Feudalism and Lordship

LAND AND PEASANTS IN MEDIEVAL CRETE. XIIIth – XIVth c.

The conquest of Crete by the Venetians and the new state of affairs imposed by Venice soon led to a new social and economic order for the island. If, on a social level, the changes that ensued were not entirely radical, on the economic level they were decisive for the future development of Crete.
The new system of land ownership imposed by the Venetians was founded on the general principle that the land belongs to the state, and the state disposes of the land as it sees fit, always with a view to serving best its interests and maintaining security both in its overseas domain and at home. The Venetian settlement of the island was conducted on a systematic basis, and the greater part of the island was divided up among the Venetians who were sent there as the feudal, landowning cast. A portion of the land was held by the Latin Church, by monasteries and churches (both Catholic and Orthodox), while the state retained a large region for itself -Paracandia, containing numerous villages in the area around the Cretan capital, Candia. The first major changes to take place on the island were not completed until the end of the thirteenth century, mainly on account of the slow progress made in the face of resistance from the indigenous landowning classes who delayed not only the redistribution of land but also the full conquest of the island. These longestablished, noble families were to profit from their resistance by succeeding in carving out for themselves a right to the land they had fought for. Indirectly, their resistance paved the way for less well-placed Greek families to acquire property rights through various means.
By the late thirteenth century the political situation had stabilized and land distribution and ownership had become established. The island held two large social groups, the feudal lords and the peasants, bound to one another by the land. The peasant class was composed of two clearly defined groups: those who were, and those who were not, subject to their lords. The larger of the two groups was composed of villeins, the successors to the Byzantine paroikoi, subject to a rigorously defined dependency on their masters. The villeins in turn were composed of two main categories: those who were bound to the land itself, and thence to the feudal lord, and those who belonged directly to the feudal lord, regardless of the land. In contrast to the villeins, free peasants were not subject personally to their lords, farming the land while being economically dependent on its owners.
Although the land was divided into fiefs, cavallarias and serventarias, all serving to assist the state in its task of collecting taxes from the feudal lords, economic life in the countryside was based on the village, whose unity was assured irrespective of the regime of landownership. The peasants lived in the village, they cultivated the farmland roundabout, and they rendered their dues to its owners.
While many features of society and daily life in the countryside remained little changed since Byzantine times, the colonial characteristics that the Cretan economy started to acquire as a result of the Venetian conquest led to a number of important changes. More intensive exploitation of the land and the development of city ports that gradually grew into major export and transit centres of, principally, agricultural produce, were the most obvious results of these changes. During the first two centuries of Venetian rule the agrarian economy played a key role. The island's agricultural production was dominated by cereals and vines, while livestock breeding was also important, contributing to the island's export market.
Tilling the land (divided into small and medium-sized plots) was based on family-scale labour, as in Byzantine times. The direct cultivation of large areas of land owned by the feudal lords, whether by means of the system of compulsory communal labour (angarie) or by the employment of paid workers -as was the case in western Europe- does not appear to have been the practice in Crete. The Venetians interfered very little in the operations of rural life on the island; rather, their principal objective was to maximise agricultural production. Thus, all those who owned land -feudal lords, the state, the Church and monasteries- made their land available for longer or shorter lengths of time for cultivation by the peasants, under various terms, according to the kind of cultivation undertaken. Thanks to long-term grants of land-cultivation rights (gonico, renting for 29 years), peasants were able to secure practically a lifelong right to the land, to the extent that they were often able to pass on land to their inheritors. This fact was instrumental in binding the peasant to the land and in providing the feudal lord with a much needed agricultural workforce. For his part, the peasant was able to develop his farming activities to the best possible advantage. On the other hand, short term grants of land (such as rents of limited duration and "labour agreements") served, primarily, intensive cultivation of cereals, often destined for the export market. In such cases the landowner would be reluctant to commit his land for long periods with an unproductive peasant farmer or at a rental rate that might turn out to be unprofitable on account of rises in grain prices. The variety of grants of land, combined with the type of cultivation and the small plots of land in different regions gave both peasant and landowner the opportunity to choose the best possible farming solution with the best possible prospects.
Landowner, land and peasant were closely bound to one another and interdependent. Nevertheless, the individual owning the land always had a distinct advantage, however much he might depend on farm-labourers in order to turn his land into a profit-making concern. The numerous farm-labour contracts that have survived are evidence of this relationship of dependence, as well as of the landowner's decisions with respect to the best exploitation of his land, and the efforts of both sides to secure their interests by means of the terms of the agreement and by the practice of signing the contract and having it formally ratified. The large number of contracts testifies to the mutual dealings of peasants of the same land, to the increase in the cultivable land area as more and more land was granted for cultivation, and the arrival of new peasant farmers. However, one cannot determine accurately the size and extent of these phenomena, since it is not possible to establish correlations across historical periods, or, what is more, for specific regions, since the sources do not cover the entire island.
The profits deriving from the exploitation of the land of the feudal lords were chiefly in kind, as agricultural products, grain, wine and, to a lesser extent, livestock breeding. Everything was destined for the local or international market. Besides the land rent, the feudal lords also reaped various feudal revenues -all kinds of dues and rights- that the peasants paid in order to use the land and other features of the countryside. These revenues, part money, part in kind, did not entail vast sums; they did, however, serve to reaffirm the relationship of dependence, economic and personal, of the peasant on the feudal lord, and determined the position of the peasant within the social and economic system of Crete.
The two social classes -feudal lord and peasant- occupied by definition the base and the peak of the economic pyramid of medieval society, that is, the many poor and the few rich. Yet within these two classes further pyramids quickly emerged displaying significant intermediate levels. In other words, by the midfourteenth century there were a considerable number of feudal lords who were running into serious financial difficulties, and a relatively small number of peasants who, while one hesitates to describe their situation as prosperous, at least found themselves to be getting by on a satisfactory economic level. It appears to be the case, therefore, that although Cretan society had clearly defined lines separating the social classes, the level enjoyed by each group's members was not the same, however much their position in the social hierarchy provided them with differing opportunities, starting from a differing base.
The prospects and likelihood of finding an alternative livelihood were very limited for a peasant, and any attempt at breaking out of the mould entailed considerable risks. Nonetheless, small-scale trade and investment (basic characteristics of the city-ports, where large numbers of people came together from much of Europe and the Near East), served to fuel the desires and hopes for betterment of the poor of both city and countryside. At difficult moments in the island's history, the peasants turned to the cities and towns. There they hoped to find refuge, or the means by which they might leave the island to seek a better fortune elsewhere.

