Anti-communism

The period of the eighties is the main subject of my story. The aim is to analyze the crisis in the functioning of the Belgian State and society, which culminated at the end of 1985, and to provide background facts. This is a crisis that has so far been little analyzed. Reasoning back from that crisis can only be properly discerned the various elements that have dragged society along in today's very deep and almost hopeless crisis.
A few facts that should indicate the situation at the end of 1985 ... A whole series of factors come together and interact. First, there is a dynamic, but mainly pacifist mobilization of the young people for peace; a mobilization that at that time mainly revolves around whether or not to place American cruise missiles in Belgium. In the period October 1984-December 1985 an organization emerged that presented itself as an extreme left, the Cellules Comunistes Combattentes. It commits acts of violence, attacks that were not aimed at people, but which nevertheless involve a victim. The CCC comes out of nowhere, is said to come from extreme left-wing circles and consists of no more than 6 to 10 people. They ensure that violence is increasingly the subject of public debate. At the end of 1985, 4-5 persons responsible for the attacks they claimed were arrested.
At the same time an even more serious social drama occurs. In the first half of the eighties, a destabilization of the state takes place in all kinds of areas. A climate of tension is created. This tension among the entire population is mainly borne by people who have remained unknown to this day, who have gradually become known as the "Gang of Nijvel. There, too, a spiral of violence that has certainly occurred from 1983 onwards, and it is no coincidence that it reached its peak at the end of 1985. There is talk of terror, of apparently criminal violence, which in its methodology and in its timing pointing to political aims down to the smallest detail.
[...] In the first half of the eighties a third phenomenon occurs. In line with the Cold War, the Belgian government consulted the ally in the USA. Some of the best investigators from the Belgian police world (gendarmerie and judicial police) were sent to the US to receive training in undercover work. This training had a dramatic effect. As in many other European countries, they were given a training that only fit within the framework of American law. That American law permits far more than is customary in any other European democracy. The trained people came back with a formidable education that only suited the American context, but was totally illegal in the Belgian framework In Belgium, it is not allowed to proceed to arrests by provocation, ie by inciting to commit a crime.
[..] The dynamics that the Belgian state has shown recently lay in a completely different field, namely in the field of decentralization to absorb the contradictions between the Flemish and the Walloon communities as well as the uneven economic development between the industrialized, traditionally socialist south and the Flemish north where wealth accumulated more and more, while the traditional industrial structure in Wallonia has entered a very deep crisis. This uneven development has forced the state to a very far-reaching decentralization, which in the minds of some should end in secession (as the Lega Nord wants in Italy). It is mainly the extreme right that is aiming for this.
The "Vlaams Blok/Flemish Block" systematically conducts a political offensive that has only one goal: to abolish democracy by means of the detour of splitting Belgium into two pieces. When one sees in this development what is left of essential functions of the old unitary state - and these are in the first place justice, internal affairs, police services, military - then it must be concluded that it is precisely those sectors of the old state structures that are subject to a deep crisis; a crisis that poses a major threat to democracy.
What alternative is left to the old unitary structures now that the attention of politicians and the population is shifting more towards the new regional structures; now that the old state has been undermined by the anti-democratic forces of the Cold War, while the formation of the new regional states is partly driven by the extreme right; an extreme right that puts the theme of nationalism at the center of the propaganda and the aversion to everything that for them is not proper to the nation with all the discriminatory undertones that entails. Belgium faces a dilemma and a complex situation that is partly the result of what went wrong in a number of Western democracies as a result of what has been called the Cold War.

This article outlines the development of the West German anticommunist propaganda, the Volksbund für Frieden und Freiheit, active from 1950-1970. Its supervision and financing by several ministries made it a West German governmental tool. An anticommunist policy seemed necessary in the framework of the cold war and the division of Germany to guarantee its connection to the West as well as its return among the powers and to affirm its identity. In many respects, this association resembles Paix et Liberté. But the use of managers from the national-socialist anticommunist propaganda makes it necessary to question the continuity and the primacy of a State anticommunism and poses the problem of the democratization of the German society in the 1950s and 1960s.

