Disarmament

The objective of this post-graduate thesis work is to analyses “The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe” (CFE) which has been accepted as the most
extensive and successful conventional disarmament treaty of the world disarmament
history and its effects to Turkey in a historical perspective. In our work we spotlighted the process between the Treaty was signed in 1990 and 2010s we are present in. We also gave place to the conceptions of disarmament and controlling arms and their historical development process.

Chapter I, was separated to express various conceptions about the subject in historical examples.

In Chapter II, we dealt with the disastrous race of armament started with cold war era and discussions of controlling arms and disarmaments that the balance of terror alerted. While disarmament and the activities of controlling arms were taken in hand just in terms of conventional dimension because of the extent of our topic; the difficult processes of discussion lasting on troublesome ways to CFE were examined thoroughly because of underlying the Treaty.

Chapter III was separated into eight additional protocols, all of which are accepted as an inherent piece of the Treaty text and other treaties and formations completing the regime of CFE.

In the last chapter of our work, Chapter IV we discussed the results of CFE in terms of NATO and VP, compulsory changes were subjected to in accordance with changing political and military conjuncture and the effects on Turkey in terms of all political, military and economical dimensions with all these breaking points were examined deeply.

Key Words: The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE), Disarmament, Arms Control, NATO, VP, Turkey.

Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programmes form part of standard post-conflict peacebuilding tools regularly applied in the context of UN peacekeeping operations. Yet, the limitations of such templates become evident when peacebuilders are confronted with unconventional settings, such as the urban environment. So far, there is a scarcity of research on UN-led DDR efforts in cities, even though the proliferation of urban armed groups is projected to pose an intractable challenge for decades to come. Based on six months of fieldwork in Port-au-Prince, this article presents new empirical evidence on innovative DDR programming in Haiti, the only country where a United Nations Stabilization Mission (MINUSTAH) tried to implement a traditional DDR programme for gang members. As this attempt proved to be a failure, the mission subsequently changed its approach to a more community-focused armed violence reduction and prevention programme which aims to disincentivize at-risk sections of the population from joining gangs. Even though the current community violence reduction approach is better adapted to the unconventional conflict environment in Haiti and is seen by many practitioners today as a role model, it shares a number of limitations with traditional DDR programmes and is not a panacea for urban peacebuilding.

Анализ англо-французских отношений в военно-политической сфере от Версальского договора 1919 г. до начала Мирового экономического кризиса в 1929 г. на базе британских и французских государственных, военных и дипломатических документов и иных типов источников.

Summary of the Ph.D. dissertation. Analysis of the Anglo-French relations in the political an military spheres during the period from the ratification of the Versailles Treaty in 1920 to the beginning of the Great Depression in 1929 (as usually is assumed).

Ce commentaire des articles 8 et 9 du Pacte de la Société des Nations met en évidence les rapports entre le désarmement et le système de sécurité collective mis en place par ce Pacte. Pilier de la Société des Nations, le désarmement n'échappe pas aux ambiguïtés et limites de l'ancêtre de l'ONU.

Concerns about the global proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) and armed violence have increased exponentially since the end of the Cold War. Developing and post-conflict countries have found it particularly difficult to stem the proliferation and misuse of SALW as they attempt to (re)build government institutions, in particular security forces. Latin America is one of the regions of the world most affected by armed violence. Voluntary weapons collection programmes (VWCP) are one intervention that has been implemented repeatedly in developed and developing countries in order to reduce proliferation and violence with mixed results and limited independent evaluation. This thesis begins with an examination of the weapons-specific, intervening and structural factors of crime and insecurity in Latin America followed by an exploration of different security concepts and frameworks relevant to VWCP, in particular the concept of citizen security. It then proposes a new VWCP Impact Assessment Framework that builds upon previous findings on impact in regards to traditional crime and violence. The framework goes further to integrate the interactions of VWCP with security sector reform and social capital. The examination of the security sector emphasises elements of police reform in Latin America. The framework then looks at three types of social capital relevant to institutions and communities. The framework is then tested and applied to eight country cases studies, two from empirical field research in order to test conventional notions and generate new findings.