Han Fei’s doctrine of absolute monarchy is one of the most sophisticated political ideologies ever devised in any ancient society, and it proved critical to the foundation of the first imperial dynasty. One must nonetheless acknowledge that it remains problematic. What are the reasons for the shifting and contradictory attitudes in the Han Feizi concerning the nature of sovereignty, the distribution of political roles, and the vexed question of the delegation of authority? Cornered by the ever-clashing perspectives of history and doctrine, which imply the simultaneous mistrust of both rulers and ministers, the Han Feizi’s authors were forced into conceiving a sublime rulership figure that was tantamount to a metaphysical dummy. This empty silhouette was the result of the contradictory attempts to destroy all possible factors weakening monarchical authority but yet, at the same time, to nullify all potential damage that the monarch could inflict on the state and on himself. The fascinating figure of a spirit-like Prince fusing with the Principle (Dao) imposed a long-lasting ideological paradigm of rulership on China, one that may account for many of the weaknesses of and tensions in its political culture.

Demographic model was primarily a critic of the trade and urbanization model that Paul Sweezy had presented. Demographic model presents a contour to explain how changes and developments in population influence the decline of feudalism. Critic of commercial model: exchange economy and growth of production for market rather than production for immediate use, which was a result of growing extravaganza of the feudal lord. MM Postan & HJ Habakkuk are the first ones to stress upon the demographic model. The demographic model is also known as Malthusian Model, as it is based on the population theory of Thomas Robert Malthus. The theory has been constructed in opposition to Sweezy's model that view trade and market as a determining factor in the decline of feudalism. Le Roy Ladurie also endorsed the importance of population.

