Dottrina Dello Stato

Se la struttura sociale assume un volto sempre più frammentato e quasi disarticolato, il ruolo delle istituzioni rappresentative non può più essere quello di imporre politiche, ma deve divenire, invece, quello di discutere le politiche, in modo che la visione collettiva su di esse possa effettivamente maturare. La democrazia rappresentativa oggi non è solo questione di voti e di elezioni, è anche capacità di interrogare, di consultare, di discutere pubblicamente, di sorvegliare e correggere. La tutela degli interessi durevoli richiede allora al Parlamento, come sede della rappresentanza nazionale, di diventare una struttura di conoscenza capace di individuare le priorità, di imputare le responsabilità, di misurare i risultati prodotti e di creare un senso di continuità volto a pacificare e coordinare le ragioni di oggi con quelle di domani. La valutazione delle politiche pubbliche è lo strumento che può accostare le istituzioni rappresentative a un’efficace tutela degli interessi durevoli: attraverso funzioni valutative l’organizzazione pubblica può cercare di essere un fattore di rigenerazione della società non perché impone decisioni, ma perché innesca un costante processo di autoapprendimento in cui il decisore politico assume il ruolo di immettere la conoscenza nel sistema istituzionale e renderla oggetto di un vero allargamento egualitario.

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- GOVERNO DEL TERRITORIO E TUTELA DEGLI INTERESSI LEGITTIMI. La delicata ipotesi di revoca dei piani particolareggiati di esecuzione. CLAUDIO COSTANZI
- IL COORDINAMENTO TRA ATTIVITÀ EDILIZIA ED I VINCOLI PAESAGGISTICI ED AMBIENTALI NEL RECENTE CONTESTO D’EMERGENZA.  ALFREDO MORRONE
- LE RESPONSABILITA’ DEL CURATORE IN CASO DI ABBANDONO RIFIUTI. GIACOMO VIVOLI
- LE VARIABILI AMBIENTALI NELLA DISCIPLINA DEGLI APPALTI PUBBLICI. GIUSEPPE QUINTO
EDUCAZIONE AMBIENTALE E VALORI COSTITUZIONALI IN PORTOGALLO E IN ITALIA. LUIGI COLELLA
- LA COSTITUZIONE DI FRANCOFORTE: UN SOGNO INFRANTO. GIOVANNI GIANNOTTI
- ORDINE DI BONIFICA DI UN SITO INDUSTRIALE: L’Adunanza Plenaria chiarisce la natura della bonifica tra retroattività e responsabilità della Società incorporante. STEFANO DE ROSA
- LE CERTIFICAZIONI AMBIENTALI ED IL NUOVO CODICE DEI CONTRATTI. ROBERTA CADENAZZI
- REGIONALISMO DIFFERENZIATO E PRINCIPIO DI SUSSIDIARIETÀ VERTICALE. LUDOVICO A. MAZZAROLLI
- IL DIRITTO ALL’AMBIENTE NELLA COSTITUZIONE ITALIANA. CAMILLA DELLA GIUSTINA
- IL RAPPRESENTANTE UNICO DELLE AMMINISTRAZIONI STATALI IN CONFERENZA DI SERVIZI DECISORIA SIMULTANEA. MARIO TOCCI
- FISCALITÀ DELL’AMBIENTE, MERCATO E SVILUPPO SOSTENIBILE: UN EQUILIBRIO POSSIBILE? MARIA ASSUNTA ICOLARI
- L’AGENZIA FRONTEX E L’AGENDA EUROPEA SULLA MIGRAZIONE. GAETANO ARMAO

Unica ideologia sopravvissuta al Novecento, il neoliberalismo teorizza un interventismo statale finalizzato a rendere il capitalismo storicamente possibile. Una riflessione a partire dal saggio "Ordoliberalismo" di Adelino Zanini (Il Mulino).

Recent developments in the government raise many questions in Italy. In particular, it arouses pressing questions about the institution of the President of the Republic. In the light of individual presidential experiences this paper will trace the  evolution of  interpretations offered by the doctrine.
From this reading it follows that in the Constituent Assembly the constituents fear abuses of monarchical power and the excesses of parliamentarism.  They elaborate a government with large debts in front of the dualistic model of constitutional monarchy. This happened even if the constituents wanted to emphasize the discontinuity rather than the continuity of the transition from monarchy to republic.
It is not a coincidence that the literature of public law Republican has been used as the interpretive key the doctrine of the neutral power. It has consistently emphasized the role of guarantor super partes of the head of state, in the parliamentary government by recognizing the performance of unity that can provide with respect to the dialectic between the parties.
This interpretation is still dominant. It has led to the recognition of the gradual expansion of the informal acts by the President of the Republic in an increasingly challenging political environment. The expansion has such dimensions as to a part of the doctrine - critically or apologetically – sustains the evolution in a presidential government - a creeping presidentialism - that some author would be recognized within the constitution to remedy the deficit of democratic legitimacy of which the institute suffers.
The reconstruction, which can be traced back to the reflection of Carlo Esposito, warns of the potential risks of power expantion of the President of the Republic with the use of the theory of neutral power. It specifies derivation from the institution of the monarchy, noting that it therefore represents a resource, but also a threat for the government. It is a resource because the President is independent political subject able, through the functions attributed to restart, if necessary, the "machine jams" as well as to play in a normal brokerage activities aimed to ward off any degeneration of the political struggle. At the same time the institution constitutes a potential threat, as a monocratic body influenced by the personality of its owner pro tempore, as well as heir of to the symbolic institution of monarchy. It is against the risk of maximum expansion, feared by Esposito for which the President would become ruler of the state, the Constitution establishes precise limits in particular through the form of responsibility provided for in Article 90 of the Constitution.