No tourist seeks a one-way ticket. A tourist returns home after a tour. Adventurers, by contrast are a different lot. They are far more reckless and seek a different kind of pleasure – not always in conformity with established norms, customs and general trends of human behaviour. This is particularly true of colonisers who take adventure to the other extreme. They seek to migrate, establish colonies and appropriate resources in virgin areas for their own benefit. The fear of the unknown and unexplored fires their imagination and unlike the average tourist who seeks a large amount of fun and a small measure of adventure, they seek the opposite and rush headlong into their ventures with little or no regard to the attendant dangers, risks and damage. Quite apparently, a one-way ticket to an unknown, unearthly and unchartered destination like Mars seeks to fulfil the urges of adventurers and colonisers rather than the average tourist seeking nothing more than a break from the mundane. Thus, it may safely be inferred that those volunteering for a one-way trip to Mars fall in the former category. The adventurer’s enterprise is at his own risk, the same cannot be said about the tourist. The safety and well-being of tourists on Earth is the responsibility of numerous agencies ranging from the tour operators to the states involved as also the public at large. The same cannot be said for adventurers and colonisers seeking new pastures on Mars. They fall in an entirely different category and the implications consequently are entirely different for the state, the trip operator, the colonisers and the public at large. The privileges and perks, the collective responsibilities of state and society as also rules and regulations that ensure the safety and well-being of tourists on earth cannot automatically be extended to adventurers and colonisers.
On the contrary, by custom and law, though the adventurer or coloniser acts on his own risk, he is obliged to ensure that his acts do not risk or endanger those not connected with the adventure. Similarly, agencies facilitating such adventures owe a duty of reasonable care to both the adventurer and the general public.  With regards to the nation-state, as per prevailing space legislation, the final responsibility as also liability on account of all space activity; national or international, governmental or non-governmental, commercial or personal rests with the concerned nation-state. Additionally, nations are bound by the usual state responsibility of ensuring the safety and security of their nationals, irrespective of whether they are directly or indirectly part of any space activity or not involved at all. Thus, the envelope of responsibilities on account of human space exploration is wide and devolves on the concerned state, the particular space agency as also the participants in the space activity. Various parties would be involved and there would be significant overlap and intertwining of responsibilities, all of which needs regulation well before the first proposed human space settlements come about. The area in this regard is entirely grey and to that extent the concept of a one-way ticket to Mars being touted by commercial companies as the next great milestone in tourism, exploration and colonisation is grossly premature. Neither has technology nor legislation matured to support such an endeavour. In its present state, the idea of colonising Mars is chaotic and fraught with danger to the individual, the state and the general public at large. There exists a need to be more deliberate, more realistic, more mindful and prepared before undertaking such risks since the risks impact all humanity on earth and not just a section of adventurers or colonisers. At the same time, the attendant risks should not be allowed to suppress aspirations of the general public. The better recourse would be to channelize the disparate energies of private players, commercial organisations and state agencies to fulfil humankind’s space aspirations. Towards that end, this paper seeks to examine the shortcomings and risks in the present endeavour and proposes recommendations to regulate and streamline the entire affair.

Terror and violence dominate the media; terrorist threats, fundamentalism, as well as social squalor and natural and environmental degradation alarm the international community. A look back into history should help determine and find the causes. The crisis can be an opportunity to effectively deal with these challenges. This could and should be a motivation and opportunity for reforming and restructuring the United Nations, to achieve greater justice and peace, based on Gandhian ideas and principles, which can be the means to correct and avoid the errors and defects of the past. While the two world wars, in which India had taken part, shook the world, political developments on the Indian continent in the first half of the twentieth century appear as precursors and beacons of hope. What exactly did Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the father of India, and with him the Indian nation have in view, to achieve a safe, non-violent path to world peace?

An effective cooperation of a legitimate Ukrainian government in a country-wide demilitarization would be difficult for Russia to secure. A direct demilitarization by a Russian occupation or puppet regime would, in turn, be difficult to implement.

Buck, Christopher. “The Eschatology of Globalization: Baha’u’llah’s Multiple-Messiahship Revisited.” Studies in Modern Religions, Religious Movements and the Babi-Baha’i Faiths. Edited by Moshe Sharon. Numen Book Series: Studies in the History of Religions, 104. Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2004. Pp. 143–178.

ABSTRACT

Globalization refers to “both the compression of the world and intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole” and as “both concrete global interdependence and consciousness of the global whole” (Robertson 1992: 8). It is further defined as “the intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa” (Giddens 1990: 64). Ethical responses to globalization are essentially world order issues (Lerche 1998), in a search for values of egalitarianism, equity, and sustainability a worldview that some have called “globalism” (Ritchie 1996). As a response to globalization, globalism may be viewed as a reflex or extension of Kantian cosmopolitanism as the “moral universalism of international relations” (Robinson 1996: 4).