La cathédrale Notre-Dame de Reims ayant été victime des bombardements de la Première Guerre mondiale, l’architecte Henri Deneux saisit l’occasion pour y entreprendre des fouilles archéologiques. C’est ainsi que le 26 octobre 1920, il découvre dans la crypte Saint-Nicaise un trésor composé de 174 monnaies d’argent . Dans son journal, il relate ainsi les faits : « La découverte la plus sensationnelle a été celle d’un petit trésor de 174 pièces d’argent dissimulées au pied de l’autel de la crypte saint-Nicaise. La majeure partie était de l’épiscopat de Gervais – milieu du XIe siècle – elles étaient frappées à son monogramme. D’autres, d’un titre plus riche, n’ont pas été identifiées. Les plus anciennes remontent à Charles III le Simple, fin du IXe siècle et commencement du Xe siècle. Elles ont été frappées à Melle. D’autres remontaient à Henri, comte de Champagne, c’est-à-dire de la fin du XIIe siècle ».

A draft translation of three interconnected documents - two charters and a letter - regarding a donation made by Matilda of Tuscany and Canossa (r.1076-1115). The first charter, issued in May 1095, records Matilda's granting of the estate of 'Standalmont' to found a new house of regular canons in Briey, and her placing of this foundation under the protection of the Holy See. Probably also in May 1095 Matilda wrote a letter to Albert of Briey, asking him to ensure that the donated property was conveyed to the canons. In the second charter, issued in May 1106, Matilda confirmed her earlier grant to the house of canons at Saint-Pierremont.

L’opera esamina l’affermazione e lo sviluppo delle signorie territoriali in Sardegna tra XIII e XIV secolo attraverso l’esempio dei Malaspina, casato originario della Lunigiana, del quale vengono ricostruite le vicende politico-istituzionali, familiari e patrimoniali e analizzati gli elementi strutturali della signoria, mettendo alla luce strategie e pratiche del potere, tra innovazione e continuità, sullo sfondo del rinnovato dinamismo economico-sociale che caratterizza l’isola durante il basso medioevo. L’incastellamento malaspiniano incide sull’assetto economico-sociale e su quello insediativo, creando i presupposti per una signoria pervasiva in quanto anche inclusiva delle élites locali, le cui istanze, come quelle delle stesse comunità rurali e urbane, trovano accoglienza negli statuti e nei privilegi signorili.

This study focuses on the genesis of developed feudalism in Georgia as well as historical and geographical aspects related to the process. Another issue will be the changes in social terminology. It should be said that in Georgia the process of feudalization had all the peculiarities which were essential to the European feudalization, which includes the lexical changes, creation of a new mode of production, and the establishment of the classical seignior-vassal relations.
The periodization should be as follows: genesis of feudalism in the Georgian ethnocultural realm begins in the 1st c. A.D. There are tendencies in Colchis as well as Iberia (the “seigneurization” of the skeptukhs in Colchis and social stratification attested by Strabo in Iberia). Therefore, 1-4th cc. A.D. should be regarded as the first stage of early feudalism.
8-9th cc. is a social and political watershed when the transition to the developed feudalism takes place and the transformation of the free landowner peasants into the serfs is completed.
The 10th c. marks the beginning of the developed feudalism. The 10-11th cc. is the first phase of the developed feudalism. The 10th c. is still the period of kingdoms and chiefdoms and feudal relations are not equally strong since in some kingdoms this process is well ahead. The process of
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feudalization had to finish after the unification of country. However, it should be noted that there is no doubt that the features of developed feudalism existed in the “Abkhazs” kingdom, Tao-Klardjeti kingdom, and Kakheti kingdom.
The chronological scheme will be as follows:
1. Colchis in the second half of the 1th c. A.D. – beginning of the early feudalism.
2. Iberia in 4-6th cc. – beginning of the early feudalism.
3. Lazica in 6th c. – early feudal anomaly.
4. 8-9th cc. – last phase of the early feudalism.
5. 10-11th c. – first phase of developed feudalism.
6. 12-13th cc. – second phase of late feudalism.
Thus, feudalism should not be regarded as the model solely applicable for Europe. Although, in different geographic locations it had different features, but as Europian scholars suggest, we should pay attention to common features. Georgian seigneur-vassal relations are similar to the European model but, however, have aspects peculiar to the Georgian ethnical culture.

