their
behaviour and adjusting it according to situational circumstances.
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In addition to this global and holistic use of the term ‘competence’ (in the
singular), the term ‘competences’ (in the plural) is used by the RFCDC to refer to the specific psychological resources (the specific values, attitudes, skills,
knowledge and understanding) that may be activated and applied in the production of competent behaviour. In other words, in the terminology of the
RFCDC, ‘competence’ consists of the selection, activation and coordination
of ‘competences’ and the application of these competences in an adaptive and
dynamic manner to concrete situations.
2. The set of competences required for behaving effectively and appropriately within democratic situations
The RFCDC proposes that 20 specific competences are required for responding appropriately and effectively to the demands, challenges and opportunities
Source: Barrett et al. (2018a), © Council of Europe, reproduced with permission
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FIG. 1. The 20 citizenship competences required for participating effectively and appropriately in democratic situations, according to the RFCDC
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of democratic situations. These 20 competences are shown in Figure 1. These
are therefore the competences that CCE needs to help young people to acquire
and use, in order to enable them to function as competent democratic citizens.
It is helpful to understand how these 20 specific competences were identified
(see Barrett, 2016, for a full account). From the outset, the expert group developing the RFCDC was mindful of the fact that there was a substantial body of
previous research into citizenship competences. For this reason, the group began
its work by conducting an audit of existing proposals concerning citizenship
competences. In total, 101 previous conceptual schemes of democratic and intercultural competence were examined (for a list, see Barrett, 2016, Appendix A).
The audit revealed widespread mismatches across these schemes in terms
of: (i) the number of competences which they contained; (ii) the level of generality at which these competences were specified; and (iii) the ways in which
the competences were grouped and classified. Consequently, the 101 schemes
were decomposed to identify all of the individual competences which they contained, and these competences were then grouped into cognate sets. Not all of
the competences could be placed into particular sets with full confidence. For
example, some competences described in the schemes were vague, while others
were formulated in a way which combined two or more conceptually distinct
competences. In addition, some schemes were more exhaustive and complete
than others.
In order to organise the competences, a set of principled criteria was used.
These criteria included conceptual clarity, formulation at a general rather than a
specific level, and commonality across a number of the schemes being audited.
In addition, because a core goal was to construct a competence model for use
in educational planning, only competences that were judged to be teachable,
learnable and assessable (through either self-assessment or assessment by others) were included in the final set. Applying these criteria to the competences
that had been derived from the competence schemes, the 20 core competences
shown in Figure 1 were identified.
These 20 competences were then subjected to a further process of conceptual refinement and clarification in their formulation, ensuring that the most
important aspects of each competence were being captured by the model, and
a document containing a first draft of the competence model was written. This
document was circulated in an international consultation involving academic
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experts, education practitioners and education policymakers, including experts
nominated by the education ministries of the Council of Europe’s member
states. The model received very strong endorsement in this consultation. In the
final stage of development, the model was fine-tuned and finalised, taking into
account the feedback that had been received.
As can be seen from Figure 1, the competences fall into four broad categories: values, attitudes, skills, and knowledge and critical understanding. Summary descriptions of the 20 competences are provided in Box 1. Readers who
wish to read the full descriptions of each competence should consult Barrett et
al. (2018a; see also Barrett, 2016).
B 1
Summary descriptions of the 20 citizenship competences specified by the RFCDC
• Values
– Valuing human dignity and human rights. This value is based on the general belief
that every human being is of equal worth, has equal dignity, is entitled to equal
respect, and is entitled to the same set of human rights and fundamental freedoms,
and ought to be treated accordingly.
– Valuing cultural diversity. This value is based on the general belief that other cultural
affiliations, cultural variability and diversity, and pluralism of perspectives, views and
practices ought to be positively regarded, appreciated and cherished.
– Valuing democracy, justice, fairness, equality and the rule of law. This set of values is
based on the general belief that societies ought to operate and be governed through
democratic processes which respect the principles of justice, fairness, equality and
the rule of law.
– Openness to cultural otherness and to other beliefs, world views and practices. Openness
is an attitude towards people who are perceived to have different cultural affiliations
from oneself or towards beliefs, world views and practices which differ from one’s
own. It involves sensitivity towards, curiosity about and willingness to engage with
other people and other perspectives on the world.