Cet article esquisse l’évolution de l’association ouest-allemande de propagande anticommuniste, le Volksbund für Frieden und Freiheit, active de 1950 à 1970. Sa tutelle et son financement par plusieurs ministères en firent un instrument du gouvernement de la RFA. Pour celui-ci, une politique anticommuniste paraissait, dans le cadre de la guerre froide et de la division de l’Allemagne, nécessaire tant pour assurer son ancrage à l’Ouest que son retour parmi le concert des puissances, mais aussi pour affirmer son identité. À bien des égards, cette association ressemble à Paix et Liberté. Mais l’utilisation de cadres de la propagande anticommuniste nationale-socialiste force à s’interroger sur la continuité et le primat d’un anticommunisme d’État et pose le problème de la démocratisation de la société allemande des années 1950 et 1960.

“BETWEEN 1989 AND 1991, SEVERAL KEY EVENTS SIGNALED THE END OF THE COLD WAR. FIRST, COMMUNIST DICTATORSHIPS COLLAPSED THROUGHOUT EASTERN EUROPE. SECOND, THE BERLIN WALL FELL AND EAST AND WEST GERMANY WERE REUNITED. THIRD, THE SOVIET UNION BROKE UP. THE SWIFTNESS OF THE CHANGE HAPPENED FOR A VARIETY OF REASONS: PEACE AND PROSPERITY IN THE WEST, THE UNIFYING FACTOR OF THE DESTRUCTION OF WORLD WAR II, AND THE PERSISTENT UNDERGROUND RESISTANCE TO COMMUNISM BEHIND THE IRON CURTAIN THROUGHOUT THE COLD WAR.”

Using archival documentation, this article discusses the beginning of the first grand international aid mission of the Catholic Church (1922–23), undertaken to assist the starving children of Bolshevik Russia. Under the auspices of the American Relief Administration (ara), the Papal Relief Mission to Russia fed approximately 158,000 persons a day. The pivotal figure between American Catholics and the Roman Curia, and subsequently between the Vatican and the Bolsheviks, was Edmund Aloysius Walsh, S.J., founder of the first us school of diplomacy, at Georgetown University. Walsh served as papal emissary in charge of this mission, which, among other duties, entailed liaising with the ara, keeping the Vatican informed, and negotiating with the Bolsheviks regarding the church’s position within a communist society. Walsh’s experience provides a firsthand view of the “Bolshevik world” and insight into the manner in which the Bolshevik Revolution was understood by the Vatican. The actions o...

VAN HERCK, J., Een Politiek Verleden in het Belgisch Parlement: 'Compromis à la Belge'. Historische commissies en de moord op Patrice Lumumba en Julien Lahaut (1999-2015), Onuitgegeven meesterproef, KU Leuven, departement Geschiedenis, Leuven, 2016.


De moord op zowel voormalig Congolees premier Patrice Lumumba als communistisch parlementslid Julien Lahaut werd door twee parlementaire onderzoekscommissies onderzocht. De vijftien parlementsleden van de commissie-Lumumba (2000-2002) riepen hiervoor de hulp in van vier expert-historici. Het werk van de commissie-Lahaut (2008-2015) daarentegen werd door de Senaat uitbesteed aan de wetenschappelijke overheidsinstelling CegeSoma, die een team van drie historici inschakelde.

Deze twee casussen passen binnen een algemene trend die na de Koude Oorlog ontstaat, om 'historische fouten' via zogenaamde historische commissies te behandelen. Zulke commissies zijn vanaf de jaren 1990 in veel Europese landen opgezet, met als voornaamste thema de Jodenvervolging tijdens Wereldoorlog II. Het doel daarbij was om dit onverwerkt verleden een plaats te geven, binnen een samenleving die nog steeds worstelde met de impact ervan.