Bahā’īs often assert that, since Bahā’u’llāh anticipated modernity, then he must have been a prime mover of it. Historically, it can be observed that Bahā’u’llāh was a sudden sparkle of the nineteenth-century a flash of visionary brilliance. And it may be safe to say that Bahā’u’llāh and modernity are dynamically coincidental and, apart from directions of influence, that Bahā’u’llāh was engaged in dialectic with modernity.

Regarding Bahā’u’llāh’s world reforms and their historical significance, ‘Abdu’l-Bahā observed: “These precepts were proclaimed by Bahā’u’llāh many years ago. He was the first to create them in the hearts as moral laws. Writing to the sovereigns of the world, he summoned them to universal brotherhood, proclaiming that the hour for unity had struck unity between countries, unity between religions” (DP 85). This sympathetic appraisal of the historical significance of Bahā’u’llāh’s international peace mission reinforces our hypothesis: viz., that Bahā’u’llāh’s signal contribution to globalization was to ethicize and sacralize it. Bahā’u’llāh’s “multiple-messiahship” furnished the divine authority necessary if ever his world reforms were to be taken seriously. This is Bahā’u’llāh’s eschatology of globalization.

Abstract: A historical analysis of nuclear weapons as opposed to the efforts to impose an arms control regime of impose disarmament clearly illustrates the links between national security and the political aims of acquiring weapons. Arms control efforts have faced the descriptive realities of international anarchy, while disarmament falls within a prescriptive, utopian goal. The article looks into aspects of nuclear weapons possession through a systemic approach, system polarity and threats through a number of basic tenets of Political Realism and the complexity of inter-state politics.

Criminal US Intelligence Networks of Impunity in Greek Academia(12/2023)
PART I
In 2019 the University of Macedonia (Thessaloniki, Greece) Rector ordered an investigation after I publicly denounced a number of issues regarding transparency and criminal academic networks in academic affairs as well as massive cheating during final exams.
All these years the university authorities and at a later stage the Council of the institution did nothing to publicize the findings of the investigation despite my continuous requests. This very fact sets issues of rule of law and academic order.
In the meantime, I have been consistently targeted in many ways, while my car has been vandalized several times inside the university parking lot. I asked the then Dean (and former Rector) I. Kouskouvelis to take measures and condemn these acts, yet, his response was that this was Not falling within his administrative duties. I guess it was not within his moral, academic obligation to support a fellow academic under attack, either. This is indicative only of the level of democracy I have been cherished for years in University of Macedonia.
In an academic environment where students’ youth organization affiliated to Nea Dimokratia & PM K.Mitsotakis enjoy TOTAL IMMUNITY and IMPUNITY in massive cheating cases publicly acknowledged by students themselves in social media.
Eventually,it was the very same criminal milieu (DAP-UoM) that pulled the strings to change the Department of International & European Studies course load & turned all obligatory courses in 2nd,3rd,4th years to ELECTIVE. Practically there is no obligatory course in the aforementioned years of study.
The initial proposal for this radical change was made by the then Dean I.Kouskouvelis honoured by today’s university authorities despite the fact that he is an INSTIGATOR TO A CRIME committed by a student upon his request. The student started collecting signatures in Google demanding my removal from the department a very aim set by DAP-UoM for years now. Eventually he was forced to confess in Court that its was I. Kouskouvelis who asked him to do so!
The aforementioned Dean,f.Rector & f.Head of the Department was a member of the local criminal network of Tectonic Hall of Thessaloniki,Greece.
DAP-UoM (New Democracy ruling party youth organization in tertiary education)had been enjoying full protection in all kinds of illegal behaviour. Hundreds(at least)have cheated during final exams, yet NO INVESTIGATION took place whatsoever! For years they allowed students to open books & simply copy info & answers during the exams(!)without a single student being punished!
Instead of an investigation the Rector of University of Macedonia Katranidis ordered an investigation against me for publicizing these acts. A punishment, an intimidation act for doing my duty as a Head of Department.
Unlawfulness does Pay
1. A student carrying notes in the final exam room refused to handle his exam paper after he was caught cheating. Instead, he pushed back the exams supervisor, run to the exit and disappeared. NO student dared testify as they were intimidated. Students told me they knew who this person was, yet, they were afraid to speak up.
2. During class evaluation the forms were collected by an unknown student who had never been in class. The student picked up the forms & disappeared. I asked the Department Secretariat to inform me on his identity, yet, they refused to assist me on the grounds of this was personal data” not to be disclosed!
3. On another occasion a student filling in the evaluation form for that year’s classes was forced (upon my insistence) to reveal that he was NOT A STUDENT of the department. Eventually he admitted being a student of another university. The aim of this scam was evident. To under-evaluate me & “prove” that I was not good at my academic work. This is how the corruption system operated & the way they target those who refuse to be their tools

