Disarmament

A state-centric, militaristic, and capitalist-driven model of the liberal world appears incompatible with the measures required for addressing the global environmental threats in the proposed new geological epoch called the Anthropocene. While there have been discussions suggesting or implying the rejection or radical disruption of existing sets of institutional arrangements in global politics, I propose the possibility of locating effective responses to the Anthropocene challenges within the existing order, albeit a reformed or revised one. This paper presents ways of transforming the liberal international order, without abandoning some of its core values and institutions, through a greater emphasis on human security, global disarmament, and alternative economic models. The convergence of the liberal pursuit of peace and the global pursuit of survival is possible in the Anthropocene.

In this article, we aim to contribute to two contemporary debates within the English School. The debate about how to observe primary institutions and the debate concerning hierarchy between primary institutions. Specifically, we analyse references to primary institutions in United Nations General Assembly disarmament resolutions in the decade 1989–1998 and their distribution using descriptive statistics. In this way, the article offers a novel approach to identifying primary institutions empirically, and provides some insight into the hierarchy-question in the sense of documenting the relative numerical presence of references to different primary institutions in a specific issue area and temporal context. With respect to the latter, the key finding is that great power management, diplomacy and international law are by far the most prominent primary institutions in the analysed material. This is an intriguing finding, not least given the importance attached to them by Hedley Bull in his classic work The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics. The main contribution of the article is thus to spell out a new approach to how the aforementioned debates might proceed empirically.

This book compares post-civil war societies to look at the presence or absence of organized violence, analysing why some ex-combatants return to organised violence and others do not.

Even though former fighters have been identified as a major source of insecurity, there have been few efforts to systematically examine why some ex-combatants re-engage in organized violence, while others do not. This book compares the presence or absence of organized violence in different ex-combatant communities – former fighters that used to belong to the same armed faction and who share a common, horizontal identity based on shared war-and peacetime experiences – in the Republic of Congo (ex-Cobras, Cocoyes and Ninjas) and Sierra Leone (ex-Armed Forces Revolutionary Council, Civil Defense Force and Revolutionary United Front). The main determinants of ex-combatant violence are whether former fighters have access to elites and to second-tier individuals – such as former mid-level commanders – who can act as intermediaries between the two. By utilizing relationships based on selective incentives and social networks, these two kinds of remobilizers are able to generate the needed enticements and feelings of affinity, trust or fear to convince ex-combatants to resort to arms. These findings demonstrate that the outbreak of ex-combatant violence can only be understood by more clearly incorporating an actor perspective, focusing on three levels of analysis: the elite, midlevel and grass-root.

En ausencia de un pacto de paz global de la guerra interna en Colombia se han suscrito acuerdos de paz con varias guerrillas (M19, EPL y otras) pero con otras persisten hostilidades (FARC y ELN) A la vez, hubo un acuerdo con los paramilitares para su desactivación (AUC). En consecuencia, se registran en las últimas décadas experiencias de desarme, desmovilización y reintegración (DDR) con diferencias en lo relativo a la naturaleza de actores, procesos y circunstancias, pero similitudes en la atención de servicios con ex combatientes. Sin embargo, diferencia notoria ha sido la proyección política de las fuerzas insurgentes al irrumpir en la legalidad, en contraste con la complejidad y mayor dificultad encontrada en varios asuntos con la reintegración de los paramilitares. A la vez, caso distinto es la de desertores individuales de la insurgencia admitidos en los programas de reintegración, lo que no constituyen un proceso de desmovilización ni de paz, como equivocadamente lo han asumido gobiernos recientes.

In the absence of a comprehensive peace agreement that enables the end of Colombia's armed conflict, there have been peace agreements with several guerrillas' organizations such as the M19, the EPL and others. Despite this, hostilities persist other guerrillas (FARC and ELN). At the same time, there was an agreement with paramilitary groups to achieve their deactivation. As a result, in the last decades there have been disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) experiences that have notorious differences according to the nature of the different armed groups, the processes carried out with each of them and their circumstances. However, the reintegration process is very similar for all participants in terms of the services offer by the institution in charged of the reintegration phase. The main difference of these DDR processes is related to the collective political aspiration hoped for by the insurgent forces following their insertion as a civilian group within legality. Simultaneously, the individual desertion and reintegration process comes up as a different case due to its application outside of a peace process frame. This individual dynamic cannot be seen as a demobilization process as the recent governments have assumed it.

Paradise and Paradigm:
Key Symbols in ‘Persian’ Christianity and the Baha’i Faith
by Christopher Buck

Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Toronto (Canada), 1996.
PhD supervisor: Willard G. Oxtoby.

ProQuest, UMI Dissertations Publishing, 1996. NN18989.
Published as Paradise & Paradigm (SUNY Press, 1999).

ABSTRACT

Symbols enshrine ideas. Sacred symbols present an explorable treasury of religious thought--an information-rich, condensed language of spirituality. "We can see that an essential ingredient of the modern study of religion," writes Ninian Smart, "is symbolic analysis, which tries to throw light on the various themes which an be discovered cross-culturally through the exploration of various worldviews." An experiment in comparative method, reflecting the author's research interests in "Persian" religious from Zarathustra to Baha'ullah, this study compares "key symbols" in early Syriac Christianity and the Baha'i Faith. Historically, as the "Church of Persia" in Sasanian Iran, the East Syrian (Nestorian) "Church of the East" was the pre-Islamic antecendent to the Baha'i religion.

