Cyril of Alexandria

La fortune d'un texte : Genèse 2-3 Chacun le sait, plusieurs religions dans le monde se réclament d'un corpus plus ou moins formalisé d'écrits fondateurs -Torah, Bible, Coran, Védas et aussi oeuvres d'Homère, etc. Qu'ils soient considérés comme la parole même des divinités ou seulement l'oeuvre d'humains inspirés, ces textes sont supposés procurer aux hommes des savoirs, autrement inaccessibles, sur les dieux, leurs pouvoirs, leurs interventions en ce monde ou plus largement des savoirs cosmogoniques ou cosmologiques. Ils servent aussi à définir et à justifier les modalités des cultes, ainsi qu'un système de valeurs éthiques et un ordre social. Ces contenus et ces fonctions recouvrent exactement ceux que les anthropologues reconnaissent comme typiques des mythes dans les sociétés sans (ou parfois avec) écriture, et cette convergence n'a rien de surprenant : dans la plupart des cas, les textes sacrés ne sont rien d'autre qu'une récollection et une mise en forme de traditions d'abord orales. J'aurai à revenir sur les problèmes que pose l'éventuelle présence de mythes dans des textes qui prétendent à un autre régime de pensée -par exemple celui du récit historique. Il me suffit pour l'instant de noter une idée à la fois simple et fondamentale : que les textes sacrés sont, sans aucune exception, loin d'être limpides, et que la saisie de ce que l'on pense être leur « véritable sens » soulève toujours des questions. Ces difficultés tiennent d'abord au fait qu'ils relèvent pour l'essentiel d'usages du langage différents de ceux de la vie quotidienne : il s'agit souvent de textes poétiques, de formules liturgiques, de psaumes, de paraboles dont la compréhension impose de dépasser le sens littéral. Dans les conditions de l'oralité, les modalités de leur énonciation est en outre soumise à des contraintes spécifiques : n'importe qui n'est pas habilité à dire un mythe n'importe quand et à n'importe qui. N'importe qui n'est pas non plus supposé le connaître et en saisir la signification. Il peut même arriver que les paroles les plus essentielles soient proférées (ou notées, s'il y a de l'écrit) dans une langue liturgique ignorée ou peu comprise du plus grand nombre. Notre accès direct -le plus souvent en traduction -aux écrits fondateurs de la plupart des religions du monde tend à nous faire oublier ces réalités pourtant essentielles dans les contextes religieux de référence et toujours d'actualité : rappelons qu'en dépit de la diversité linguistique du monde musulman, le Coran n'a de portée religieuse que dans sa version arabe, tout comme la Torah a traversé les siècles dans sa version en hébreu. Rappelons aussi que l'Église catholique, qui pendant tout le Moyen Age voyait d'un mauvais oeil les traductions des Écritures saintes en langue vulgaire, a interdit aux simples fidèles l'accès au texte intégral de la Bible jusqu'au XIXe siècle. Et, je dois le dire, cela me semble plus un signe de sagesse qu'un intolérable abus de pouvoir : les textes religieux, je le répète, sont toujours obscurs et, pris à la lettre, ils peuvent faire des ravages dans les consciences. Aussi les religions disposent-elles toutes, à des degrés divers, d'un corps spécialisé d'exégètes et de docteurs jugés seuls aptes à décider de ce qu'ils signifient vraiment. Cela peut renvoyer à la définition plus ou moins tatillonne d'une orthodoxie en relation avec des enjeux de pouvoir. Une certaine diversité des lectures peut au contraire être admise. Il suffit pour l'instant de noter qu'un parfait accord sur la signification et la portée des textes (ou des mythes) n'est jamais assuré et relève plutôt de l'inaccessible. Un second élément évident explique l'opacité des textes religieux (de la plupart d'entre eux), c'est leur ancienneté. La religion, que l'on a pu définir comme reconnaissance d'une « lignée

The article deals with the concept of ἐλευθερία in the work of Clement of Alexandria: in the Protrepticus he suggests the image of it as liberation from pagan idolatry, in other writings proposes the idea of freedom as the inner perfection of the Christian who is freed from sin and lives in the love of God.