Trabalho feito no âmbito da cadeira de História Medieval (Economia e Sociedade) na FLUL, Lic. de História.
  Propomo-nos, aqui, analisar três textos unidos pela temática central - as relações de vassalidade nos séculos VIII e IX na Europa. Os textos são retirados da Monumenta Germaniæ Historica.

etzung mit der tlichkeit ist eine g, der sich die schaft zu stellen elalterforschung vergangenen befasst. Vor nd versucht der Möglichkeiten ediävistischer eschichte am rschungen zu Der geschichtliche Ort der historischen Forschung Simon Groth (Hg.) ISBN 978-3-593-51291-4 Print ISBN 978-3-593-44542-7 E-Book (PDF) Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlags unzulässig. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Trotz sorgfältiger inhaltlicher Kontrolle übernehmen wir keine Haftung für die Inhalte externer Links. Für den Inhalt der verlinkten Seiten sind ausschließlich deren Betreiber verantwortlich.

When one speaks of feudalism in Japan, one must always bear in mind that "Japanese" feudalism is as peculiar as "European" feudalism which exhibits different patterns in different countries at different times. The Japanese example is no exception in exhibiting different patterns and features at different regions and times. This study aims at discovering the periodic differences seen within the general framework of Japanese feudalism, especially in the domains under shogunal control by comparing the pre-Edo and Edo patterns of feudal structures. These differences in the administrative organization of the military and bureaucratic structures give Japanese feudalism a peculiar form different from Europe. Despite the seeming similarities attested by early modern European travelers to Japan and 19 th century historians, as the comparative approach demonstrates, what was called as Japanese feudalism by the early western visitors of Japan was in fact a culmination of a centuries long process. This article approaches the theoretical framework of Japanese feudalism in a comparative perspective between different periods.

In his analysis of medieval lordship, Thomas N. Bisson differentiates between lordship and feudalism, as well as between lordship and kingship. He also compares biblical lordship, derived from man’s creation in the image of God, to violent forms of lordship perpetrated by power-hungry castle owners against nearby peasants. His analysis also takes into account the passage of time, and the social, economic, and political forces that affected the development of lordship throughout the Early, High, and Late Middle Ages. Overall, Bisson’s work seems to trace the history of lordship through a series of phases – what this essay will identify as the shepherd phase, the tyrant phase, and the politician phase. These phases overlapped, and each phase existed in some form or another throughout the Middle Ages. However, each phase seems to have had its own zenith, more or less sequentially. An obvious caveat of this phase approach is that any attempt to organize the development of lordship in this way risks oversimplifying the complex historical developments that occurred during the Middle Ages. It goes without saying that lordship developed in different ways during different time periods. However, Bisson’s analysis of lordship does generally show the ebb and flow of biblically derived lordship, the the violent lordship associated with the proliferation of castles, and the more politically minded form of political lordship that emerged by the dawn of the Later Middle Ages.

В статье анализируется функционирование земянского сообщества Копыльского княжества – наследства князей Олельковичей, в XVII–XVIII вв. находившегося во владении разных ветвей рода Радзивиллов. Очерчивается первоначальный состав земянского (военно-служилого) населения, выделяются роды, державшие земли и несшие службу на Копыльщине еще во второй половине XVI в. Оговариваются и характеризуются пути пополнения земянского сообщества, особое внимание обращено на случаи перехода крестьян на земянские повинности, механизм их закрепления в рядах земян. Определяются роды, принадлежавшие к земянской элите – державшие наибольшие земельные наделы, постоянно несшие непосредственную военную («казацкую») службу, входившие в офицерский корпус копыльской хоругви частных войск Радзивиллов.

This paper looks at the various views of historical geographers, archaeologists and historians concerning the nature of settlement in early Ireland. It examines the way that the idea of 'tribalism' has shaped views of the past. How far was there nucleation, villages, towns etc.