During preliminary research, this finding fell into focus: In both traditions, many dominant symbols related to notions of Paradise. Why? Because Paradise allegorizes ideals. Visions of Paradise are the stained-glass windows of worldviews, encompassing most of the imagery--or "key symbols"--to be analyzed in this study.

Adequate description is a requisite for explanation. Smart's "Dimensional Model" assigns six "dimensions" to each religion. For mnemonic purposes, the present writer has coined the acronym "DREEMS" (Doctrinal, Ritual, Ethical, Experiential, Mythic, Social) to represent these dimensions. Defining religions as systems of symbols (Geertz), this study focuses on "key symbols" (Ortner), comprised of thought-orienting "root metaphors" and action-incentive "key scenarios."

Providing wholistic descriptions of religions as symbol systems for worldview analysis, the invention of a "symbolic profile" orders an array of dominant, ideationally indexed images within respective "dimensions." These "symbolic profiles" are synoptic mappings of dominant "key symbols" within each tradition. Key symbols for the various dimensions of the DREEMS map are charted. Formally affine and distinctive symbols are compared by an inventory of features, with respect to superordinating paradigms of each religion.

Paradigms render parallels intelligible. Syriac Christianity exhibits a paradigm of transformational purity. A paradigm of concentric unity structures the Baha'i worldview. As an added agenda for what William Paden has recently called the "new comparativism," this study proposes the following axiom for further research and refinement: "Parallels yield paradoxes of commensurability resolvable by paradigm "logics" within religious systems, resulting in symbolic transformation.

The League of Nations Assembly passed a resolution in September, 1931 to consult the press about the “spread of false information which may threaten to disturb the peace or the good understanding between nations”. By September 1932, 16 nations and two international associations of journalists had replied with suggestions for the Third Conference of  Press Experts in Madrid in 1933. This article uses these proposals from journalists as a springboard to discuss how we can use comparative and transnational history to understand the press’s role during the interwar period. After analyzing the current methodological debates on comparative and transnational history, I address the uses of both for histories of the press. How can comparative or transnational history help us to investigate the press? How can scholars think about journalists’ associations and conceptualize their role within the interwar diplomatic framework? More specifically, how did the press fit into League of Nations’ efforts towards disarmament? Ultimately, an investigation of  the two methodologies shows that we cannot class the press neatly into national boxes, but rather have to recognize the messy networks that overlapped, crisscrossed, and intersected to create those apparently national press systems.

‘Fragmentation’, ‘pluralism’, ‘constitutionalization’ and ‘global administrative law’ are among the dominant narratives of international legal order at present. Each narrative makes a descriptive claim about the current state of the international legal order, and outlines a normative vision for this order.  Yet we must not lose sight of the conflicts between, and the contingency of these, and other narratives. This article seeks to recover both conflicts and contingency by showing how each may be used to explain a given event: the inauguration of a bilateral civil nuclear cooperation between the United State and India, better known as the ‘India-US nuclear deal’. I explain how the four narratives may be, and were, co-opted at different times to justify or critique the ‘deal’. This exercise serve two purposes: the application of four narratives reveal the various facets of the deal, and by its example the deal  illuminates the stakes attached to each of the four narratives. In a final section, I reflect on why these four narratives enjoy their influential status in international legal scholarship.

Com o Estatuto do Desarmamento, em vigor desde 22 de dezembro de 2003, que torna as penas previstas mais rigorosas para a posse e o porte de armas de fogo irregular, além de criar novos delitos, a população civil no Brasil passou a ter maiores restrições ao acesso a armas de fogo. Mesmo após 10 anos de vigência da Lei 10.826/2003, as discussões sobre o desarmamento no Brasil ainda permanecem. Em vista das dúvidas que envolvem o tema, é questionado se a atual política do desarmamento no Brasil, amparada por essa Lei, tem sido eficaz quanto à proposta de redução da violência no país. Palavras-chave: Direito Penal. Violência. Desarmamento.

This book makes the case for a standing UN Emergency Peace Service. With this one development-effectively a UN first responder for complex emergencies-the organization would finally have a rapid, reliable capacity to help fulfill its tougher assigned tasks. To date, the UNEPS initiative has encountered an unreceptive political, fiscal, and security environment. Yet overlapping crises are now inevitable as are profound shifts. This book presents an insightful review of the worrisome security challenges ahead and analysis of two recent high-level UN reports. It addresses the primary roles, core principles, and requirements of a UNEPS, as well as the arguments for and against such a dedicated UN service. Further, it reveals that the primary impediments and lessons learned also help demonstrate what may work and, equally important, what won't. With modest support, the book shows, the next steps are feasible, although it's important to recall that ideas, even good ideas, don't work unless we do.