– Respect. Respect consists of positive regard and esteem for someone or something
based on the judgement that they have intrinsic importance, worth or value. Having
respect for other people who are perceived to have different cultural affiliations or
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• Attitudes
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–
–
–
–
different beliefs, opinions or practices from one’s own is vital for effective intercultural dialogue and a culture of democracy.
Civic-mindedness. Civic-mindedness is an attitude towards a community or social
group to which one belongs that is larger than one’s immediate circle of family
and friends. It involves a sense of belonging to that community, an awareness of
other people in the community, an awareness of the effects of one’s actions on those
people, solidarity with other members of the community, and a sense of civic duty
towards the community.
Responsibility. Responsibility is an attitude towards one’s own actions. It involves
being reflective about one’s actions, forming intentions about how to act in a morally appropriate way, conscientiously performing those actions, and holding oneself
accountable for the outcomes of those actions.
Self-efficacy. Self-efficacy is an attitude towards the self. It involves a positive belief
in one’s own ability to undertake the actions that are required to achieve particular
goals, and confidence that one can understand issues, select appropriate methods
for accomplishing tasks, navigate obstacles successfully, and make a difference in the
world.
Tolerance of ambiguity. Tolerance of ambiguity is an attitude towards situations
which are uncertain and subject to multiple conflicting interpretations. It involves
evaluating these kinds of situations positively and dealing with them constructively.
• Skills
– Autonomous learning skills. Autonomous learning skills are the skills required to pursue, organise and evaluate one’s own learning in accordance with one’s own needs, in
a self-directed manner, without being prompted by others.
– Analytical and critical thinking skills. Analytical and critical thinking skills are the
skills required to analyse, evaluate and make judgements about materials of any kind
(e.g., texts, arguments, interpretations, issues, events, experiences, etc.) in a systematic and logical manner.
– Skills of listening and observing. Skills of listening and observing are the skills required
to notice and understand what is being said and how it is being said, and to notice
and understand other people’s non-verbal behaviour.
– Empathy. Empathy is the set of skills required to understand and relate to other
people’s thoughts, beliefs and feelings, and to see the world from other people’s
perspectives.
– Flexibility and adaptability. Flexibility and adaptability are the skills required to adjust and regulate one’s thoughts, feelings or behaviours so that one can respond effectively and appropriately to new contexts and situations.
– Linguistic, communicative and plurilingual skills. Linguistic, communicative and plurilingual skills are the skills required to communicate effectively and appropriately
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with people who speak the same or another language, and to act as a mediator between speakers of different languages.
– Cooperation skills. Cooperation skills are the skills required to participate successfully
with others in shared activities, tasks and ventures and to encourage others to cooperate so that group goals may be achieved.
– Conflict-resolution skills. Conflict-resolution skills are the skills required to address,
manage and resolve conflicts in a peaceful way by guiding conflicting parties towards
optimal solutions that are acceptable to all parties.
• Knowledge and critical understanding
– Knowledge and critical understanding of the self. This includes knowledge and critical
understanding of one’s own thoughts, beliefs, feelings and motivations, and of one’s
own cultural affiliations and perspective on the world.
– Knowledge and critical understanding of language and communication. This includes
knowledge and critical understanding of the socially appropriate verbal and nonverbal communicative conventions that operate in the language(s) which one speaks,
of the effects that different communication styles can have on other people, and of
how every language expresses culturally shared meanings in a unique way.
– Knowledge and critical understanding of the world. This includes a large and complex
body of knowledge and critical understanding in a variety of areas including politics,
law, human rights, culture, cultures, religions, history, media, economies, the environment and sustainability.
It should be noted that some of the competences, such as openness and empathy, may be targeted from a relatively early age at pre-school and primary school.
However, others, such as knowledge and critical understanding of politics, law
and economies, are more suitable for targeting in upper secondary school or
even higher education. For this reason, the RFCDC proposes that promoting
the development of these 20 competences is a task that applies across all levels
of formal education, from pre-school through primary and secondary education
to higher education.
The RFCDC proposes that, in real-life situations, these competences are
rarely mobilised and used individually. Instead, they are much more likely to
be applied in clusters. Depending on the situation and the specific demands,
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Source: Barrett (2016), © Council of Europe, reproduced with permission.
