Archaeology in Labrador/Northern Quebec

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Traces in the archival and archaeological records of the 16th to late 18th century show that Labrador Inuit were engaged in a long-term struggle for place in southeastern Labrador, Canada. This examination of Inuit resistance and dispossession moves the historical narrative away from European actions and artifacts. Centering on Inuit, it reveals ways in which Inuit exercised rebellion through resistance and survivance, and influenced history for more than two hundred years.

While the survival of ancient parietal art to the present implies that numerous individuals may have viewed it, much occurs in such concealed or difficult to access locations (caves, rockshelters, cliff faces) that it seems rather to have been addressed to a small and esoteric community. The frequent superimposition of images also hints at a closed community of viewers, in that only those who were ongoing participants in the discourse would be conversant with its earlier iterations. This is analogous to contemporary graffiti, which is often situated in inaccessible
locations, employs esoteric conventions, and characteristically overwrites
earlier panels. Although the motives for contemporary graffiti production  seem far removed from those of ancient rock art, these resemblances suggest underlying practical, structural and—arguably—ontological commonalities among at least some of these disparate forms of parietal marking. We take “ontologies” here to refer to the culturally, socially and practically configured understandings of the world that informed the thoughts and actions of the communities of artists who produced parietal art (including graffiti). While there is of course no reason to suspect any inherent cultural commonality amongst them, we assert that the act of
engaging in a socially targeted visual discourse (i.e., a common purpose) by applying tools or pigments to found surfaces (i.e., a common medium) in concealed and peripheral locations (i.e., a common setting) leads parietal artists to share real practical affordances and visual understandings that amount to seams of ontological resemblance and overlap amongst the historical networks defined by community-artist-pigment-surface-setting associations.  To illustrate this, we take up a body of contemporary graffiti at the abandoned Cold War military installation of Red Cliff, near St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador, that began to emerge about a decade ago, and continues to evolve as new pieces obscure the old.

Les sites archéologiques du territoire côtier s’étirant entre le Saguenay–Lac-Saint-Jean et le nord du Labrador recèlent au moins 78 collections de perles de verre. Ces petits objets, témoins d’échanges interculturels formels et informels, peuvent constituer d’importants repères chronotypologiques et pourtant, les nombreuses collections mises à jour dans cet espace n’ont pas été étudiées à leur plein potentiel. À partir des plus de 20 000 perles de verre sur ces sites, le présent mémoire construit d’abord une chrono-typologie propre à cet espace et à son histoire. Il procède par l’identification d’un corpus hautement diagnostique de 24 types de perle représentés sur 19 sites, des « fossiles directeurs » qui se démarquent visuellement pendant des périodes précises.
Ensuite, le mémoire élabore des « complexes » de perles diagnostiques qui sont à la base d’une chrono-typologie régionale couvrant les années de vers 1580 à 1870. À partir de cette chrono-typologie, ce mémoire s’appuie sur la répartition régionale des perles, les connaissances sur les types de perles dont leurs provenances, et l’histoire de la navigation dans le territoire à l’étude et à travers l’Atlantique septentrional, afin de reconstituer les réseaux maritimes à l’œuvre entre l’Europe et les différents ports et havres sur la côte qui s’étend du Saguenay–Lac-Saint-Jean au nord du Labrador, en passant par le détroit de Belle-Isle. Il est
possible de suivre le mouvement de ces témoins archéologiques dans l’espace maritime nordatlantique pendant trois siècles, et d’observer des structures changeantes et/ou résistantes de ces réseaux maritimes à travers les complexes de perles de verre.
Cette étude suit le système typologique de Kidd et Kidd (1970) et le modèle chronotypologique des Glass Bead Periods de Kenyon et Kenyon (1983), permettant ainsi de lier ce travail à d’autres recherches spécialisées sur les perles de verre.