Historische commissies vallen onder de (sub)discipline Publieksgeschiedenis. Hierbij treedt de historicus uit zijn spreekwoordelijke 'ivoren toren' en zet zich - via de politiek - in voor de maatschappij. De rol van de historicus als rechter, die oordeelt over historische fouten en eventueel morele of zelfs juridische oordelen uitspreekt, geeft daarbij wel aanleiding tot debat. Zo keurde de academische wereld de commissie-Lumumba af, omdat haar politieke karakter de wetenschappelijkheid van het werk zou schaden. De resultaten van de commissie-Lahaut werden dan weer goed onthaald, tenminste voor zover er discussie was, aangezien hun rapport grotendeels onopgemerkt bleef.

Via de twee casussen bepaalt deze studie de exacte aard van de relatie tussen de historicus en de politieke wereld. Daarbij komt aan bod hoe deze commissies functioneren en tot stand komen, in welke mate de historici onafhankelijk van de politiek kunnen werken (of die juist beïnvloeden), en in hoeverre politieke steun soms nodig is voor een goed verloop van het onderzoek. Daarnaast worden de commissies zowel met elkaar als met buitenlandse voorbeelden vergeleken, om te bepalen welke van de gebruikte formules het meest geschikt is. Tot slot wordt ook de werking van een historische commissie kort afgemeten aan onderzoek dat plaatsvindt binnen een meer 'klassiek' academisch kader.

Uit die analyse komen twee belangrijke vaststellingen naar voren: enerzijds geeft een verschil in politieke afstand andere connotaties aan de onderzoeksresultaten en anderzijds wordt het historisch werk van commissies aan andere standaarden onderworpen. Verder staan de historicus en de politiek in een constante wisselwerking met elkaar, waarbij de actualiteit van een verleden een cruciale rol speelt. De 'klassieke' onderzoeksmethode die deze paper hanteert, wordt trouwens verder ondersteunt via interviews met de betrokken actoren. Deze studie levert zo een bescheiden bijdrage aan het debat over dit thema, dat zich situeert op het kruispunt van geschiedenis, politiek en maatschappij.

For the latter half of the 20th century, the world’s best known Haitian was François Duvalier—popularly known as “Papa Doc”—a vicious, vengeful, dictator who remained in power through a series of unfortunate coincidences, popular disaffection, and most importantly, by remaining on the anti-communist side of the Cold War in a world where Cuba was considered a political threat to the United States.

The apparitions in Medjugorje are an extremely complex phenomenon that produces different interpretations and evaluations. In this paper I will focus solely on the perspective of those who recognize the apparitions of Mary as a symbol of resistance. This Mary's role I will analyse in the context of the Medjugorje apparitions in a time of socio-political crisis in communist Yugoslavia, primarily generated by the death of its president Josip Broz Tito and demonstrations in Kosovo.
In that period Medjugorje apparitions have disturbed the spirits, not only within the communist authorities of Yugoslavia, but also within the Church. National authorities characterize the apparitions of Medjugorje as fiction of local Franciscans – "clerical nationalists", in the words of one of communist officials – with the aim of bringing down the constitutional order of the communist Yugoslavia. At the same time, the alleged apparitions in Medjugorje have deeply shaken the Church of this area and intensified the centuries-old conflict between diocesan and Franciscan priests of the Mostar-Duvno Diocese, where Medjugorje belongs.

Die militant antikommunistische "Kampfgruppe gegen Unmenschlichkeit" (KgU) wird in der Regel mit ihrem Wirken in die Sowjetische Besatzungszone Deutschlands und DDR verbunden. Der Beitrag zeichnet nach, wie sich die Organisation in West-Berlin und der Bundesrepublik im Feld politisch gleichgesinnter und wohlwollender, aber auch kritischer Gruppen und Organisationen bewegte. Es geht dabei weniger um die verschiedenen Kooperationen, sondern eher um die - gelegentlich geradezu paranoid anmutenden - Wahrnehmungsmuster der KgU.
Diese ähnelten sich erstaunlicherweise, unabhängig davon, ob die "professionellen kalten Krieger" der KgU es mit gleichgesinnten Gruppen zu tun hatten wie der "Vereinigung der Opfer des Stalinismus" (VOS), mit kritisch distanzierten Organisationen wie dem "Kongress für kulturelle Freiheit" ("Congress for Cultural Freedom", CCF) oder mit solchen Vereinigungen, die die KgU als "kommunistische Tarnorganisationen" betrachtete, weil sie neutralistische, pazifistische oder sozialkritische Thesen vertraten.