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challenges and opportunities of that situation, as well as the specific needs
of the individual within the situation, different subsets of competences will
be activated and used. As has been noted already, the RFCDC construes the
activation and use of competences as a fluid and dynamic process. Because
any given situation changes over time, an effective and adaptive response requires the constant monitoring of the situation and the appropriate ongoing
adjustment of the competences being used. In other words, the RFCDC proposes that a democratically competent individual activates and uses clusters
of competences in a fluid, dynamic and adaptive manner in order to meet
the constantly shifting demands, challenges and opportunities that arise in
democratic situations.
3. Some of the distinctive features of the RFCDC competence model
There are several distinctive features of the RFCDC competence model that
distinguish it from the previous competence schemes that were audited. One
of these distinctive features is the fourfold classification of competences, as opposed to the more traditional threefold classification into attitudes, skills and
knowledge. This was a result of including values explicitly as a fourth category
of competences.
Those who are familiar with existing competence schemes may be surprised by the appearance of values as a distinct type of competence. However, it is important to bear in mind that the term ‘competence’ is not being
used here in its casual everyday sense as a synonym of ‘ability’, but in a more
technical sense to refer to the psychological resources that need to be activated and used to meet the demands and challenges of democratic situations.
Values are included in the model for several reasons. First, values do in fact
appear (although often only implicitly) in many of the previous competence
schemes which were audited. Thus, their omission from the current model
would have meant that the model was only partially capturing the contents
of those previous schemes (values are not always obvious in previous schemes
because they are usually included under the heading of attitudes rather than
under their own separate heading). Second, there are several characteristics
that differentiate values from attitudes. These include their generality, trans-
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situational applicability, focus on desirable goals, and normativity (Schwartz,
2006). Third, values are essential for conceptualising the competences relevant for democratic citizenship. This is because without a specification of
the particular values that underpin the use of the competences, they would
not be democratic competences but would instead be more general political
competences which could be used in the service of many other kinds of political order, including anti-democratic orders. For example, one could be a responsible, self-efficacious, skilful and politically well-informed citizen within
a totalitarian dictatorship if a different set of values were to be employed as
the foundation for one’s behaviour. Thus, the values in the RFCDC model are
essential for the characterisation of democratic competence.
A second distinctive characteristic of the RFCDC competence model is that
it does not include any behaviours (unlike some other schemes). This is because
competences (in the plural) were defined by the RFCDC as the internal psychological resources (i.e., values, attitudes, skills, knowledge and understanding) that
enable the individual to respond to specific situations appropriately and effectively. Behaviour itself is instead the external outcome of applying competences
to situations. Every competence has behavioural expressions, and all competent
behaviours are a product of deploying one or more underlying competences.
However, behaviours themselves are not competences.
A third characteristic that differentiates the RFCDC model of citizenship
competences from some previous competence schemes is that it does not include ‘dispositions’ as a type of competence. In the audit, it was found that
‘dispositions’ were among the most difficult putative competences to classify,
primarily because they were very poorly defined, with ‘disposition’ typically
being used as a non-specific catch-all term for any and all underlying psychological factors that might motivate or drive democratic behaviours. It was
also unclear how some of these putative ‘dispositions’ differ from their end
result (e.g., how ‘disposition to be empathic’ differs from ‘being empathic’).
In the RFCDC competence model, the values and attitudes function as the
motivations and drivers of behaviour, eliminating any need for the inclusion
of ‘dispositions’. For example, a person is empathic because they are open to
others, respectful of others, have empathic skills, and value the dignity of others. Likewise, a person engages in active participation not because they have a
‘disposition’ to engage in active participation but because they value democ-
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racy and are civically minded and responsible, and understand the importance
of political action. Thus, the RFCDC model treats values and attitudes as the
specific underlying psychological factors that motivate and drive democratic
behaviours, rather than any non-specific and generalised ‘dispositions’.
Fourth, whereas traditional competence schemes classify competences into
attitudes, skills and knowledge, the RFCDC classifies competences into values, attitudes, skills, and knowledge and critical understanding. A distinction is
drawn between knowledge and understanding. In keeping with the standard
use of the term, knowledge is defined as the body of information that is possessed by a person. By contrast, understanding is defined as the comprehension and appreciation of meanings. The distinction is important because it is
possible to know something without understanding it (e.g., one can memorise
and therefore know that human rights are universal, inalienable and indivisible without understanding what is meant by these three terms and their implications). Knowledge is necessary but not sufficient for understanding. For
this reason, the RFCDC emphasises the need for not only knowledge but also
understanding in order for an individual to be democratically competent. In
addition, note the term ‘critical understanding’ that is used by the RFCDC.