An Academic Institutional Crisis
Some critical issues arise from this clientelistic environment
Critical questions need answers
1. Is impunity a “local”(institutional failure),national issue or is it the outcome of blatant interference of power networks operating in universities? The answer is a common secret & I would not try to answer it because of a major and revealing lawsuit to come.
2. What was the meaning and purpose of an INGOGNITO visit to the Department of International & European Studies & the University of Macedonia of the then US Ambassador to Greece G. Pyatt?This is a multi-million-dollar question that NO-ONE dares to bring forward. Is it customary for an ambassador to SECRETLY visit a university department without academics knowing about this odd visit? The question becomes a real puzzle taking into consideration the ANONYMOUS Greece revelation that a network of counter-information with the aim to supposedly deal with Russian influence in the city was built on the pillars of University of Macedonia, ELIAMEP & a number of journalists. They denied everything, yet, some facts cannot be explained. Nor can there be an explanation as to why the university authorities did not support my demand to provide an answer to why my university office was bugged. Why was I forced to deliver the monitoring device to the police?Why didn’t the only witness to the incident testify? The answers to these questions may be found in the operating of USA Embassy in Athens & the way to “deal with” those who refuse to be recruited.
3. On speaking out about corruption & clientelist, un-meritocratic networks in the university a DEFAMATORY campaign against me started with individuals at the institutions spreading rumours of me being mentally sick! This is classic intelligence practice applied by secret services particularly by the US. Is this related to the incognito visit of f. US Athens ambassador to the UoM? It appears that he had a “preference” to the institution. In the process I had to file a lawsuit against a colleague at the department as he was involved in communications mails with defamatory content (he suggested that I was mentally sick & should seek help).To this day justice has NOT BEEN DONE . I dispose of sms corroborating this standard intelligence practice of character assassination.
4. What is the relation between f. Rector I. Kouskouvelis & USEmbassy Athens? How did he use his structural power as a freemason member of the local Tectonic Hall (a criminal network)to persecute all those who stood up for meritocracy, equal treatment, transparency & those exposing clientelist networks?His cooperation with DAP (New Democracy Youth Organization)is well-known as well as the huge clientelist network they built. In a sms sent to me by a New Democracy party official he underpins that “he is capable of everything” meaning he is extremely dangerous for anyone who stands in his way

The first satellite Sputnik came about in 1957, the law regulating activities in outer space came in a decade later. The law was then dynamic and evolved to fulfill the changing needs of the world. Quite unfortunately, it stopped evolving a decade later. The stagnation has cost dearly as the following slides would reveal.

The Centre for Armed Violence Reduction (CAVR) focuses on preventing the flow of illicit conventional arms. This is the second edition of our Implementation Guide for the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) and the UN Small Arms Programme of Action (UNPoA). Launched at the United Nations in New York, the Guide is used around the world at international meetings and distributed to government officials. Our aim is to help governments develop an effective interagency coordinating mechanism, to adopt the Arms Trade Treaty and to speed implementation of the UNPoA.

Since the Third Review Conference (8–19 April 2013), the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), the body overseeing the implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), has had to confront growing evidence of chemical war-fare in the Syrian civil war. Syria became a party to the CWC in October 2013, but investigators have repeatedly confirmed chemical weapon (CW) use by government forces and some chemical attacks by non-state actors. In March 2018, an assassination attempt with an uncommon nerve agent in the United Kingdom, for which the British government accuses Russia, poses a completely different challenge to the CWC’s future. These issues in combination with deteriorating international security cooperation have fractured consensus among states parties.