This essay reexamines the stories of penitent women in early monastic sources, specifically the Apophthegmata Patrum, and proposes that these are not stories of penitence but rather stories of women forced into the sex slave industry who overcame their devastating forced conditions and preserved their faith, which secured their rescue from bondage. They are heroines not penitents. Benedicta Ward's Harlots of the Desert: A Study of Repentance in early Monastic Sources is an excellent example of a scholarly, as well churchly, view of stories of repentant women that needs to be reexamined. To prove the argument the essay will focus on the stories of three women rescued from brothels by three famous monastic figures: Thaïs (rescued by Paphnutius), Paësia (rescued by John the Dwarf), and Mary (rescued by her uncle, Abba Abraham). These stories primarily portray the heroism of the saintly male characters who come to rescue these fallen women. I will argue that these women did not choose to be prostitutes but were rather forced into sex slavery to repay the debt of their families and that the rescue efforts followed the guidelines set by the Theodosian Code (ThC IV 8; XV 8; XV 8.1; NMarc 4 and 5; and laws of debt). The male characters either responded to requests from these women to come to their rescue or were obligated to act based on the ecclesial obligations set by Roman law. These women persevered in their faith and worked hard to save themselves from their forced enslavement and thus deserve to be portrayed as heroines rather than penitents.

A comparative analysis of the chapter titles and text of the first book of the late antique mili- tary treatise Strategikon allows to put forward the hypothesis that its text was constituted in several stages. Of particular importance here are the wording of the titles and the peculiar beginnings or introductions to most of the chapters, which summarise the content of the preceding sections. A comparison of the passages clearly shows the sequence of formation within each chapter. We should assume at least 5 consecutive phases of text development: author and 4 editors. At first (phase 1a–1b), on the basis of the extant sources, the author of the book created as part of the treatise a text in four sections, organised by the beginnings according to the scheme of genetivus absolutus (primary chapters *1, *2 + 3, *4, *5 + 9). Then another editor (Leg, phase 2) inserted into this codex in the middle of the text *5 + 9 two bifolia with the text of military laws organised by μετὰ-constructions (*6 + 7, *8), resulting in the actual division of the text *5 + 9 into two sections *5 and 9. The next editor (phases 3a–3b) then rewrote the entire text into a new codex, providing it with headings (following the πῶς... scheme), what consolidated the division of the text into seven chapters (1, 2 + 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 + 8, 9), but he could not, however, fully understand the system of incipits of the original text. The new editor (Optim) made a series of additions in the form of glosses and inserted leaves (phase 4). The main development of the text was completed in the next phase (5a–5b–5c), when two new headings (3 and 8), structured in a different scheme (περὶ...), an introduction to chapter 8, and a general table of contents for Book 1 were inserted into this codex. The text was then rewritten into a new, third codex, which fixed the position of interpolations in the text.

The translation history of a law of Theodosius II (abridged in Cod. Theod., Greek translation of the lost unabridged Latin original in the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, two Latin back-translations of the Greek) illustrates methods and mistakes in the fifth and sixth centuries in the context of the Three Chapters controversy.

The essay aims to examine the historical and doctrinal traces of the controversy between Cyril of Alexandria and Nestorius within two of the main Eastern Christian liturgies, the Greek-Byzantine liturgy and the Coptic liturgy. The purpose of the investigation is to grasp, paying particular attention to the hymns dedicated to Cyril, the rhetorical and compositional strategies that these different ecclesial traditions implemented to pass on their specific vision (Chalcedonian or Non-Chalcedonian), and to assess whether traces of mutual influences can be found. New translations of the documents will be provided to achieve a new understanding of the Third Ecumenical Council filtered through the stylistic features of the liturgy, considered as a living instrument of historical transmission and open to numerous cultural inputs.

2 Corinthians 13:3-4 is hardly a locus classicus for Paul's theology of the cross, but arguably offers a needed corrective to a recent trend in theological interpretation of the cross that I characterize here as "power dissolved into weakness." This essay offers a close reading of Paul's theology of the cross in this passage, demonstrating that Paul's theologizing into the Corinthian crisis is rhetorically predicated upon the inseparable unity of participation in the Messiah's cruciform weakness and resurrection power by the life of God. Subsequently, by probing the reception history of this passage, I attempt to draw out critical and constructive possibilities for the contribution of this passage to contemporary theological interpretation related to divine power, Christology, and regard for the vulnerable.