This term is used in order to emphasise the need for the comprehension and
appreciation of meanings in the context of democratic processes to involve
active reflection on and critical evaluation of that which is being interpreted
and understood (as opposed to unreflective, habitual and automatic interpretation).
4. Descriptors and proficiency levels in CCE
In order to assist education systems to achieve the goal of equipping learners with these 20 citizenship competences, the RFCDC provides validated and
scaled descriptors for all of the competences. Descriptors are clear, explicit and
concise statements or descriptions of the concrete observable behaviours that
a person will display if they have achieved a certain level of proficiency in a
given competence. In other words, they are indicators of an individual’s level of
achievement in that competence. Examples of the scaled descriptors for two of
the competences are shown in Box 2.
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B 2
Scaled descriptors for civic-mindedness and for skills of listening and observing
CIVIC-MINDEDNESS
•
–
–
•
–
–
•
–
–
Basic level of proficiency
Expresses a willingness to co-operate and work with others
Collaborates with other people for common interest causes
Intermediate level of proficiency
Expresses commitment to not being a bystander when the dignity and rights of others are violated
Discusses what can be done to help make the community a better place
Advanced level of proficiency
Exercises the obligations and responsibilities of active citizenship at either the local,
national or global level
Takes action to stay informed about civic issues
SKILLS OF LISTENING AND OBSERVING
•
–
–
•
–
–
Basic level of proficiency
Listens attentively to other people
Listens carefully to differing opinions
Intermediate level of proficiency
Can listen effectively in order to decipher another person’s meanings and intentions
Watches speakers’ gestures and general body language to help himself/herself to figure out the meaning of what they are saying
• Advanced level of proficiency
– Pays attention to what other people imply but do not say
– Notices how people with other cultural affiliations react in different ways to the same
situation
As can be seen from Box 2, the behaviours that are used to characterise proficiency
at the three levels become increasingly more sophisticated and complex as one
moves up through the levels of proficiency. However, even at the basic level, an
individual is still displaying a degree of proficiency in the use of the competence.
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Source: Barrett et al. (2018b), © Council of Europe, reproduced with permission.
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It is important to note that the RFCDC descriptors were not established
through expert judgement but through an empirical process to ensure that they
represent real levels of proficiency that may be displayed by learners and to
ensure that they can be used easily by teachers in the classroom. The empirical
process used to establish the descriptors involved the following steps.
In the first step, a set of criteria that could be used for formulating descriptors was drawn up. It was decided that, for ease of use by teachers, descriptors
should be relatively brief (ideally no longer than about 25 words), positive in
wording (expressing an ability in terms of what a person can do rather than
what they cannot do), clear in their wording (transparent and not jargon-laden,
and written using relatively simple grammar), independent (self-standing and
not taking on meaning only in relationship to other descriptors), and definite
(describing a concrete behaviour or achievement indicating that the relevant
competence has been mastered to a particular level of proficiency).
In addition, and importantly, it was decided that the descriptors should be
formulated using the language of learning outcomes, so that they could be used
for curriculum development, pedagogical planning and assessment purposes.
For this reason, each descriptor contained an action verb together with the object of that verb, with the behaviour described being both observable and assessable (cf. Kennedy, 2006).
The development of the descriptors then began with an audit of existing psychometric scales, research documents and policy documents which contained
potentially suitable statements about behaviours and learning outcomes that
could be matched to one of the 20 competences. In total, 98 source documents
were audited. Scale items and statements found in these documents were extracted and rephrased to construct short statements that could potentially serve
as descriptors. Initially, 2,085 descriptors were written. These draft descriptors
were then subjected to a critical scrutiny of their compliance with the criteria
stated above by two experts working together. After this process, 1,371 descriptors were retained.