La globalizzazione segna il definitivo tramonto dell'idea di nazione? L'A. è convinto del contrario. Quel che è in crisi è la concentrazione moderna dello Stato nazionale, che risale alla teorizzazione di Bodin prima e di Hobbes poi, e che identifica nazione e sovranità assoluta. Ma tale concezione non è affatto l'unica possibile: secondo Althusius, che riprende Aristotele, la società si forma sempre e soltanto attraverso una serie di patti politici e sociali conclusi tra gli individui, che portano ad una serie di associazioni o consociazioni autonome. Ne risulta una sovranità diffusa e reticolare che può rappresentare la vera risposta a chi parla di crisi irreversibile degli Stati nazionali.

Da qualche settimana è apparso in libreria l'ultimo lavoro del prof. Giuliano Amato dal suggestivo titolo Bentornato Stato, ma (Il Mulino, 2022). Si tratta di un volumetto assai interessante nel quale l'ex Presidente del Consiglio e attuale Presidente della Corte costituzionale espone le sue idee sui rapporti tra Stato e mercato nella situazione di emergenza creatasi a seguito della crisi finanziaria globale del 2008 e dell'emergenza pandemica da Covid 19, in un contesto mondiale ulteriormente complicato dall'esplodere della guerra in Ucraina.

Law as a Welcome. An Interdisciplinary Reading.
Canon law would eventually become a grave, if not seen in continuous osmosis with the entire juridical experience. Interdisciplinarity means grasping the right not only in a comparative view, but, more profoundly, as connected and intricate with other knowledge, like a hive box that is placed and in turn provides support for others, in a unitary experience, such as that of consciousness and therefore of human culture. Without this osmosis, any knowledge, like any vital form, suffocates in itself, and dies, cloning itself indefinitely, in an obsessive and paranoid self-reference.

On the centenary of Feliciano Benvenuti’s birth, this article analyses his
legal scholarship on administrative activity. The article is divided into three
parts.
The first examines the paradigms of Benvenuti’s thinking, represented principally by personal freedom, a central concept that reverses the traditional idea of the connection between freedom and authority; the republican Constitution, which defines the purpose of administrative activity and changes the position of the administration, as well as the interconnections between persons, society and authority; and the legal system and Normativism.
The second part analyses the essential elements of the jurist’s theory on administrative activity: the theory of function, the administration based on the principles of equality, objectivity and participation, and the theory of administrative acts. In this analysis, the author takes into account both the general theoretical background and the historical-social context, identifying the main characteristics of each element. Finally, the third part describes the innovative features of Benvenuti’s theory on administrative activity, analyzing the elements that remain to this day and those that, instead, have displayed transience.

Giuseppe Capograssi è considerato tra i maggiori filosofi del diritto italiani del Novecento. Allievo di Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, fondatore della Scuola italiana del diritto pubblico, il giovane abruzzese fu tra i giuristi che si cimentarono con il complesso tema della “crisi” dello Stato all’alba del Primo conflitto mondiale. Fu l’ascolto della prolusione orlandiana del 1910 su Lo Stato e la realtà ad indurre Capograssi a scrivere una tesi di laurea sul rapporto tra lo Stato e la storia. Il denso elaborato, di circa cento pagine, è tutto ispirato alla Filosofia della pratica di Croce, ma presenta chiari “echi” orlandiani. Prendendo le mosse dall’analisi dei rapporti tra Stato, diritto e società negli scritti di Orlando, il contributo intende mettere in luce i “punti di contatto” tra l’elaborazione del caposcuola siciliano e l’aurorale riflessione capograssiana, destinata a mutare profondamente con la pubblicazione del Saggio sullo Stato nel 1918.

Giuseppe Capograssi is one of the most prominent 20th-century Italian philosophers of law. Student of Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, founder of the Italian school of public law, the young legal scholar was among those who engaged with the complex topic of the “crisis” of the State at the dawn of the First World War. The inaugural lecture on State and reality that Orlando held in 1910 led Capograssi to write a dissertation on the relationship between State and history. In the dense text, which is about one hundred pages long and is inspired by Croce’s Philosophy of the Practical, echoes of Orlando’s theories are clearly present. Starting from an analysis concerning the relationship between State, law and society in the writings of Orlando, the paper aims to highlight the points of contact between the thought of the Sicilian professor and Capograssi’s auroral reflection, which would have later radically changed with the publication in 1918 of the Essay on the State.