This is the presentation that I give within the course "Medeltidens Europa" at the University of Gothenburg. The 60-minute lecture (40+20 minutes) is followed by group work in which students try their hand in medieval source criticism and analysing artwork.

Smar Jbeil is a medieval stronghold built during the Crusader period. A feudal mountain castle belonging to the barony of Boutron (Batrun), it was part of the Crusader county of Tripoli. The castle witnessed three consecutive phases of construction. The first phase is dated to the first quarter of the twelfth century AD. The barbican was built in third phase of construction, and its architectural elements date to the beginning of the second half of the twelfth century AD. This typical mountain
fortress acted as a military observation post, controlling the settlements and sites of the inner countryside.

Volume pubblicato con il contributo del Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici dell'Università degli Studi di Macerata (PRIN 2008WY7TXK_003 "Passato e futuro del medioevo. Figure dell'immaginario" -unità di ricerca dell'Università di Macerata: Tipologie e identità del personaggio medievale fra modelli antropologici e applicazioni letterarie) L'IMMAGINE RIFLESSA Pubblicazione periodica semestrale Registrazione presso il Tribunale di Alessandria n° 430 del I Aprile 1992 Direttore responsabile: Lorenzo Massobrio Stampato da DigitalPrint Service s.r.l. in Segrate (Mi) per conto delle Edizioni dell'Orso Realizzazione informatica a cura di Arun Maltese (bear.am@savonaonline.it)

Conformemente a quanto indicato nel «Regolamento per la classificazione delle riviste nelle aree non bibliometriche», approvato dal Consiglio direttivo dell'Anvur in data 21 luglio 2016, tutti i contributi pubblicati dalla rivista sono sottomessi preventivamente al vaglio di due esperti anonimi esterni al Comitato editoriale (double-blind peer review), designati dal Direttore e dal Comitato di direzione. Quelli che appaiono nella sezione Interpretazioni e rassegne sono egualmente valutati secondo il procedimento di revisione tra pari doppio cieco ma da un solo esperto anonimo esterno al Comitato editoriale, anch'esso designato dal Direttore e dal Comitato di direzione.

« Un réseau seigneurial salin : implantation et arborescence des Saint-Maixent de l’Aunis à Lusignan (Xe-XIIe siècle) », in Sylvain GOUGUENHEIM (éd.), Aux sources du pouvoir. Voir approcher, comprendre le pouvoir politique au Moyen Âge, Paris, Les Indes savantes, 2017, p. 237-258.

L'historiographie attribue l'ascension considérable de la famille de Lusignan aux XIIe-XIIIe siècles à une pratique précoce d'une transmission totale du patrimoine à l'aîné des enfants. Pourtant, une analyse plus poussée de la famille révèle qu'au contraire à chaque génération des partages ont eu lieu, donnant ainsi naissance à des branches cadettes. Par la combinaison de recherches prosopographiques et onomastiques, cette communication reconstitue la famille des Lusignan, la replace dans le contexte d'un groupement de parenté plus large. Celui-ci dispose d'une position prééminente due à une stratégie de contrôle des routes entre l'Aunis et le Poitou, alors que l'Aunis connaît une expansion économique fulgurante due notamment au développement des pêcheries et surtout à la production de sel marin. L'étude du groupement de parenté montre alors que les Lusignan ne sont qu'un des lignages de celui-ci, appartenant à un lignage arborescent, rassemblant différentes branches unies par une même conscience familiale.

The article discusses one of the many transport services provided by serfs for the benefit of the ruler and his officials on the lands of the former Polish state. Podvoda (the podwód) consisted in supplying horses, which were used mainly by the king with his wife. They were also used persons to whom one of them ordered to supply podvoda horses (e.g. royal messengers), while the obligation to provide this kind of obligation was often changed into a kind of rent (known podwodne or podwodnie) paid in exchange for the obligation to carry out and provide podvodas. The analysis conducted by the Author concerns the issues related to legal regulations in the field of the podvoda duty in the light of the provisions of 16th and 17th century universals and constitutions contained in the collection of the oldest laws of the Polish state.