Chapter 4 - Eulogies at Funeral and Forty-Day Memorial (pages 46-62)
• HH Pope Shenouda III
• HG Ava Benyamin, papal deputy in Alexandria (at the time) and Bishop of Menoufia
• HE Ava Mikhail, Metropolitan of Assiut
• HE Ava Pachomius, Metropolitan of Behera and Pentapolis
• HG Ava Hedra, Bishop of Aswan
• Fr Tadros Yacoub Malaty on behalf of Alexandria priests
• Fr Daniel Abdel Malak on behalf of St Mary & St Joseph Church, Smouha
• Counselor Fouad Girgis, Dr Issa Guirguis, and Mr Barsoum Albert MP on behalf of the Alexandria Community Council (majlis Milli)
• Mr George Rophail on behalf of Coptic benevolent societies in Alexandria
• Mr Noshy Awad, treasurer of the church since its inception in 1950

Sfinţii Părinţi, adunaţi în Sinodul I Ecumenic de la Niceea (325) au afirmat că Fiul este întru totul ca şi Tatăl şi nedespărţit de El, de aceea au utilizat expresia „de o fiinţă“ (homoousios). Preocuparea Sinodului a fost de a mărturisi credinţa în SfântaTreime sau în egalitatea, în unitatea şi în acelaşi timp, în deosebirea Persoanelor, căci numai un astfel de Dumnezeu ne poate mântui şi ridica în comuniunea eternă cu El.

According to some current scholarly opinion, Julian's anti-Christian writings had been long forgotten by the time Cyril composed his Contra Iulianum (between 416 and 428). On this view, Cyril was no longer fighting an identifiable opponent, rather he polemicized against the remainder of the contemporary pagan opposition or composed his vast text to compete with the apologetic work of Theodore of Mopsuestia. This article, by contrast, defends the thesis that Julian's text continued, even after the murder of Hypatia, to attract interest in Alexandria from an intellectually and socially influential pagan readership and, in this respect, constituted a considerable danger for Christianity. To this end the article examines first the structure and content of the Contra Iulianum, in order to illuminate Cyril's rhetorical strategy in his engagement with pagan opponents. There follows a sketch of the intellectual climate of Alexandria in the first half of the fifth century, which constitutes the Sitz im Leben of the controversies visible both in the Contra Iulianum and elsewhere. Three groups of recipients will be distinguished: 'classic' pagans, who opposed Christianity; pagans and Christians, who considered a synthesis of the two religious systems possible; and Christians like Cyril, who rejected such syntheses and defined their own identities by opposition to paganism with increasing intransigence. This attitude also served a secondary purpose, namely to further Cyril's political goals within the Church (improving his own position with regard to the Emperor Theodosius II and helping him aspire to a leading position among the great patriarchs). In 377 it seemed to some leading Christians that the intellectual battle with paganism had been won. In his Discourse on Blessed Babylas and Against the Greeks John Chrysostom wrote: "The philosophers and talented orators had a great reputation with the public on account of their dignity and ability to speak. After the battle against us they became ridiculous and seemed no different from foolish children. From so many nations and peoples, they were not able to change anyone, wise, ignorant, male, female, or even a small child. The estimation of what they wrote is || 1 Previous versions of this paper were delivered at the Seventeenth International Conference on Patristic Studies in Oxford in August 2015 and at the conference 'Julian, Contra Galilaeos -Kyrill, Contra Iulianum. Interreligiöse Konflikte im 4. und 5. Jh.' in Berne in February 2017. Discussions with the participants at these conferences have led to certain revisions. In particular, I am indebted to Dr Maria Carmen De Vita (Salerno) and to Dr Stefano Trovato (Venice) for helpful suggestions and to Dr Anthony Ellis (Berne) for his meticulous revision of my English text.