With responses to urban violence receiving increasing academic attention, the literature on anti-gang efforts in Latin America has focused mainly on coercive mano dura policies and cooperative gang truces. Yet, there remains a paucity of studies going beyond such carrots-and-sticks approaches towards gangs. To fill this gap, this study investigates the possibilities and limitations of substitutive security governance across Latin America and the Caribbean. More specifically, this article looks at Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes in Medellín, Armed Violence Reduction and Prevention (AVRP) efforts in Haiti and Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Guatemala and Rio de Janeiro. It will be argued that communities are driven to support gangs against the oppressive state when they are indiscriminately targeted through muscular operations. Likewise, engaging gangs in dialogue grants them legitimacy and further weakens the position of the state. Therefore, the only sustainable solution lies in substitutive security govern-ance, which aims to replace the functions gangs fulfil for their members, sponsors, and the community in which they are nested with a modern and accountable state that is bound by the rule of law. Still, substitutive strategies vis-à-vis gangs have their own limitations, which can only be overcome by way of an integrated and coordinated framework.

Russia’s annexation of Crimea and covert intervention in Donbas subvert the international nonproliferation regime on weapons of mass destruction. The Kremlin has almost fully abrogated the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances, given to Kyiv in December 1994. This agreement between Ukraine, on the one side, and the United States, UK, and Russia, on the other, led to the dismantling of the sizeable Ukrainian collection of Soviet-era atomic weapons.

Strah od nuklearnog oružja potisnut je u godinama po završetku Hladnog rata, a posledice nuklearnih proba po ljude i prirodu, kao i registrovanih grešaka u rukovanju su zanemarene. Postojanje nuklearnog oružja u bilo kom vidu, bez obzira na broj, predstavlja opasnost. Upravo tim uvidom se ICAN rukovodio u svom nastojanju da okupi širok krug organizacija i pojedinaca kako bi se postigao sporazum o zabrani nuklearnog oružja. Sporazum predstavlja, po mišljenju autorke, pomak. Ipak, dalji angažman je potreban kako kako bi se omogućila dalekosežna promena i prevladao otpor nuklearnih sila.
Ključne reči: Međunarodna kampanja za zabranu nuklearnog oružja, međunarodno humanitarno pravo, nuklearne probe

En este libro analizo críticamente los procesos de desarme, desmovilización y reintegración (DDR) de ex combatientes apoyados por las actuales políticas de construcción de paz dominantes en la comunidad internacional. Estas políticas promueven una intervención en los contextos posconflicto basada en los principios liberales de democracia representativa, libre mercado, preeminencia de los derechos cívico-políticos y una aproximación particular (estatal, formal, de arriba abajo) de resolución de los conflictos armados.

Más concretamente examino la incidencia que ha tenido en los procesos de DDR, por un lado, la agenda internacional de género (afín al feminismo liberal occidental) y, por otro, la ausencia de un enfoque de las masculinidades que pudiese favorecer la transformación de las masculinidades militarizadas de los hombres participantes en los procesos de DDR de manera que sus comportamientos violentos y misóginos no se reprodujesen en su vida civil en los contextos posconflicto.

Para ello, me centro en los procesos de DDR implementados en la República Democrática del Congo (RDC) desde 2004 y, especialmente, en su impacto en la reproducción de la violencia y el fomento de la impunidad en las provincias de Kivu Norte y Kivu Sur, en el este del país.

In response to a marked increase in the rates of armed violence in the first half of the 2000s, in 2007 the Croatian Ministry of the Interior and the United Nations Development Programme launched a disarmament strategy that consisted of voluntary weapons-collection programmes, legal amnesty, and awareness-raising campaigns. Ten years following its initial implementation, the present study seeks to examine the development of this strategy, assess its performance, and analyse the pertinence and effects of its particular characteristics. To that end, we analyse the context and policies in place, and have applied a series of performance indicators that allow us to evaluate the impact and outcomes of these programmes. The main conclusion of our study is that the joint implementation of the “Citizen Alert” and “Disarmament for Development” voluntary collection programmes, legal amnesty, and the “Less Arms, Less Tragedies” awareness-raising campaigns has had a positive impact on the overall security situation in Croatia. Their implementation has helped produce a marked and steady reduction in the rates of crime and violence, whilst recovering vast quantities of small arms and light weapons, ammunition, and explosives. Moreover, we were unable to find any negative impacts or consequences of their implementation. Nevertheless, it should be noted that their impact on the rates of armed violence cannot be isolated, as these programmes were part of a series of much broader policy changes and structural reforms that took place for over a decade in many areas of government, including the armed forces, the police, and judiciary institutions. The impact of such broad reforms – in an improving socioeconomic context – cannot be understated. However, in combination with a strong disarmament strategy they constituted an indisputable and additional success.