Illustration de la couverture : Tétradrachme à l'effigie de l'empereur romain Maximien Hercule (c. 250-310), provenant du site Viger (BjFj-15-3M3-179), à Montréal. Trois siècles de perles de verre. Une sériation contextualisée pour le littoral maritime de Tadoussac au nord du Labrador, 1540-1890 Brad Loewen et Émilie Teasdale Non, les légions romaines n'ont pas campé sur les rives du fleuve Saint-Laurent, ou les aléas d'une circulation monétaire anachronique au xix e siècle Christian Roy Note de recherche Ressources archéologiques autochtones du Gespe'gewa'gi : le parc national Forillon revisité

On I3 July 190s, Mina Hubbard's expedition reached the portage that led to Seal Lake, the first major landmark on her journey into central Labrador. Hubbard recorded the arrival in her field notes in terms that signal not only the accomplishment of the journey's first stage but also a sense of personal transformation, as she began to become, psychologically as well as literally, a wilderness traveller: "To-day feel something of what I think must be an approach to the right thrill as we came up to the hilltops and prepare to leave our river to• cross to Seal L.... Now begin to feel just a little lIjke an explorer."3 Mina Hubbard was neither an experienced wilderness traveller nor a geographer; she had undertaken her exploration as a vindication of her husband's reputation, after his own expedition ended with his death in the Labrador wilderness two years earlier in 1903. Yet, as this passage reveals, her experience was informed by a complex understanding of what it was to be an explorer at the turn of the twentieth century. Despite her awareness that, as a woman who lacked wilderness experience, she hardly fit the generic convention of I The author thanks Ian MacLaren, Anne Hart, and Kathleen Venema for their comments on earlier drafts, Mina Hubbard's heirs for permission to reproduce illustrations, and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the University ofAlberta for financial support during the writing of early versions of this paper. 2 Lisa LaFramboise teaches English at the University of Alberta. She researches early women's travel writing in Canada and has co-edited with I.S. MacLaren C.C. Vyvyan's The Ladies, the Gwich'in, and the Rat.

As part of ongoing multidisciplinary research at Uivak Point (HjCl-09) and Oakes Bay 1 (HeCg-8) in Labrador, Canada, undisturbed soil samples were collected in order to document archaeological sediments and examine anthropogenic processes within Inuit sod houses through soil micromorphology. These structures consist of multifamily winter dwellings used in Labrador and Greenland, which have been variously associated with Inuit social changes following contact with Europeans and environmental conditions prevailing during the "Little Ice Age." Analyses of thin sections revealed anthropogenic features that can be associated with specific activities that are also documented independently through archaeological, anthropological, and historical sources. While sleeping platforms were characterized by low frequencies of wood and burnt organic matter, adjacent floor areas had moderate accumulations of a variety of anthropogenic features. The entrance tunnel area collected dense deposits of various kinds of detritus that showed evidence of trampling. Nevertheless, dedicated activity areas could not be documented with precision because of the small number of samples and the unexpected impact of household cleaning events.

Jornalista-historiadora RESUMO: Este artigo trata do tema do maravilhoso tendo como cenário o Pólo Norte, o mundo nórdico, "o império do frio", entre os séculos XVI e XVIII. Baseado em 13 documentos originais sobre os esquimós, busca retraçar a percepção do olhar europeu sobre o aspecto físico, a vida social e a cultura material deste povo, até então desconhecido. ABSTRACT: This article focuses on the subject of the merveilleux, having as backdrop the North Pole, the Nordic world, the "empire of the cold", between the lo* and 17* centuries. Based on 13 original documents concerning esquimos, this article retraces the European perception of the physical environment, social life and material culture of this people, until then unknown.