This article critically engages Dermot Lane's proposal to move "beyond Chalcedon," which responds to critiques of the council's "one person/two natures" Christological framework as overly static and disconnected from modern exegesis. It argues that such critiques misinterpret Chalcedon's intent, which was not to impose a metaphysical system but to safeguard the mystery of Christ's divinity and humanity against heretical extremes like Nestorianism and Eutychianism. By situating Chalcedon within its historical and theological context, the study highlights its soteriological focus and compatibility with later developments, such as Maximus the Confessor's cosmic Christology. The article concludes that deeper engagement with Chalcedon provides a robust foundation for addressing contemporary theological concerns without the need to "go beyond" Chalcedon itself.

A non-judgemental survey of a religion in the Roman Empire during the first 600 years of the Common Era. This Paper is part of a series that includes:
 “Conception of the Great Religions”;
 “People who made Bibles”;
 “Handling Scripture”;
 “European Christologies and Salvations”

Studies of Christian literature of the first seven centuries have shown that the ecumenical councils, although they did not allow distortion of the Christian message, nevertheless did not consider the essence of the problems that were created by the Chalcedonian definition and became the subject of Christological disputes of the VI-VII centuries. As a result, these problems, which in traditional (classical) theology were considered solved long ago, appeared again in all their complexity. In addition, in the last 150 years, Christian theology has faced new difficulties that have arisen in the course of scholarly study of the New Testament texts. The article lists these problems and shows that the modification of the Chalcedonian definition proposed by Karl Barth makes it possible to solve them.

La courte prière du Notre Père est un merveilleux moyen de découvrir la présence aimante du Père. Les sept demandes qu’elle contient méritent une attention toute particulière. Il nous faut aussi répondre au fait que dans un certain nombre de manuscrits grecs, le Notre Père de l’évangile de Luc n’a que cinq demandes. L’exégèse d’oralité, à partir de l'araméen, offre à cet égard des outils nouveaux de compréhension.

L’évangile de Luc est un « pendentif », avec un collier compteur introduisant des fils d’oralité, formant chacun un ensemble cohérent en lien avec la perle qui l’introduit.
Ce collier compteur comporte huit perles allant de l’Annonciation aux tentations du Christ au désert (Lc 1, 26 à 4, 15). Ainsi, l’Annonciation à Marie introduit un fil d’oralité où l’on trouve le Oui de Pierre, le Oui de Lévi, et le Oui des Douze. La Visitation introduit un fil où, devant la résurrection du fils de la veuve de Naïn, le peuple s’exclame : Dieu a visité son peuple ! Et l’on continue ainsi jusqu’à la perle des tentations de Jésus au désert, qui introduit la Passion du Christ, durant laquelle les invectives lancées à Jésus font écho à Satan tentant Jésus au désert. Quant aux récits de la Résurrection, ils forment le « sceau final ».
Le Notre Père se situe au centre (5e perle du 4e fil d’oralité), qui est lui-même au centre des 8 fils du « pendentif » de l’évangile de Luc. L’ensemble de l’évangile apparaît ainsi comme un vaste commentaire du Notre Père. C’est particulièrement opportun étant donné que nous avons montré que Luc a repris dans son évangile une formation dédiée aux diacres, et que ce sont les diacres qui font entonner à l’assemblée la prière du Notre Père.
En outre, l’étude de l’original araméen révèle qu’il n’y a pas de différence entre le « Notre Père » de l’évangile de Luc comporte sept demandes comme dans l’évangile de Matthieu. (L’annexe donne de nombreuses preuve de la primauté de l’araméen).

Tamar Aptsiauri, Teona Gelashvili (Tbilisi) Lexicographical Studies Based on Euthymius the Athonite's Translations of Gregory of Nazianzus's 30 th and 31 st Orations and Gregory of Nyssa's The Life of Moses Examining original philosophical and theological works as well as their relevant early translations in the context of contemporary humanities is a subject of complex research. A comprehensive study of a particular translation involves an assessment of the original version in terms of the concepts and world-view it conveys, on the one hand, and a textual and philological analysis of the translated version, on the other, lexicological studies constituting one of the most important aspects of the latter. Development of a scientific terminology that can function as a specialpurpose language is, in general, preconditioned by several factors and entails a rather long-term work. The history of the making of the Georgian theological terminology extends back over centuries. This process started in the oldest (5 th c.) translated and original monuments of different genres and reached perfection in the translations of the Gelati Hellenophile theological school. Succeeding the old tradition, the translators from the Iviron Monastery at Mount Athos, including Euthymius the Athonite, a prominent 11 th c. translator and founder of the Iviron school, had undoubtedly played a significant role in unfolding large scale translation activities. The present paper is an attempt to analyze the development of the Georgian theological terminology at its early-stage based on Euthymius the Athonite's translations of two works pertaining to two different genres. Notably, our research will focus on the analysis of the interrelation between Greek Gnoseological terms and Euthymius's corres