Translations of the poetry of Zbigniew Herbert have secured for him the place he deserves in the universalistic culture of world  literature. But despite the high quality of the translations an intrinsic element of his poetry eludes the pens of his gifted translators. The deepest layer of the message in this poetry – what life was like under Communism – constitutes an inherent untranslatability. The true value and virtue of Zbigniew Herbert’s poetry remains locked in the personal experience of his language, culture, and times.  - First published in ‘Zbigniew Herbert – klasyk nieprzekładalności.’ Arcana. Dwumiesięcznik. Kultura – Historie – Polityka 110 (2/2013). pp. 53-59.

Attempts for Political Rehabilitation
in the Reformed Church in Hungary before 1956

On the 20th of October 1956, the General Convent, then the highest
executive body of the Reformed Church in Hungary, issued a Rehabilitation Edict. The Edict’s attachment sorted the pastors who were sidelined in the early 1950s supposedly for political reasons.
It is to be noted that the Edict was issued three days before the ’56
Hungarian Revolution started and the pre-Bereczky church government led by László Ravasz was reinstalled. It becomes apparent that the low-church reform movement (later known as the Reformed Renewal Movement), Bishop Bereczky’s belated High-Church reform steps – like Dean Sándor Fekete’s exclusion from power and László Papp’s appointment to deputy bishop of the Danubian Church District – moreover the positive precedent of the rehabilitation of the Lutheran Bishop Ordass all resulted in the start of the church rehabilitations before the ’56 Revolution turned the tables, reinstalling the pre-Bereczky church government. Because of this aspect, László Papp’s role in the starting of the rehabilitations and the inner-upper renewal attempt
of the church must be made clear.

Between 1945 and 1954, some politics, religious, economic and cultural manifestations had been fomented by the dissemination of the anticommunism in the Brazilian and United States society. From a conception of Social History of the Cinema, we intend to analyze the social impact of U.S movies with anti-communist messages exhibit in Brazil and, in this way, contribute for a better reflection and agreement of the construction of these ideas in both the countries. The movies produced in Hollywood with anti-communist messages, and certain news in periodicals and magazines had formed part of a communicational circuit composed for manifestations, brochures, diplomatic dispatches, programs of radio, lectures, amongst others. The emission/mediation/reception circuit of these products and its transnational character disclose that passionate defenses of the necessity of fight and contain the communism hadn’t been motivated by ethical, moral or religious principles, especially when observed mindfully one of the vehicles that more contribute in the dissemination of the anticommunism, the cinema. The way as communist and anti-communist was represented in these movies, and as such representations was treated by periodicals and magazines of the period was interpreted in its context of production to understand how they had related with the domination structures. Likewise, we investigate the forces of resistance to these representations, the ideological positions that noised in the debates and social fights of the period. It is frequent in the historiography that study the anticommunism in Brazil, the
conception of the anticommunism was less intense in the 1940’s and 1950’s of that in the years that precede and succeed this period. However, when studying the historicity of the practical anti-communist we unveil an extensive and impetuous effort of different social actors to prevent and to fight the communism. That picture demonstrates the difficulty in understanding the anticommunism of the period without one withheld examination of the actions of the State, social organisms and individuals. Despite its variants, the differences of its ideas and its practical politics, its social influences, especially in the cinema, are visible.