This thesis follows the development of Howard Charles Green’s (1895-1989) views on war and disarmament as both a private citizen and as a Member of Parliament. It draws its conclusions from a large archival base. Beginning with Green’s experiences in the First World War, this thesis charts Green’s views on war through to the United Nations Irish Resolution on disarmament of December 20, 1960. Contrary to current historiography examining the Diefenbaker period, it proves that Green’s beliefs about war only changed after his appointment as Secretary of State for External Affairs in June 1959, and even then it took time for his new ideals to “harden.” Prior to his “conversion” he believed that war remained a viable aspect of foreign policy and often encouraged its fuller prosecution.

Long hailed as “a haven of peace”, Cote d’Ivoire has been facing, since 19 September 2002, its worst political crisis ever since its independence in 1960, leading to the partition de facto of the country, the Northern half part held by the Forces Nouvelles (FAFN) and the Southern part controlled by the government of Laurent Gbagbo, the president in office. After five years of political deadlock, the conflict in Cote d’Ivoire seems to be drawing to a definitive end with the implementation of the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration Plan. Still, DDR as a program has not always been successful everywhere it has been implemented. This research paper explores and appraises: 1. comparatively some cases considered to be successful (Sierra Leone) and other unsuccessful (Liberia); 2. points out the main reasons for discrepancies in their achievements; and 3. draws the lessons that should be learnt for Cote d’Ivoire, and for other post-conflict settings; and maybe lessen the high ex...

In response to a marked increase in the rates of armed violence in the first half of the 2000s, in 2007 the Croatian Ministry of the Interior and the United Nations Development Programme launched a disarmament strategy that consisted of voluntary weapons-collection programmes, legal amnesty, and awareness-raising campaigns. Ten years following its initial implementation, the present study seeks to examine the development of this strategy, assess its performance, and analyse the pertinence and effects of its particular characteristics. To that end, we analyse the context and policies in place, and have applied a series of performance indicators that allow us to evaluate the impact and outcomes of these programmes. The main conclusion of our study is that the joint implementation of the “Citizen Alert” and “Disarmament for Development” voluntary collection programmes, legal amnesty, and the “Less Arms, Less Tragedies” awareness-raising campaigns has had a positive impact on the overall security situation in Croatia. Their implementation has helped produce a marked and steady reduction in the rates of crime and violence, whilst recovering vast quantities of small arms and light weapons, ammunition, and explosives. Moreover, we were unable to find any negative impacts or consequences of their implementation. Nevertheless, it should be noted that their impact on the rates of armed violence cannot be isolated, as these programmes were part of a series of much broader policy changes and structural reforms that took place for over a decade in many areas of government, including the armed forces, the police, and judiciary institutions. The impact of such broad reforms – in an improving socioeconomic context – cannot be understated. However, in combination with a strong disarmament strategy they constituted an indisputable and additional success.

В статье выявлена позиция журнала «Русская мысль» на проблемы миротворчества в 90-е гг.XIX века. Рассмотрены взгляды публицистов журнала на третейский суд, кодификацию гуманитарного права, гонку вооружений и возможность достижения вечного мира. / The article revealed the attitude of the magazine “Russkaya mysl” to the problems of peacekeepingin the 90s of the XIX century. Publicists’ viewpoints on the arbitration, codification of the humanitarianlaw, the arms race and the possibility of establishing perpetual peace are analyzed in the article.

The Centre for Armed Violence Reduction (CAVR) focuses on preventing the flow of illicit conventional arms. This is the second edition of our Implementation Guide for the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) and the UN Small Arms Programme of Action (UNPoA). Launched at the United Nations in New York, the Guide is used around the world at international meetings and distributed to government officials. Our aim is to help governments develop an effective interagency coordinating mechanism, to adopt the Arms Trade Treaty and to speed implementation of the UNPoA.

The rate at which states adopted the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) surprised even its sponsors. Yet the treaty is often misunderstood and misrepresented – by some, mistrusted. Facts and answers can be found in a variety of sources, but until now the treaty lacked a compendium. The full breadth of advantages offered by the ATT, plus an accessible description of how it works had not been assembled in a single, thoroughly referenced source.

To refresh the ATT story, the Centre for Armed Violence Reduction and the Government of Australia offer the publication 'Reinvigorating the Narrative: The Broader Benefits of the Arms Trade Treaty'.

Summary booklets are available in Spanish, French and English.

International support for a new multilateral treaty banning nuclear weapons is increasing. What implications would such a treaty have for the Netherlands? This policy brief describes the legal and political context of such a treaty and examines the implications of two scenarios: one in which the Netherlands will join such a treaty, and one in which it will remain outside such a treaty. Without discussing the feasibility of such a treaty or the advisability for the Netherlands to join or not, it concludes that any decision in this regard will be a political choice rather than a clear-cut best option.

The India–US nuclear deal is primarily discussed in the context of its strategic, developmental and environmental implications. However, for students of international law, it is a salutary reminder of the limits of international law when conceived of as a formal body of rules. In this paper, the optic of treaty conflict is used to demonstrate how a rules-based approach, such as that of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, is unable to address the challenges posed by the India–US nuclear deal to instruments of nuclear governance, and, in particular, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The article concludes with some reflections on the promise of a different vision of international law.