Archaeological excavations carried out from 1990 to 1993 on île aux Basques (Quebec), in the middle of the St Lawrence River, have revealed objects testifying to a Basque presence as early as the sixteenth century. This discovery is considered a confirmation of long repeated oral narratives that have associated Basque fishermen with the founding of the city of Trois-Pistoles. It was decided to exhibit these objects in an interpretation centre with an adjoining fronton, for playing Basque pelota, and a restaurant. This article examines what is involved in this transfer of objects from the island to the museum. How were these artifacts changed into identity markers of a whole region, of which the only referent to Basque culture is a tenacious myth and an island situated six kilometres offshore? Résumé Entre 1990 et 1993, une équipe d'archéologues réalise des fouilles au milieu du Saint-Laurent, à l'île aux Basques (Québec). Elle y découvre des objets qui attestent d'une présence basque dès le XVI e siècle. Cette découverte est perçue comme une confirmation de ce que disent, depuis longtemps, les récits de tradition orale qui associent les pêcheurs basques à la fondation même de la ville de Trois-Pistoles, en des temps reculés. Il est alors décidé d'exposer ces objets dans un centre d'interprétation qui jouxtera un fronton de pelote basque et un restaurant. L'article propose d'étudier ce qui s'est joué dans ce transfert des objets, de l'île vers le musée. Comment ces artefacts ont-ils été érigés en marqueurs identitaires de toute une région, qui n'a d'autre réfèrent à la culture basque qu'un mythe tenace et cette île, à six kilomètres des côtes ? L'empreinte est un indice et non un symbole. Elle est dénuée de propriété sémantique. Elle n'existerait pas sans sa cause [...]. Un symbole a un sens parce qu'il peut être employé par erreur. La possibilité de l'erreur est la condition du sens. Pierre Jacob, Pourquoi les choses ont-elles un sens î Une bague en laiton, des clous restaurés, deux coulures de plomb, des projectiles en plomb, des débris de taille, des grattoirs, des pointes de projectiles, une pierre à aiguiser, une pierre à fusil, un percuteur, une pierre de four incrustée de graisses carbonisées, deux tuiles fragmentaires, deux fragments de tuiles fragmentaires, des tessons de col d'un petit contenant, un tesson de rebord de jarre avec le début d'une anse, une marmite à bande moletée, un vase amérindien, un verre à boire, le goulot d'une fiole en verre, une perle en verre blanc, une deuxième, ronde,

In 2015, the Canadian government created Akami-Uapishku-KakKasuaak-Mealy Mountain National Park Reserve. Located on the central coast of Labrador, it was designed to protect 11,000 square kilometres of natural landscape and safeguard a 7000-year history of Indigenous cultural heritage through co-management with local Innu and Inuit populations. However, the cultural and ecological history central to the park's creation narrative is at odds with the region's lesser-known, more toxic colonial history. Throughout the 20th century, colonial decision-making led to the depopulation of Indigenous settlements on the Porcupine Strand, a 40-kilometre expanse of scenic rolling sand dunes and beach along the eastern edge of the Park. This ultimately enabled Cold War military deployment and associated hazardous contamination to occur. Between 2001 and 2004 archaeological surveys recorded more than 100 Indigenous sites along the Porcupine Strand, while also recording evidence of naval Operation NORAMEX, a joint Canadian-American cold war era landing exercise that impacted the Indigenous archaeology on the Strand and continues to pose physical risks for both Indigenous users and visitors. We draw on archaeology, memory and history to situate the toxic legacy within the park into a long-term context and interpret the entanglement of militarism, park creation and colonialism, as well as the impacts of contemporary Indigenous communities.