The Memory of the Communities. The Communist Resistance in the Inhabitants’ Memory at Cricău and Tibru, Alba County. The anti-Communist military resistance of the Cricău’s group represents a significant
moment in the Romanians’ history of fight for liberty at the middle of the 20th century. The information referred to these events offer us significant data on the structure of the traditional communities and of the solidarity of
their members. The initiators of the military anti-Communist actions in the forest around Cricău were Ilarie Rus, mayor during Antonescu-Sima administration (1940-1941) and Vlad Anghel, mayor between 1945 and
1946. With them, many inhabitants of the region chose to fight against the communist regime.

This article elucidates the role of personalism in Ngô Đình Diệm’s relations with his principal anticommunist allies in Asia by considering the First Republic’s involvement in the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League and Moral Re-Armament. These organizations provided crucial transnational platforms through which Ngô Đình Diệm secured support for his personalist vision. Shared beliefs about the spiritual and moral threat of communist materialism, and the spiritual revolution it demanded in response, under- girded Ngô Đình Diệm’s anticommunist alliances in Asia. The First Republic’s deep involvement in these regional organizations, which operated free from US influence, challenges prevailing conceptions of its engagement with Cold War Asia.

This paper includes:
- contributions of Friedrich Ebert and Gustav Stresemann for the Weimar Republic
- data of the specific events and years from 1918 - 1929
- comparison of their contributions, failures and successes
- slight changes to points from the textbook
This paper is adapted from OCR, GCSE Modern World History, Third Edition History textbook

In October 2018, after a prolonged economic and political crisis and a ruthless presidential election campaign, Jair Bolsonaro, an ex-military right-wing extremist, was elected the new president of Brazil. In my work, I analyze material from Bolsonaro's election campaign with the help of the sociology of knowledge approach to discourse analysis. In doing so, I work out narratives and interpretative frames of his election campaign in relation to the crisis in Brazil. With the help of decolonial and feminist approaches, I analyze and contextualize the empirical findings. On the one hand, I focus on intersectional structural categories such as race, class, gender and sexuality. On the other hand, I analyze the campaign material with the help of concepts such as coloniality of power and Eurocentrism with regard to its colonial continuities. The analysis shows that the developed interpretative frames, 'gender ideology', 'racial democracy' and 'communism', make use of colonial as well as historical and transnational references. They often refer to myths and conspiracy theories popular in Brazilian and Global conservative and right-wing circles. What they have in common is that they strengthen current (colonial) power structures in Brazil and naturalize socially constructed power structures. The Politics of Belonging expressed in the material is nationalist and colonial in character and reifies existing intersectional inequalities.

This book tells the story of Pakistan through the lens of the Cold War, and more recently the War on Terror, to shed light on the domestic and international processes behind the global rise of militant Islam.

Unlike existing scholarship on nationalism, Islam and the state in Pakistan, which tends to privilege events in a narrowly defined 'political' realm, Saadia Toor highlights the significance of cultural politics in Pakistan from its origins to the contemporary period. This extra dimension allows Toor to explain how the struggle between Marxists and liberal nationalists was influenced and eventually engulfed by the agenda of the religious right.

The question of downfall of communist regime in (Czecho)Slovakia and in the Soviet bloc was a key topic discussed by the Hlinka's Slovak People's Party's post-war exile. Slovak emigrants precepted the collapse of communism in Europe as an opportunity for their return to motherland as well as a breaking point for restart of their political career. Anti-communist persuasion of the emigrants thus had two dimensions: personal (a sincere desire to crush the Eastern bloc and communist regime ruling in Slovakia) and pragmatic (to use Anti-communism as a tool, which legitimizes their comeback to domestic politics). The chapter sketches the plans and projects of Slovak exile organizations (Slovak Liberation Committee, Slovak National Council Abroad and Union of Slovak Combatants) to defeat the Communism in the context of international Anti-Communist movement and barriers defined by international geopolitics after 1945.