This paper seeks to explore the paradox of God's suffering in the Person of Jesus Christ and God's essential nature of not being subjected to change by exploring the concept of divine  impassibility as articulated by select theologians in the history
of the Church. This study will argue that a re-examination of divine impassibility
in light of the doctrine of divine self-limitation does provide a better framework to
comprehend the paradox of God’s suffering, albeit certain cautions are warranted
in this process.

Patristic florilegia are paradoxical texts. On the one hand, they are very eloquent, as they often deal at length with clearly defined topics: on the other hand, however, they are obstinately mute, as they speak through the voices of others and seem to lack their own. Thus, although they do say much, and what they say is quite clear, what they intend to communicate through the voices of the 'old masters' tends to escape our investigation. Their intention is of course closely related to their historical context, which, however, is difficult to determine, since the purely theological content of these florilegia remains far from factual history. They are mosaics, but in a way, they are quite the opposite of proper mosaics, as we cannot enjoy their overall subject and intention with one comprehensive glance; in order to appreciate the sense and underlying strategy of their composition, we must rather auscultate the fine junctions between the individual tesserae. This is also true in the case of a large florilegium of Christological content that occupies a prominent position in six manuscripts of the eighth-tenth centuries preserved at the British Library and in the Mingana Collection. In this chapter, I shall present a few fieldnotes from an on-going exploration on this florilegium. The florilegium discusses highly technical topics such as: 1) the persistence of a difference between the natures from which Christ derives; 2) the exclusion of any duality from Christ; 3) the apology of the alleged novelty of the Miaphysite doctrine through a collection of patristic authorities, from Dionysius the Areopagite to the Cappadocians; and 4) an overview of the definition and the debates held at Chalcedon. A first exploration of the patristic materials of this florilegium, their relationship with the above-mentioned topics, and their complex itineraries through the centuries has led to some provisional results concerning the context in which they were originally collected and the circumstances that may have prompted the production of the florilegium as we have it now. The topics discussed in our florilegium were the core of a rather obscure Christological debate of the end of the sixth century, which, however, was crucial for the theological self-consciousness of later Syriac Mia-

Die wahrscheinlich jüngste Schrift des Neuen Testaments bringt in der fiktionalen Form eines petrinischen testamentarischen Briefes (vgl. 2 Petr 1,13-14) späte Aspekte der theologischen und ethischen Entwicklung des Urchristentums zum Ausdruck. Sie steht in einem kreativen Dialog mit der christlichen Überlieferung und sucht kontextbezogen nach spezifischen Antworten auf aktuelle dringliche Probleme. Die Parusieverzögerung ist in dieser Hinsicht ein typisches Thema für eine spätere Generation, das erst dann vorkommen kann, wenn die Gründer einer Bewegung schon längst verstorben sind und der Lauf der Ereignisse für manche Christen Anlass gibt, ihre Überzeugungen in Frage zu stellen. Auch wenn die Parusieverzögerung in den kanonischen Schriften nirgendwo besonders eindeutig thematisiert wird, ist der Autor von 2 Petr keineswegs ein Sonderling der frühchristlichen Tradition. Der Autor des 2 Petr gehört zur Großkirche; seine Problematik ist nicht marginal. Dass 2 Petr auf einer späteren Entwicklungsstufe einer vielfältigen Tradition steht, der er selbst angehört, wird vor allem an der Übernahme zahlreicher Motive und an den verschiedenen literarischen Anspielungen deutlich. 2 Die Schrift trägt die Spuren eines Prozesses der Hellenisierung 3 und der

Orthodox beliefs in the universal Christian Church have been heavily influenced and protected by historical creeds. A creed is a statement of faith designed to summarise the main points of what Christians believe.  Four Creeds that will be analysed in this paper include: the Apostles’ Creed, the Nicene Creed, the Symbol of Chalcedon and the Athanasian Creed. Each Creed reflects a theological development that was required at the time in response to heresies threatening orthodox belief. These four Creeds provided valuable protection for the Christian faith as it was established throughout the world.