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Labrador Inuit have expressed concern about the impacts of climate change on their health and well-being and their future access to marine resources, including fisheries. This study filled important knowledge gaps identified by the Nunatsiavut Government and Inuit communities regarding benthic biodiversity and habitat structure within major geomorphology features. Marine benthic surveys were conducted in three areas of ecological, cultural, and historical significance: Hebron Fjord, Okak Fjard, and the Nain archipelago, inclusive of a polynya, using a camera sled and a baited remote underwater video system. We documented the spatial extent of megabenthic diversity components and the high densities of dominant taxa, notably tube-dwelling anemones (cerianthids), brittle stars (ophiuroids), soft corals (Gersemia sp.), and bristle worms (polychaetes). Species accumulation curves indicated that new species records are likely to be discovered. Vulnerable marine ecosystem (VME) indicator species and other key taxa provide seafloor structure for mobile species and important ecosystem functions, such as energy cycling, especially in the deeper areas of the fjord and fjard that are dominated by soft sediment. The sites with the highest benthic diversity, including the greatest densities of scallops and fish fauna, were in the archipelago and polynya, areas frequently used by Inuit for traditional harvesting. These findings were suggestive of a more direct linkage between these areas and trophic levels of greatest importance to Labrador Inuit. Understanding these patterns from the combined perspectives of Inuit and Western science in Nunatsiavut marine waters will guide resource management and protected area decisions, including those in the Nunatsiavut Government's Imappivut Marine Planning Initiative.

This research was originally designed to document what was then called "Early Dorset" on the Island of Newfoundland~ however, analysis of the data suggested that we should not refer to the Factory Cove remains as "Early Dorset" but rather as "Groswater" since it now appears most closely related to Fitzhugh's (1972~ 1976a) Groswater Dorset for Labrador. The investigation of on early Palaeo-Eskimo phase different from the so-called "Typical Newfoundland Dorset" was in itself a new approach to Newfoundland Eskimo archaeology. -- The present research is a contribution to establish the Eskimo cultural history for the time period of 2700 to 2100 B.P. The data reported here were collected over the summers of 1978 by Dr. James A. Tuck and by the author in 1981. Altogether 160 square metres were excavated. -- The faunal remains recovered included 13 species; season-specific species suggest a late winter to early summer occupation. The variety of th...

* Ce travail a bénéficié de l'aide à la recherche 1999 d'Eusko Ikaskuntza. brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk provided by Hedatuz L a b o rde, Denis: Des pêcheurs de baleines aux joueurs de pelote. Tentative de constru c t i o n. . .