The appeal to Sovereignism has been at the center of controversy and confrontation – not only on the political level, but also on the juridical and philosophical one. However, the term is often used ambiguously, or with not always univocal meanings. Today, the idea of sovereignty is all along tied to the States: entering the crisis these, it was inevitable that the sovereignty enters into crisis too. Yet, we ought to say: a certain concept of sovereignty, the sovereignty “of the State” as a State’s attribute is in crisis, not the sovereignist idea in itself. Taking it to the extreme, we could say that today, the new political subjects are no longer the States but the people.

Theory and Practice of Political Experience.
The article analizes the relationship between the Gentile’s theory of politics and law and the work carried out during the period of active engagement in the political arena, but also figures out the implications of this experience on the further theory step. In order to explain the teses about the problem of European integration and the primacy of the principle of subsidiarity.

Francesco Gentile and the Problem of Constitutional Reform.
The article deals with the problem of constitutional reform in the light of the thought of Francesco Gentile. It is highlighted how important it is to reform the constitutional text in order to make the human person more and more protagonist of the juridical experience. The reform must be based on the dialectical confrontation between political forces in order to recognize the good.

Physics has, long, identified the principles of relativity, discovering how time is a relative dimension, in relation to other parameters, such as speed and space. The history of state-based society, which can be defined as the state structural universe, analyzed with the scientific method (according to the Galilean conception of the scientific method), evolves with as a cyclical trend and, therefore, historical time can no be, longer, considered as a linear entity, but must be analyzed bearing in mind that it manifests itself as a curvilinear evolution, with a cyclic course. In this way, the events that follow one another over the course of the various human generations, placed on a Cartesian diagram, assume a very precise trend (in relation to precise parameters of progress, or regression, in terms of social and political freedoms, economic well-being and social, as well as incentives, or disincentives, of scientific progress). In the relationship between chronological time and historical time, the value (ie, the level of progress, or regression) of the latter will be visible on the ordinate axis.
The birth of the state-based society, which can be defined as the structural state universe, and the socio-political and economic events, relating to this type of society, are determined by causal agents far removed from the conscious will of the peoples, their ruling classes, and the leaders who emerge from them, who, with choices arbitraries (the effects of which are completely unknown to them, even when the predetermined, or proclaimed, the objective is reached) can, only for a short time, influence the direction, and the speed, of historical time itself.
Analyzed in this way, history, from pure hagiography, assumes the value of a prognostic science, that is, capable of making the future known in advance, and can help identify what are the real perspectives of humanity, and those of vast regions of the globe, as well as those of specific state units.
The structural universe of the state, therefore, evolves itself cyclically, with two distinct and well identifiable phases: the mercantile phase (or open society) and the feudal phase (or closed society). It turns out possible to analyze, in detail, the characteristics of each of the two phases of the aforementioned universe structural of the state , with its partitions, namely: social systems, the moments of transition between one social system and another, (whose duration can be even of several centuries) as well as the moments of transition between one and the other phase of the various historical cycles, which have occurred (countless times, with higher number of cycles in some regions of the globe), since when the universe structural of the state exists. Each social system (or transition period between one consolidated system and another) is characterized by some specific political regimes, which, in turn, can manifest themselves in a certain variability of concrete powers, which are distinguishable by their diversity of: ideologies, proclaimed programs and slogans.
The dominant culture and the most common public opinion tend to accredit the concept that history, and the events that characterize it, evolve, over time, in relation to the greater, or lesser, capacities of the rulers of each country and the rulers with greater influence on the destinies of the world. This opinion is completely wrong!
In fact, except for events that, while causing immense suffering or considerable satisfaction (or being perceived as such) to social groups or peoples, generally, have a marginal impact on the evolution of historical reality and the human condition; evolution, which can be found in the great structural changes, takes place with dynamics that escape even the perception of the most enlightened intellectuals and completely escape. to the perception of statesmen and rulers in general and, therefore, their main action is dictated by forces whose knowledge totally escapes them. Nor, much less, are these dynamics to be attributed to machinations of “occult powers” or “strong powers”, which exist and operate, but are they too also unaware of the real historical dynamics.
The human condition is, therefore, comparable to that of a multitude of hamsters who struggle to keep themselves in balance on a rotating scale, on whose movement they cannot absolutely influence and which are not even able to perceive the direction of rotation and its speed.
This condition, since it has been theorized by various thinkers, should lead us to clearly distinguish between the current human condition and the nature of our species, which, if made aware of its actual condition, will never be able to resign itself to it, but will always seek a condition of full autonomy, individual and collective, and full awareness of oneself and one's own nature.

La tesi che sta alla base della presente esposizione è semplice: più Stato non vuol dire menocapitalismo bensì il contrario; nello stesso tempo vuol dire capitalismo vecchio e decrepito,che ha bisogno di medicine salva-vita per evitare il collasso. Quali sono i sintomi? C'è unacura? I sintomi cercheremo di descriverli, la cura semplicemente non c'è più.