There is a long-standing polemic that the ‘moment’ of eucharistic consecration for the West is the words of institution and for the East is the epiclesis. Zheltov and Mckenna have previously analysed this issue with respect to the Byzantine rite; however, there is still a need for analysis of the Coptic rite. This paper examines the liturgical, patristic, and medieval sources to provide a survey of understandings of the epiclesis and consecration within the Egyptian liturgical heritage. The liturgical sources utilized include the early Egyptian anaphoras, as well as those utilized in the Coptic rite today—Egyptian Liturgy of St Basil the Great, Anaphora of St Gregory the Theologian, and Anaphora of St Cyril of Alexandria. The paper will show that there is diversity of thought regarding eucharistic consecration within the Egyptian tradition; yet, while accents on moment and process are both present, consecration as a process appears to be the dominant understanding.

Origen employs the words μετοχῇ θεότητος in Contra Celsum 3.37, which could be translated as "participating in divine nature." There are two academic perspectives on this phrase. One sees this phrase to be a deification reference to 2 Peter 1.4, and Origen is said to be the first author to use the verse's wording to refer to followers of Christ as "partakers of the divine nature." The other view considers this phrase a simple comment on the divine realm, reflecting the understanding of Origen regarding the divinity of angels. The paper at hand provides clarification for the phrase μετοχῇ θεότητος, positioning it in Origen's overall understanding of deification, and challenging the two scholarly stances on this phrase. First, this paper shows that Contra Celsum 3.37 does not intend to reference 2 Peter 1.4, but likely signals completely different biblical references. Second, the paper examines the language and context of Origen's statement to show that this phrase is not only a comment on the divinity of angels, but also reflects Origen's thoughts on human deification. In doing so, this paper analyzes Origen's terminology and his philosophical approach towards human theosis in order to propose an answer to the questions of who is deified, who is not deified, and what it means to share in divinity. Overall, it becomes clear that in addition to commenting on angels, the phrase μετοχῇ θεότητος summarizes Origen's understanding of human deification, even if not as a reference to 2 Peter 1.4. It reflects a human-angel continuum and posits a direct human participation in God.

The notion of a crucified deity has long sparked intense theological debate, with critics arguing it contradicts the idea of an all-powerful God. This essay builds on the previous work titled “The Deity of Jesus: Hermeneutical view of “The Son of Man” in Daniel 7:13-14 and Jesus’ application of the phrase.” providing further evidence for Jesus’ divinity. It addresses criticisms by exploring the theological, historical, and philosophical foundations of the Logos, explaining the crucifixion's significance in Christian doctrine, and demonstrating the profound coherence of these concepts. The last essay concluded by proving Jesus’ divinity through his deeds, his claims, and people’s testimony. This essay aims to clarify misconceptions leading to several critics against the crucified God and the divinity of Logos. For clarity, this essay segments the criticism into three parts: historical and cultural context, philosophical, and theological.