Labrador is the northeasternmost part of mainland Canada-a stretch of rocky and rough land along the north Atlantic coast. It has long been the homeland of two Native peoples, the Inuit and the Innu, who are a branch of the Cree Indian peoples. Starting in the late 1960s and intensifying relentlessly since then, both Native peoples have been experiencing interwoven epidemics of substance abuse-mostly gasoline sniffing and alcohol-plus youth suicide, domestic violence, and high rates of children born damaged because their mothers drank alcohol while pregnant. During the fall semester of 2001 I was living with my family in St. John's, Newfoundland, doing research on the declining Newfoundland fishery. Labrador is part of the Canadian province of Newfoundland and Labrador, and the Newfoundland media were then full of reports both about these epidemics and about the mostly ineffective measures that Newfoundland and Canada, who had shared responsibility, were taking in their attempts to help. By 2001 I had been working on the historical anthropology of Newfoundland fishing villages for three decades. As a great many fishers from northern Newfoundland had been going, seasonally, to fish from the Labrador coasts, and had been doing this for over 150 years, I knew a bit about the history of Labrador. What caught my attention in 2001 was the fact that the media were reporting a widespread consensus-among government officials, academics, consultants, and media pundits-that the epidemics of communal self-and collective destruction were provoked by the forced relocation of Native peoxiv preface story always tells two stories.. .. Each of the two stories is told in a different manner. Working with two stories means working with two different systems of causality. The same events enter simultaneously into two antagonistic. .. logics. The essential elements of the story. .. are employed in different ways in each of the two stories. The points where they intersect are the foundations of the story's construction. (2011, 63) This may be a complicated way of making several useful points. What is happening can center on, or emerge from, the surprises, and it can help to focus on what the surprises may reveal. Further, it is helpful to not impose one logic, one perspective, one unified interpretation on the multiplicity of events that are happening, for what may be most important are the ruptures and the breaks, the way things do not fit together. John Berger made a similar point very simply and very powerfully when he said, "If every event which occurred could be given a name, there would be no need for stories" ([1983] 2011). And in what follows the nameless-both for us and for the Native peoples-is often crucial. What I have learned from Berger and Piglia turned into a bigger issue for this book than it might at first appear to be. It has led me to put aside, or to minimize, many of the central concepts of anthropology, including culture, social organization, and social structure. All of these concepts both suggest and seek to point toward a supposed wholeness or unity of social life, as when we say "a culture," or "a social organization" or, even more out of touch, we say "the Inuit" or "the Cherokee," and so forth. We could scarcely go very far if we started our discussion with, say, "the New Yorkers. " What makes us think we could go much further starting from "the Inuit"? Or to press the point, "Inuit culture" as an abstraction from peoples spread from Alaska to Greenland, living from the coast or more from inland resources, or both, some now near mining camps or military bases and some more distant? This last point, putting aside such abstract and unifying concepts as culture and social organization, will likely make some readers uncomfortable, or even angry, for it rubs against the familiar. Wait until the book is read to see how this perspective unfolds. I also put aside most of the standard methods of anthropological research. Almost all the data for what follows comes from public documents accessible to anyone at libraries and archives. I went to Labrador several times, partly to work in libraries in Happy Valley-Goose Bay, the administrative center of Labrador, and partly just to see several of the Native communities I was writpreface xv ing about. Seeing these communities meant just that-I mostly only walked around them, looking, bought food and some clothes at local stores. When I did talk to people, for some people approached me, I asked no questions whatsoever other than those that make social conversation, such as "Do you think it will rain today?" To ask a research question, which anthropologists usually do, is to assume that you know what is important to ask about. I took my first graduate anthropology course in the spring of 1957, and for decades afterward I lived with the assumption that I knew what questions to ask and that I could almost fully explain the answers I heard. I now find both these assumptions more like obstacles than aids. Graduate students may still need to work that usual way, as Professor Linda Green has insisted, at least until they develop some practice at doing anthropology, but then it might well end. So in my work in the field I just look and listen. Mostly what I listen for, as will be explained in detail in the book, are the silences, and I try, based on a long-term familiarity with the primary historical sources, to see the surprises. This is, in sum, a different kind of anthropology. It has been a struggle to learn to work in this way, focusing not just on the silences and the surprises but also on the ways that the diversity of social life both does and does not fit together well, if it fits together at all. At best this perspective, which I will argue replicates how many people themselves see and seek to grasp their worlds, will lead to only partial explanations and incomplete understandings, both among the peoples this book is about and for us. I am deeply grateful for all the people who have helped me learn to start working in this way. A note on the index: One of the major analytical and political-strategic points of this work is to confront the uncertain boundaries between the usual categories and thus to expose, in useful ways, the chaos that domination inescapably imposes upon the everyday lives of vulnerable peoples. From this perspective, the very idea of an index-specific topics with specific page numbers-often, but not always, works against the formation of effective struggle, which must emerge from that chaos and uncertainty. I have tried to work against that-for example, by listing the mining company's pronouncements about "respecting" elders' ecological advice under the category "elder abuse," for much of it is well-paid mockery. So use the index lightly: read the book, and determine for yourselves what points you find helpful. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I had the privilege, the pleasure, the pressure, and the special productivity of working, for a month or two almost every summer for twenty years, with the working group on the history of everyday life at the Max Planck Institute for History, in Goettingen, Germany. The two central members of this group, Alf Luedtke and Hans Medick, have shaped my sense both of the larger significance of everyday lives and methodological and theoretical ways of studying it. Two other very special German historians, Adelheid von Saldern and Ursula Nienhaus, have been crucial to my work. As I brought what I learned back, several of my doctoral students at the City University of New York, with their relentlessly quizzical engagement with my perspectives, helped shape my understanding of productive ways to work. I specially want to thank