The Polish anarchist movement suffers from a uniquely distorted and occluded history. Although it honourably defended by force of arms the Jews in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising of 1943, with two Anarchist Federation of Poland militants later being hailed as "Righteous Among the Nations" for their sacrifice by Yad Vashem, Israel's official Holocaust memorial, and though it fought alongside the Polish Home Army in the Warsaw Uprising of 1944, it has either been mischaracterised by historians as tainted by nationalism and/or bolshevism, or even completely erased from the history of the defence of the Jews and of Polish resistance to the Nazis. The imposed historical bias of more than 40 years of Soviet rule naturally accounts for much of the gap in the record, explaining why works such as George Bruce's The Warsaw Uprising, published in 1972 during the Soviet era, have no anarchist or syndicalist references in their narratives. But it is far harder to excuse recent studies such as the otherwise exhaustive 752-page Norman Davies work Rising '44: The Battle for Warsaw (2003) for demonstrating rank ignorance of this minority yet key aspect of the capital's dramatic resistance. This sketch, extracted from my forthcoming work In the Shadow of a Hurricane: Global Anarchist Ideological and Organisational Lineages, hopes to rectify these errors of commission and omission.

AIC – The Labour Movement’s Information Centre – was an organisation founded in 1944 and sponsored by the Danish Social Democratic Party and the Danish Federation of Trade Unions. The primary activity of the AIC was fighting the Danish Communist Party in the Danish factories and plants. This fight was carried out by means of propaganda, persuasion and fraction work as well as intelligence activities. The prime units for carrying out these activities were small Social Democratic fractions (“clubs”) in each workplace. During the late 1940’s and 1950’s the intelligence activities of the AIC was at its prime. These were possible due to the large amount of Social Democratic factory workers and shop stewards who reported back to the AIC, about the activities, whereabouts and identity of the communists. It was also the contacts in the workplaces that enabled the AIC to create statistics showing the strength of the communists in the trade unions. The vast knowledge about the Danish communists made the AIC an interesting partner to both state intelligence services and private anti-communist ventures such as the Danish branch of the CIA-sponsored Congress for Cultural Freedom. Also the British and American embassies in Copenhagen made good use of the AIC’s information about the communists and in the AIC, they found a willing and cooperative partner. In the other Scandinavian countries, Norway, Sweden and Finland, the situation was in many instances similar. The Social Democratic parties in these countries, and later also in West Germany, had their own agencies for combating communists within the labour movement. Almost naturally, the Nordic Social Democratic Parties made use of each other’s knowledge in this field.
During the 1960’s the communist’s political influence steadily declined. At the same time new political parties and fractions showed up – however, these were not nearly as well coordinated as the communists had been. With their main enemy defeated, the AIC had actually made themselves dispensable. Moreover, the political climate in the 1960’s made the AIC type of private intelligence increasingly unpopular. The AIC was shut down by the sponsoring organisations in 1973.
The animosity between the Social Democrats and the Communist Party was not primarily a Cold War issue. The fight was rooted in the 1930’s battle between the two parties over the right to represent the Danish worker and control the Danish labour movement. However, the Cold War gave the battle an immediate international relevance.

Niniejsza praca jest antologią polskiej podziemnej prasy narodowej z lat 1939–1950. Naszym celem jest ukazanie myśli i postaw przedstawicieli nacjonalizmu polskiego podczas sowieckiej i niemieckiej okupacji, to znaczy w warunkach ekstremalnych. Wbrew oczekiwaniom autorzy odkryli, że konspiracyjna myśl narodowa była – w kontekście swoich czasów – paradoksalnie pluralistyczna, wielowątkowa i raczej umiarkowana w porównaniu z otaczającymi ją innymi nacjonalizmami i  konkurencyjnymi  prądami  skrajnymi,  a  szczególnie  z  rasistowskim  socjalizmem i z komunizmem. Cezura czasowa niniejszej pracy to z jednej strony wybuch II wojny światowej, a z drugiej zniszczenie przez komunistów ostatnich większych struktur podziemnych narodowców.