This article shows, through some hypothesis, the way SALW interact with other security issues and with the different realms of social and political life. The presence of SALW may seriously hinder any effort to reform the security sector, including arms management and disarmament programmes, and should not be dissociated from other security concerns.

In this article explanation for the EU’s negotiation performance in the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT RevCon) is offered.  First examining how the EU has performed over the period 1995 to 2010, it conducts a systematic review of how EU performance has been shaped by a range of variables including the interests of its Member States, its own institutional capabilities, and the wider conditions of the international system.  It argues that the major challenge for EU performance within the NPT has been its own negotiation positioning which, beset by limited ambitions, has confined the EU to always being a supporter of the NPT regime rather than a driver of it.  Explanation for this can be seen not merely in the invariable challenge of trying to coordinate highly divergent energy and security Member State interests into a workable common position, the lack of EU competence in this field, but also by the difficult structural conditions within the negotiation environment.  Taking these conditions into consideration it is suggested that the EU’s limited ambition within the NPT may also be the most pragmatic positioning it can take.

This handbook is created as a conference proceeding of the “KTÖS International Conference – Constructing a Culture of Peace through Social Justice” which took place on 3-4 May 2014 and includes guidelines, concepts and practices, which we hope will be useful for educators in both formal and non‐formal educational settings.

The conference focused on five themes, namely "anti-racist education", "social justice and peace education", "peace through arts (theatre), "disarmament" and "gender issues in education".

Scholars and practitioners were hosted who work in different socio-political settings such as South America, Asia and Europe. In our effort to bridge the gap between theory and practice, we focused largely on workshops especially designed to meet the aims and purposes of our educators.

This thesis follows the development of Howard Charles Green’s (1895-1989) views on war and disarmament as both a private citizen and as a Member of Parliament. It draws its conclusions from a large archival base. Beginning with Green’s experiences in the First World War, this thesis charts Green’s views on war through to the United Nations Irish Resolution on disarmament of December 20, 1960. Contrary to current historiography examining the Diefenbaker period, it proves that Green’s beliefs about war only changed after his appointment as Secretary of State for External Affairs in June 1959, and even then it took time for his new ideals to “harden.” Prior to his “conversion” he believed that war remained a viable aspect of foreign policy and often encouraged its fuller prosecution.

Seventy years on since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) on 10 December 1948, this post examines the evolution of a right that was not included in the Declaration but is often seen as a precondition for the enjoyment of other human rights: the right to peace. It reviews UN declarations adopted over the last half-century for the purpose of recognising the right to peace and the extent to which the latest one issued in December 2016 adds to or detracts from these efforts.

SUMMARY: 1. ARMS CONFERENCE – 2. GENERAL ELECTION TALK – 3. [EGYPTIAN] QUESTION OF GUARANTEES – 4. CONCLAVE TODAY – 5. CRISIS IN ITALY – 6. THE GERMAN THRONE– 7. FIXE WORLD’S MARITIME STATUS, SAYS TEMPS – 8. APPROVE IRISH CALL FOR CONSTITUTION – 9. INDIAN UNREST – 10. WASHINGTON TREATIES – 11. BRITAIN’S REDUCED NAVY – 12. NEW POPE ELECTED – 13. IRISH TROUBLE – 14. THE [IRISH] BOUNDARY CRISIS – 15. LABOUR WANTS EARLY ELECTIONS – 16. THE NEW POPE – 17. THE KING’S SPEECH – 18. NAVAL PROGRAMME – 19. BRENNAN HELICOPTER – 20. PACT WITH FRANCE – 21. LORD ALLENBY – 22. BUYING UP GERMANY – 23. BOLSHEVIKS ACTIVE IN AMERICA – 24. RAIDS ON THE BORDER – 25. GANDHI’S ARREST IMMINENT – 26. RAID IN ULSTER – 27. [TERMS OF MANDATE ON] PALESTINE – 28. RUSSIA’S OBLIGATIONS – 29. GANDHI POSTPONES CIVIL DEFIANCE MOVE IN INDIA – 30. IRISH ORDER MARTIAL LAW TO CURB REVOLT – 31. HARDING SURE OF POSTPONE GENOA PARLEY – 32. GERMANY’ ARMY – 33. RUSSIA OF TODAY – 34. KNELLOF BATTLESHIP – 35. BRITAIN SUSPENDS TROOP EVACUATION; CIVIL WAR LOOMS – 36. WHAT NEXT IN EUROPE? – 37. ULSTER AND SEIN FEIN – 38. EGYPTIAN INDEPENDENCE – 39. GENOA CONFERENCE – 40. COLLINS DENIES PRIVATE BARGAIN WITH BRITAIN – 41. RUMOURS OF RESIGNATION – 42. INDIAN DISATISFACTION – 43. TROUBLES OF PALESTINE – 44. U.S MAY GIVE UP MILITARY POWER IN PHILIPPINES – 45. BRITAIN AGREES TO NEW ALLIED SESSION – 46. RUSSIAN DEMANDS – 47. MEXICO BEGINS WAR ON REBELS – 48. FRANCE AND SOVIET – 49. REPUBLICAN REVOLT – 50. INFLAMMATORY SPEECH – 51. JAPAN AND U.S – 52. [JAPANESE] NAVAL REDUCTION – 53. IRISH CONGRESS – 54. HARDING EXPECTS BRITAIN TO PAY U.S BILLION IN JULY – 55. FRANCE’S WAR DOGS TO BE HONOURED BY MONUMENT – 56. THE SINN FEIN – 57. BRITAIN TO REDUCE ARMY BY 33,000 MEN – 58. WHITE SLAVE TRAFFIC – 59. POINCARE AND LLOYD GEORGE AGREE ON PRINCIPLES – 60. GENOA CONFERENCE – 61. NEW GERMAN SPY SYSTEM – 62. BORDER COMMISSION – 63. GENOA CONFERENCE