As part of ongoing multidisciplinary research at Uivak Point (HjCl-09) and Oakes Bay 1 (HeCg-8) in Labrador, Canada, undisturbed soil samples were collected in order to document archaeological sediments and examine anthropogenic processes within Inuit sod houses through soil micromorphology. These structures consist of multifamily winter dwellings used in Labrador and Greenland, which have been variously associated with Inuit social changes following contact with Europeans and environmental conditions prevailing during the "Little Ice Age." Analyses of thin sections revealed anthropogenic features that can be associated with specific activities that are also documented independently through archaeological, anthropological, and historical sources. While sleeping platforms were characterized by low frequencies of wood and burnt organic matter, adjacent floor areas had moderate accumulations of a variety of anthropogenic features. The entrance tunnel area collected dense deposits of various kinds of detritus that showed evidence of trampling. Nevertheless, dedicated activity areas could not be documented with precision because of the small number of samples and the unexpected impact of household cleaning events.

The Stock Cove site (CkAl-3) is a large, deeply stratified, multicomponent site located in southeastern Newfoundland. The richest strata at the site, which have yielded thousands of artifacts and multiple overlapping house features, provide evidence of a substantial Dorset presence. Earlier researchers proposed that the Stock Cove site additionally contained the Province’s only Dorset longhouse, which this paper disputes. The high frequency of sea-mammal hunting implements and identified faunal remains, as well as the site’s location, all suggest that coastal and marine resources figured prominently in the Dorset’s food economy at Stock Cove. Faunal remains further suggest that the biogeography of the region when the Dorset were living at the site, particularly the distribution of migratory harp seals, may have differed significantly from historical distributions. The recovery of harp seal remains on the site has broad implications for understanding Dorset colonization and abandonment of the island, as well as the appropriateness of using historical biogeographic data to interpret prehistoric economies.

What do we do with coasts that have been lost? What are we to do with places and stories large and small which once embodied the lived experience of life and work on the fishing coats of North America? This essay, following the work of the historian John Gillis, explores lost coasts from the sixteenth-century European fishery in the northwest Atlantic, a place known as Terra Nova to the mariners who went there. The essay dwells upon imagined islands, missing harbours, enigmatic fortifications and other places that existed in the earliest years of the fishery but which have since disappeared. In so doing, it shows how coasts can change and be lost over time, and how historians can try to recover these unknown shores.

Abstract:Les commerçants de fourrures britanniques et Inuit du Sud intégrèrent la pêche et la traite des fourrures dans leurs relations sociales par transculturation dans le Labrador de la fin du 18e siècle. Plus précisément, les commerçants britanniques, tel le capitaine George Cartwright, transformèrent leur façon d'organiser leurs amitiés et leur foyer, comme le fit Attuiock, un angakkuk ou shaman inuit. Délaissant le recours aux articles de « luxe » pour tenter de régir les travailleurs et les commerçants inuits, Cartwright s'employa aussi à les inclure parmi ses amis et dans son ménage. Même si Cartwright ne comprenait pas bien ce que cela signifiait pour ses partenaires inuits, cette approche leur semblait logique à eux aussi car, après tout, ils étaient également des agents de cette transculturation.
Abstract:British and Southern Inuit traders in late-18th-century Labrador embedded the fisheries and fur trade in their social relations through transculturation. . . .

The colonial process often occurs within a pluralistic context in which all the actors continuously renegotiate their identities. Traditionally, this context has been framed within a colonizer/ colonized dichotomy, but recent scholarship has embraced a more-complex interpretation, such that colonizers and colonized are not homogenizing categories, and variations in experience are accepted. The deconstruction of colonial categories further complicates pluralistic contexts and allows for a more nuanced reading of the past; however, the colonial discourse continues WR KDYH GLI¿FXOW\ H[SORULQJ DQG GLVFXVVLQJ LGHQWLWLHV WKDW GR QRW ¿W QHDWO\ LQWR HLWKHU D FRORQL]HU RU FRORQL]HG LGHQWLW\ 7KLV SDSHU H[SORUHV KRZ WKH /DEUDGRU 0pWLV D VHOIGH¿QHG K\EULG LGHQWLW\ GR QRW FOHDQO\ ¿W ZLWKLQ WKH FXUUHQW GLVFRXUVH and highlights the need to begin reconceptualizing the actors within the colonial process.