The broader context of this study is formed by the discussion about the way biblical interpretation functioned for pro-Nicene theologians and about its relevance for a modern audience (p. 3). Matthew Crawford wants to uncover assumptions that underlie the exegesis of these theologians, and he has chosen to focus on Cyril of Alexandria, because in his view the archbishop, as an exegete and a dogmatic theologian, has made a valuable, but not well-known, contribution to this aspect of pro-Nicene theology (p. 5)-a claim he demonstrates to be true in the course of his book. His investigation consists of two complementary parts: in the first part, he explores Cyril's theology of revelation (chapters 2-4), in the second, Cyril's theology of exegesis (chapters 5-6), and he argues that both are "Trinitarian in structure and Christological in focus" (p. 7). In revelation there is a movement from the Father, through the Son, towards the Spirit, while in exegesis the movement is reversed: from the Spirit, through the Son, towards the Father. Throughout the book, Crawford compares Cyril's views with those of earlier patristic theologians, with special attention to the Alexandrians Origen and Didymus the Blind, and he suggests a number of times that Cyril was indebted to the latter. Chapter 2 discusses a conundrum. On the one hand, Cyril stands in a long tradition of Logos Christologies that regard the Word of God as the primary agent in revelation. On the other hand, the archbishop is firmly committed to the pro-Nicene doctrine of inseparable operations, according to which, in every divine act, all three hypostases are involved, not as separate persons working together, but-with Cyril's own words-because of their "natural unity" there is "one motion (κίνησις)" (p. 39).1 This seeming contradiction is resolved by the fact that Cyril understands the principle of inseparable operations in such a way that the distinction and order of the three divine hypostases are retained (p. 42). This is expressed by the phrase "from the Father, through the Son, in the Spirit" (cf. p. 42) which recurs a number of times in Cyril's works, and which he also applies to revelation. Although the Son may be said to reveal the Father, the Father is

The publication presents a Russian translation of the surviving part of the Greek Catens «Interpretation of the Epistle to the Romans» St. Cyril of Alexandria. The Preface indicates the initial form of interpretation is determined and with the help of additional sources it is concluded that it was an exegetic comment divided into «volumes». On the basis of the con- tent of the treatise, the question of its dating is solved and it is indicated that the absence of the Nestorian dispute means that it was written before 429, and the features of the triadological terminology allow to date it not earlier than the beginning of writing «Dialogues about the Holy Trinity» (412 or 423). Examines the hermeneutical principles of the Saint and an overview of the content of the interpretation. It is noted that it is devoted almost exclusively to the issues of so- teriology: the spread and action of sin in the descendants of Adam, the powerlessness of the law of Moses in the fight against sin and the meaning of the law, the house-building of the incarnate Word, God's Providence towards the Jewish people and pagans, human freedom, which does not negate the foreknowledge of God.

Les grands ancêtres de la libre pensée moderne jusqu’au grand barde gaélique irlandais  Sean Eoghain ui Tuathallain (30 11 1670 / 11 03 1722); plus connu sous le nom anglicisé de John Toland, mais qui  signait Janus Junius Eoganesius Cosmopoli.

there remains a very real sense in which ulimate perfection is an eschatological reality that can only be obtained eschatologically. In the meantime, we all live in the flesh, and even the best among us are beset with the weaknesses, passions, and temptations related to that situation. This means, first of all, that there is a real difference between experiencing temptations and desires, and acting them out in deeds. And, then, while "errors" and "failures" are not morally neutral, or insignificant and unimportant, there is a real difference between occassional lapses (e.g., a loss of temper), as symbolized, for example, in a non-leprous white spot, and a habitual and chronic sickness that excludes one from God's presence and from the ecclesial body, as symbolized in leprosy-the "sin unto death" mentioned by St. John. Conversely, it is also true that a little leprosy is still leprosy: to break the law in one part is to become a lawbreaker as such. The consequence for leprosy, great or small, is expulsion from the camp for some defined period of time. This same kind of scaled approach is seen in Cyril's discussion of the exlusion of "honey" (pleasure) and "leaven" (craftiness) from voluntary sacrifices. While marital intimacy is honorable, it is not something that can be sacrifically offered to God, and in this respect, virginity is the preferred state (as living the eschatological life now, as it were). So also with craftiness: it can be necessary to use craftiness unto good ends, yet it itself is not intrinsically virtuous, thus cannot be mixed with a sacrifical offering. In all these ways, the Law, now spiritually interpreted, serves as a kind of diagnostic tool for Christian spiritual self-examination. How are the internal movements of our soul and our concrete actions moving toward or away from the goal of conformity to Christ? The sin offering legislation and the Levitical purity code give the New Covenant believer tools and categories to explore that question, honestly and vividly. Finally, we must note the intriguing commentary on Leviticus 12 that, in turn, implicitly comments on Luke 2 and the Presentation/Meeting of the Lord in the Temple. 2 The Virgin Mary alone is exempted from the accusation of the Law because she conceived, not by polluting insemination, but by the ineffable operation of the Holy Spirit. Thus, the holy Virgin's offering of a "sin offering" in Luke 2.22-24, for "their purification," while certainly done to fulfill the law, cannot mean that the Theotokos herself had actually contracted ritual impurity. A Brief Word about the Translation This is the fourth complete Book of De adoratione that I have labored to translate. And again my primary interest has been to render St. Cyril with sufficient clarity so as to make his exegesis available to a contemporary audience. My process of translation was to first work through the text more or less independently, of course with reference to LSJ and PGL for lexical domains, and other searches for various idioms. Then, I worked back through my draft translation in consultation with both the Latin translation in PG and with Thomas INDEX OF THIS BOOK Book 1 Concerning the turning aside of mankind to worthlessness, and its captivity to sin. And also concerning the calling and conversion in accordance with repentance, and of the return back to the better state. Book 2 That it is impossible to escape the death that comes from sin and the abusive treatment of the devil, except through the sanctification that is in accordance with Christ. And that justification is not in the law, but in Christ.