The objective of this brief paper highlighting lessons learned, promoting best practices and carrying takeaways that are useful for other levels of the NAM, or even other forums. The key to effectiveness for group work, including on the multilateral level, remains clear working dynamics, efficient management, cohesive ‘professional’ culture fortified by intensive interaction geared towards common goals that are set through a participatory and intellectually rigorous process of harmonization divergences and ensuring genuine collective ownership. I would argue that these concepts, that may appear complex in this wording, are in fact simple to apply. They are arguably best demonstrated at the collegiate level of delegates attending as experts on the subject matter. However, they can also be emulated at higher level, if the same approach is followed. In such an instant, the ‘working level’ NAM may make the whole forum ‘working’ best to achieve its ideals, which are most needed in today’s world and in the current state of multilateralism.

The development, production, testing and use of nuclear weapons has had catastrophic humanitarian and ecological consequences on people and environments around the world. ‘Nuclear harm’ – the damage caused by blast, incendiary and radioactive effects of nuclear weapons use, testing and production, as well as by other nuclear technologies – poses threats to the pursuit of the  2030 Sustainable Development Agenda. Due to advocacy by the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), recognized by the 2017 Nobel Peace Prize, the new Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) established ‘positive obligations’ on affected states to assist victims of nuclear weapons use and testing and to remediate contaminated environments. To ensure that the burden does not fall unduly on affected states, the TPNW requires all states to engage in international cooperation and assistance to achieve these and the treaty’s other goals. While the TPNW does not explicitly cover all forms of nuclear harm, and the universalization of the treaty may take some time, its implementation offers the opportunity to build a normative framework and institutional architecture for humanitarian and environmental action to address nuclear harm. In implementing the TPNW’s positive obligations, states should draw on lessons learned from implementing the victim assistance, clearance and risk reduction provisions in other humanitarian disarmament treaties, including the Antipersonnel Mine Ban Treaty (MBT), Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) Protocol V on Explosive Remnants of War (ERW Protocol) and the
Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM).

‘Fragmentation’, ‘pluralism’, ‘constitutionalization’ and ‘global administrative law’ are among the dominant narratives of international legal order at present. Each narrative makes a descriptive claim about the current state of the international legal order, and outlines a normative vision for this order.  Yet we must not lose sight of the conflicts between, and the contingency of these, and other narratives. This article seeks to recover both conflicts and contingency by showing how each may be used to explain a given event: the inauguration of a bilateral civil nuclear cooperation between the United State and India, better known as the ‘India-US nuclear deal’. I explain how the four narratives may be, and were, co-opted at different times to justify or critique the ‘deal’. This exercise serve two purposes: the application of four narratives reveal the various facets of the deal, and by its example the deal  illuminates the stakes attached to each of the four narratives. In a final section, I reflect on why these four narratives enjoy their influential status in international legal scholarship.