The labelling and categorization of archaeological sites have consequences for the interpretation and subsequent research completed. As such, we as archaeologists must always be vigilant regarding the unintended consequences of labels we attach, or choose to omit, from official site information. These problems become compounded when governmental control codifies existing archaeological conventions and renders them rigid and difficult to change. Using the current archaeological registration database information for Brant County, Ontario, Canada, this paper demonstrates how imaginary pasts are created through archaeological convention and governmental codification and the consequences of these uncontested actions. ________________________________________________________________ Résumé: L'étiquetage et la catégorisation des sites archéologiques ont des conséquences sur l'interprétation et les recherches subséquemment menées. En notre qualité d'archéologues, nous devons ainsi toujours faire preuve de vigilance face aux conséquences imprévues des étiquettes que nous apposons aux renseignements officiels de site, ou que nous choisissons d'omettre. Ces problèmes s'amplifient lorsque les contrô les gouvernementaux codifient les conventions archéologiques existantes, les rendant ainsi rigides et difficilement modifiables. En utilisant la base de données d'enregistrement archéologique de Brant County (Ontario) au Canada, cet article décrit comment les conventions archéologiques et la codification gouvernementale créent des passés imaginaires, ainsi que les conséquences de ces mesures incontestées. ________________________________________________________________ Resumen: El etiquetado y categorizació n de los emplazamientos arqueoló gicos tiene consecuencias para la interpretació n y subsiguiente investigació n completada. Así, como arqueó logos siempre debemos estar vigilantes con respecto a las inesperadas consecuencias de las etiquetas que RESEARCH

The Far Northeast: 3000 BP to Contact is the first volume to synthesize archaeological research from across Atlantic Canada, Quebec, and northern New England for the period spanning from 3000 years ago to European contact. 

Recently, notions of the “Woodland period” in the broader Northeast have drawn scrutiny from experts due to increasing awareness that its hallmarks—such as horticulture, village formation, mortuary ceremonialism, and the advent of various technologies—appear to be less synchronous than once thought.

By paying particular attention to the Far Northeast and its unique (yet sometimes marginal) position in Woodland discourse, this work offers a much-needed in-depth look at one of the best-documented cases of hunter-gatherer persistence and adaptation at the eve of European contact.

Penned by academic, government, and cultural-resource-management archaeologists, the seventeen chapters in The Far Northeast: 3000 BP to Contact draw on decades of research in considering this period, both in terms of variability within the region, and integration with broader cultural patterns in the Northeast and beyond.

This dissertation examines the effects of an increasing European presence on Labrador Inuit society from the late sixteenth- through early nineteenth centuries. Previous research on this topic has tended to focus on site-specific analyses and often divided the coast into North and South, creating a dichotomy that ignored Inuit mobility and emphasized the arrival and placement of Europeans along the coast. I explore this topic diachronically, highlighting the Inuit response to their changing social landscape by investigating its effects on constructions of gender, status, and prestige within Inuit society. Archaeological data collected from Black Island, Labrador were selected as the focal point for this research as the occupants of this dwelling were noted in a 1776 Moravian census and included Mikak, a Person of National Historical Significance. The data from this site was compared with extant collections from eight other sites (10 houses and 3 middens) spanning over 200 years from...

Some of the most severely affected communities in the world during the 1918-19 influenza pandemic were in Labrador and Alaska. Although these two regions are on the opposite ends of North America, a cultural continuum in the Inuit populations extends throughout the North American Arctic. Both regions contain other population groups, however, and because of these similarities and differences, a comparison of their experiences during the pandemic provides new insights into how culture and environment may influence patterns of spread of infectious disease. We describe here analyses of the patterns of influenza mortality in 97 Alaska communities and 37 Labrador communities. The Alaska communities are divided into five geographic regions corresponding to recognized cultural groups in the region; the Labrador communities are separated into three regions that vary in the degree of admixture between European and indigenous (primarily Inuit) groups. In both Alaska and Labrador mortality was substantially higher than the worldwide average of 2.5-5 percent.