Reviews one of three books related to the Cold War: Scott Martell's The Fear Within, Alan Hornblum's The Invisible Harry Gold, Thomas Sakmyster's Red Conspirator, all of which appeared in the peer-reviewed Intelligencer: Journal of U.S. Intelligence Studies, published by of the Association of Foreign Intelligence Officers (AFIO) Intelligencer: Journal of U.S. Intelligence Studies( September 2011):  http://www.afio.com/publications/INTL_TableOfContents.pdf

Baron R.F. von Ungern-Sternberg (1885–1921) is almost a legendary figure. He was General of the Russian White Army fought against the Reds in Civil War after the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia. He participated in the Civil War in Russian Siberia, Manchuria and Mongolia. Baron Ungern, traditionalist and one of first eurasianists, became the key figure in finding the independence of modern Mongolia. This book is a full reconstruction of life and activities of Baron Ungern, based on all available materials, including those from Russian, Mongolian, Estonian, American, Japanese and other archives. These data, based in a large part of formerly unknown materials, are discussed in general context of events in Mongolia and Siberia of that time. Some legends related to Baron Ungern are also discussed. The book includes biography of the last Great Khan of Mongolia, whose power was restored by Ungern. Unpublished documents and memoirs added. The book may be interesting for historians, political scientists, ethnographers, orientalists and all interested in the history of Russia and Mongolia. English contents included.

This chapter seeks to re-examine Saudi Arabia as both a Cold War actor and an arena in which Cold War struggles were played out from 1945 until 1990. While the US-Saudi alliance is widely discussed in the academic literature and in public debate, the origins of this alliance in the Cold War, and the role of Saudi-sponsored Islam as anti-Communism, are not often the focuses of serious scholarship. But Saudi Arabia was a key funder of anti-communist causes in the Middle East, Africa, Asia, and Latin America, and its interpretation of Islam had since the reign of King Faysal been used as an anti-communist ideology in partnership with the United States. Inspired by new Cold War scholarship, which moves the focus of the Cold War to the Global South, this chapter seeks to rethink Saudi foreign relations in the Global South during the Cold War. Saudi activities, until 1979 often carried out in conjunction with Pahlavi Iran, were very important for the United States. A Cold War focus thus allows for a fresh look at the history of the country and the wider region, including Saudi Arabia's anti-communist foreign policy and the trajectories of leftist movements in the Gulf region.

1932 оны зэвсэгт бослого-20 дугаар зууны Монголын түүхэнд тохиолдсон хамгийн том бослого болно. Юунаас болж яагаад гарав? Босогчид хэн дээр түшиглэж байсан ба хэн тэднийг хангаж байваа? Яагаад бослого дарагдсан юм бэ?

Эдгээр асуултанд хариулахад урьд өмнө далдлагдаж мэдэгдээгүй байсан орос улсын архивын материалуудыг болон өмнө хэвлэгдсэн, хэвлэгдээгүй монголын материалуудтай хослуулан шинжилсэн судалгаа туслав.

1932 оны бослого-“гадаад түвд хүмүүсийн турхирсан” монголын дээд лам нар, феодалуудын гаргасан үймээн, Түвд улс Банчин Богдоор жуулчлан Монголын хэрэгт өнгөлзөж, мөн босогчдыг япончууд дэмжиж байсан гэх дүгнэлт баталгаагүй. Үнэн хэрэгтээ, босогчид гадаадын заалтаар биш, тэр ч байтугай тэндээс тусламж огт аваагүй бөгөөд ганцхан өөрсдийн хүч дээр тулгуурлахаас өөр аргагүй байсан билээ.

Бослого гарсны шалтгаан-түвдчууд ч, япончууд ч биш, бас дээд лам нар, феодалууд ч бишээ. Харин дотоод дахь шалтгаан нь тухайн үед МАХН-ын хэрэгжүүлсэн “зүүний нугалаа”, гадаад шалтгаан нь ЗСБНХУ-аас БХК(б)Н-ын биелүүлж байсан социализмыг Монголд экспортчилсон явдал мөн. “Зүүний курс” үнэхээр харийн хүмүүсээр – Коммунист интернационалын ба Бүх Холбоотын коммунист большевикуудын намын удирдагчдаар турхигдсан бөгөөд үүний хариуд БНМАУ-д бурхант шашнаа болон уламжлалт засаглалыг хамгаалах зорилгоор ардын бослого гарсан байна.