Among the earliest testimonies to a reception of the Council of Ephesus in 431, Vincent of Lérins plays a significant role in fifth-century Latin Christology after Augustine. It is true that Vincent is remembered on a theological level above all for his thinking concerning the ecclesiastical tradition and the development of dogma; and it is true that Hipponate's own fame risks overshadowing other fifth-century Latin authors. However, the specific contribution of the monk of Lérins in the field of Christology deserves to be investigated, having as a key to understanding precisely his reception of the Council of Ephesus, not only as a confirmation of his own principle of ecclesiastical tradition, but also as a source of his theological thought, in dialogue with previous Latin Christological authors. At least three focal points at the Christological level are identified in this contribution, through the recurrence of specific key expressions. We will start from the unity of Christ, expressed by Vincent through the Augustinian expression una persona-or unitas personae-and his own more typical locution unus idemque Christus, which takes up the Greek unitive tradition that comes to Ephesus thanks to Cyril, but also Gregory of Nazianzus, arriving at a clear anti-Nestorian option. We will then move on to the consideration of the duplicity of substances, in which the monk of Lérins confirms the fundamentally diphysite approach of previous Latin tradition through the two phrases consubstantialis Patri consubstantialis matri and perfectus Deus perfectus homo, both of which also have roots that connect with an anti-Apollinarian Greek substratum. Finally, we will conclude with the theme of communicatio idiomatum, declined in the context of Theopaschism and especially of Mary's divine motherhood, which leads to the affirmation of the Marian title of Theotocos and to an original Christological proposal by Vincent.

Commenting on n° 22 of Gaudium et spes, the Christological and soteriological gem of the Council, the author shows how the text develops from the descending mediation of the Incarnation to its divinizing end via the ascending mediation of the paschal mystery. Christology and theological anthropology are expressed in a «theology of divine filiation», where «physical theory» and «pneumatological perspective» harmoniously meet at the salvific crossroads of grace and freedom. In this way, the conciliar text not only espouses the trajectory of salvation history and
evangelical narrative, but also follows the sequence of the liturgical year, the stages of dogmatic Tradition and instances of spiritual experience. So it offers to its reader a model of unified theology, where biblical foundations, the depth of Tradition, conceptual rigor and pastoral sensitivity meet in the extraordinary concert of the theandrical mystery (1Co 2,9).

Десятый том серии «Полное собрание творений святых отцов Церкви и церковных писателей в русском переводе» посвящен богословскому и полемическому наследию свт. Афанасия Великого, архиепископа Александрийского (297-373). Он содержит творения, которые сохранились под именем святителя, однако авторство их вызывает у исследователей сомнения или даже они признаны неподлинными.

Although Sūrat al-Ikhlāṣ (Q 112) is one of the shortest sūrahs of the Qurʾān, it has led to an extensive commentary on its structure and content in Muslim exegetical literature and in Western scholarship. This article takes the recent attempt to contextualize the sūrah in Western scholarship as a starting point and proposes new evidence for the nature of the religious milieu that shaped its form and content. It posits several "intertexts" of creedal expressions, which shed light on the discursive nature of the sūrah.