A pesquisa arqueológica na província mais oriental do Canadá se beneficiou de uma longa e expansível história de parcerias com as comunidades. Tal deve-se, em parte, ao mandato excepcional da Memorial University, assim como ao engajamento forte do departamento de arqueologia em trabalhar com indivíduos e organizações locais durante escavações. A partir de três casos de estudos da província de Terra Nova e Labrador, este artigo revela as motivações, as experiências, os desafios, como os resultados que podem surgir das parcerias comunidade-universidade, e atesta do potencial da arqueologia em contribuir localmente de forma vantajosamente.

Documentary evidence suggests that Inuit were present in the Strait of Belle Isle by the late 16th century, yet the archaeological evidence for Inuit settlement in southern Labrador is sparse. Inuit sites are difficult to recognize south of Nunatsiavut, where 19th-century Inuit-Métis families and seasonal Newfoundland fishers occupied settlements that leave similar archaeological surface-traces. In 2009 a SSHRC-funded Community-University Research Alliance was initiated to examine Inuit history in southern Labrador. One of the primary goals of the research was to develop archaeological criteria to distinguish between these ethnically distinct settlements. This paper presents the results from several seasons of research in Sandwich Bay, Labrador. It uses data from community interviews, archaeological surveys, and excavations at four Inuit settlements, one Inuit-Métis house, and one Newfoundland fishery camp to help resolve the issue of site ethnicity for the area immediately south of...

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Memorial University, located in St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador, was created in 1925 to help build a better future for the people of Canada’s easternmost province, whose largely rural fishing communities were rapidly transforming through industrialization and urbanization. Mandated by a “special obligation to the people of the province,” university archaeologists embraced applied, community-based projects which encouraged local solutions to the social and economic issues arising from the transformation to modernity. Today, community archaeology remains integral to our research program and the majority of our research is undertaken in partnership with rural and Indigenous populations who continue to be marginalized both geographically and economically. Two case studies describe how archaeological resources are being used to promote economic and social justice, as well as reconciliation, and how archaeology has the potential to make valuable local contributions that change lives...

An updated assessment of the trade beads in the Jamestown collection has long been overdue since Heather Lapham's 1998 study. The size and variation of the collection has expanded to include nearly 4,000 glass beads representing over 100 Kidd and Kidd varieties, as well as nearly 100 lapidary beads made of amber, coral, jet, amethyst, carnelian, chalcedony, agate, and quartz. The Jamestown assemblage strongly resembles those found at 16thcentury Spanish colonial sites, due to the presence of navy blue Nueva Cadiz beads manufactured in Venice and faceted quartzcrystal beads likely produced in Spain. Other beads in the collection, however, may have been imported from Venice, the Netherlands, or elsewhere. Investigation of their origins has significance for understanding the position of the Jamestown settlement within the development of early 17th-century international and local trade. The compilation of counts and typology establishes a necessary baseline upon which to build.

This study engages with both the archaeology of colonialism and historical archaeology in a manner that brings them into direct dialogue with each other to explore how essentialized identity tropes are used to frame our conceptualizations of the past. The archaeology of colonialism and historical archaeology have been conceptually bifurcated along a colonized/colonizer dichotomy and continuously reified by the insertion of research into one category or the other. The archaeology of colonialism generally focuses on the experiences of the colonized within the colonial process, while historical archaeology focuses on the experiences of Europeans and/or people of European descent. This is not to say that archaeologists working on either side of this conceptual divide ignore each other entirely, but rather their foci – and subsequent discussions – rarely converge. To create a conceptual bridge between these disparate dialogues, I explore multigenerational, 19th-century sites in southwest...