Το βιβλίο αυτό αποτελεί μια πρώτη απόπειρα να φωτιστεί η «αθέατη» πλευρά της αμερικανικής βοήθειας στην Ελλάδα, η βοήθεια στη στέγαση: ένα απολύτως προσδιορισμένο επεισόδιο που τοποθετούσε το δίλημμα «καπιταλισμός ή κομμουνισμός» στο πολύ οικείο επίπεδο του καθημερινού βίου και της διαμόρφωσης τρόπων ζωής. Σε μια εποχή που τα κράτη της Ευρώπης ανοικοδομούσαν την κατοικία για τους πολλούς στη βάση του συστήματος που είχαν αναπτύξει από τον μεσοπόλεμο, δηλαδή του κρατικά παρεχόμενου μπλοκ κατοικιών, οι Έλληνες δεν έλαβαν από πρόνοια του κράτους παρά σε ελάχιστες ποσότητες το προϊόν «τελειωμένη κατοικία». Αντί αυτού, αυτό το οποίο τους προσφέρθηκε ήταν το αποτέλεσμα της μελετημένης εφαρμογής μιας αμερικανικής σύλληψης, μιας τεχνογνωσίας, που ακόμα τελούσε υπό έλεγχο και τελειοποιούταν, και ονομάστηκε «υποστηριζόμενη αυτοβοήθεια στη στέγαση». Η Ελλάδα υπήρξε το πρώτο παγκοσμίως πείραμα μεγάλης κλίμακας με βάση το οποίο οι Αμερικάνοι μπόρεσαν να αποτιμήσουν τα οφέλη της αυτοβοήθειας στη στέγαση, την οποία, μέσα από μια σειρά επίσημων θεσμών, φορέων και οργανισμών θα εφάρμοζαν στη συνέχεια, σχεδόν σε όλον τον «αναπτυσσόμενο» κόσμο.
Για τους Αμερικάνους σύμβουλους στέγασης που ήρθαν στην Ελλάδα, η προτροπή για αυτοστέγαση στη διάρκεια της Ανοικοδόμησης δεν ήταν απλώς υποκατάστατο της παροχής «τελειωμένης στέγης», ούτε η εκπλήρωση ενός γενικού λαϊκού αιτήματος για στέγαση με ίδια μέσα (ως ικανοποίηση της ιδιαίτερης «φύσης» του Έλληνα, αυτού του υποτιθέμενου λάτρη της ιδιόκτητης στέγης). Με την εφαρμογή των προγραμμάτων αυτοστέγασης, ο ελληνικός λαός αναμενόταν ότι θα διδαχθεί κοινωνικές συμπεριφορές, θα μυηθεί σε νέα ιδανικά και αξίες -τελικά, θα αποκτήσει μια νέα ψυχολογία, η οποία θα διαμόρφωνε τη νέα, εκσυγχρονισμένη, ταυτότητά του. Στη σφαίρα επιρροής των Αμερικάνων, η με ίδιες προσπάθειες απόκτηση ιδιωτικής στέγης έγινε πραγματικά το κυρίαρχο εργαλείο μέσω του οποίου μια ολόκληρη χώρα διαπραγματεύτηκε τη μετάβασή της στη νεωτερικότητα.

On two or three occasions during research on the role southern rabbis played in the civil rights movement in the South, this author came across the name of Benjamin Schultz, the maverick who served as rabbi of Temple Beth Israel of Clarksdale, Mississippi, from 1962 until his death in 1978. What distinguished Schultz from all his southern colleagues was a political conservatism marked by a passionate antipathy to Communism joined by a conviction that there was a clear and present danger of a Communist takeover of the United States. This obsession carried over into the arena of civil rights in that Schultz, like the majority of southerners, early on believed the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to be a Communist-influenced (if not controlled) organization intent on creating unrest among the African American population.