These descriptors were then evaluated using a series of rating tasks, validation
tasks and scaling tasks which involved 3,094 teachers across Europe. Teachers
were given subsets of the descriptors and asked to assign each descriptor to its
relevant competence (in order to ensure that each descriptor mapped unambiguously onto only one competence), to rate the descriptors against three criteria
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(clarity, concreteness, and observability in an education setting), to rate the usefulness of each descriptor for different levels of education, and to give feedback
on the wordings of the descriptors. The most highly rated descriptors were then
taken forward into the next phase of the work, in which further teachers were
asked to use subsets of the descriptors for rating individual learners in their classes, and also to report on how easy it was to use each individual descriptor for
this purpose. These data were used to eliminate further descriptors that were not
easy to use in practice, and to statistically scale the remaining descriptors to three
levels of proficiency – basic, intermediate or advanced. Through these processes,
447 highly rated scaled descriptors covering all 20 competences in the model
were identified. Of these, 135 were classified as key descriptors on the basis of the
scaling data and their wording. The full bank of 447 validated descriptors, and
the subset of 135 key descriptors, are reported in Barrett et al. (2018b).
It should be noted that the scaling procedure that was used indicates that
the descriptors are cumulative across the three levels of proficiency. In other
words, if a learner displays a behaviour at an advanced level of proficiency for a
particular competence, then it is highly likely that he or she will also display the
behaviours at both the intermediate and basic levels for that same competence.
However, if a learner displays a behaviour at an intermediate level of proficiency,
then it is highly likely that he or she will display the behaviours at the basic level,
but he or she may not necessarily display the behaviours at the advanced level.
That said, the scaling procedure does not imply that once a person has
achieved a certain level of proficiency, he or she can only increase his or her
proficiency level further. It is always possible that regressions can occur. For
example, this might happen as a result of a change to the political climate of a
country, an encounter with someone from a previously unknown cultural background, or a negative personal experience. If this happens, then a learner may
require additional support for returning back to the higher level of proficiency.
In addition, a learner is likely to be at different levels of proficiency on different competences (e.g., he or she may be at an advanced level of proficiency
on empathy but at a basic level on knowledge and critical understanding of
politics, law and economies). There is no reason to assume that progress in
the development of the 20 citizenship competences proceeds in a coordinated
manner; instead, advances in proficiency will take place at different times for
different competences.
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The key point about the descriptors is that they provide an operationalisation of the 20 citizenship competences in terms of the concrete observable
behaviours that may be displayed by learners at different levels of proficiency in
those competences.
5. Using the descriptors
Because the descriptors are phrased as learning outcomes, they can be used for
numerous purposes. For example, they can be used to develop a curriculum
which specifies not only the citizenship competences but also the specific learning outcomes that should be targeted at particular educational levels. The descriptors can also be used as a tool for designing learning activities for enhancing
learners’ citizenship competences, by providing specifications of the learning
outcomes that need to be achieved through the activities. In addition, the descriptors can be used to support the assessment of learners’ levels of proficiency.
For example, assessments might be conducted for the purpose of determining
a learner’s current levels of proficiency, learning gaps or learning needs, so that
further learning activities can then be planned in such a way that they help him
or her to achieve higher levels of proficiency (formative assessment). Assessments can also be conducted using the descriptors for the purpose of determining a learner’s levels of proficiency in a specific set of competences after a period
of learning (summative assessment). Guidance on how to use the descriptors in
curriculum review, pedagogical planning and assessment is provided in the third
volume of the RFCDC (Barrett et al., 2018c).
Conclusion
The model of citizenship competences and the descriptors that are provided by
the RFCDC offer educators the opportunity to implement a comprehensive,
coherent and transparent approach to CCE. Such an approach is comprehensive because it covers all of the citizenship competences that need to be promoted through CCE. The approach is also coherent, because it enables alignment
to be achieved between curriculum, pedagogy and assessment (with the same
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set of competences and descriptors being used to plan the curriculum, to design
pedagogical activities, and to assess learners’ levels of proficiency). CCE based
on the RFCDC is also transparent because the citizenship competences, and
the levels of proficiency in those competences, are explicit and clearly defined
and can be understood by all stakeholders, including education policymakers,
teacher trainers, school principals, teachers and learners.
In short, the RFCDC model of citizenship competences provides a powerful
set of tools that may be used in a systematic way by CCE to equip learners with
all of the citizenship competences that are needed for life as active and competent citizens in culturally diverse democratic societies.
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