Przedmiot niniejszych rozważań stanowi jedna z wielu posług o charakterze transportowym świadczonych przez ludność poddaną na rzecz panującego i jego urzędników na ziemiach dawnego państwa polskiego. Podwoda (podwód) polegała na dostarczeniu koni, z których korzystał przede wszystkim król ze swoją małżonką oraz osoby, którym jedno z nich poleciło dostarczyć konie podwodne (np. posłańcy królewscy), przy czym obowiązek świadczenia tego rodzaju powinności był często zamieniany na rodzaj czynszu (podwodne, podwodnie) składanego w zamian za powinność odbywania i dostarczania podwód. Analiza przeprowadzona przez Autora dotyczy zagadnień związanych z regulacjami prawnymi w zakresie obowiązku podwodowego w świetle postanowień XVI i XVII-wiecznych uniwersałów i konstytucji zawartych w zbiorze najdawniejszych praw państwa polskiego.

The Slavic variation of Feudalism (Analysis of the example of bellatores in Bosnian medieval history)
In this essay different aspects of nobility in medieval Bosnia are analysed, with one essential goal: to put it in context with the nobility in different parts of the known world, specifically in East Central Europe. Through this entire essay, the method of
comparison has been extensively used, and has proven very effective. A somewhat controversial headline was chosen because it provides clear and concise review of the main topic of this essay – nobility as part of feudal hierarchy, and also specifies the main historical region of the essay – East-Central Europe with dominant Slavic ethnic element. The analysis of the main features of nobility, as well as of the various activities they exercised daily, indicates that the nobility of Bosnian kingdom acted with the same principles of conduct as theirs counterparts throughout Europe, which once again proved that medieval Bosnia was a part of the East-European civilisational circle. Precisely these principles of conduct and the constant aspiration for as much political power and wealth as possible, can be found in the every corner of societies built on the Three estates (classes) model. This gives us the foundation to primarily identify, and then to try to challenge the allegations of the myth of feudal anarchy in medieval Bosnia, which supposedly erupted right after the death of king Tvrtko
I (1391.) and evenutaly caused a breakdown of Bosnian kingdom long before the Ottoman conquest of 1463. by simply comparing the actions of bosnian nobility with procedures in Czech, Polish Hungarian, and other states. We came to conclusion that nobility in all of these countries acted in the same way. They equally strived for greatest possible autonomy and freedom but always within well known social boundaries.
The borrowing of the research method of local identities from Geohumanistic science gave us an additional tool for disputing the beforementioned myth. It proved that, in case of Bosnian nobility, we can discern all three aspects of this identity: cognitive, affective and instrumental, and therefore in our opinion strenghten the thesis that the Bosnian medieval society was systematically arranged, and that inside this framework of arrangements all the dynamics of the very intricate relationships within the estate (class, rank) bellatores of Bosnian medieval period took place.

Mediaeval Turin diocese was a extended district, including plains and hills around the city, but also a wide sector of the Alps, from the valley of Stura, near Cuneo, to the valleys of Lanzo. The ecclesiastical tasks of the bishops and their landed wealth were very different from a territorial point of view: while the former was very large, the latter was rather limited, mostly included within hills eastward of the city and the plains westwards; many areas of the diocese were therefore almost totally devoid of episcopal holdings.
My study aims to analyse how investitures (feudal or not) have been used by the bishops of Turin to act in mountain areas dozens of kilometres far from the city; my most important source is the Libro delle investiture (Book of investitures), who included documents produced by Goffredo of Montanaro, bishop of Turin from 1264 to 1300.
Goffredo’s action shows some special features, diversifying it from his predecessors’ deeds: the bishop moved widely across the diocese, aiming to a more direct presence and control; he developed a wide policy of investitures, varied in its forms (feudal and not feudal investitures) and its contents (tithes, seigneurial rights, ecclesiastical offices…); he renewed the documentary policy of his church, producing the Libro delle investiture. The study of the actions of Goffredo in the alpine valleys shows in the clearest way that the episcopal incidence was very different among different areas; investitures too, therefore, could take very different forms and functions. In the valleys near Saluzzo, Goffredo engaged in a wide series of investitures to lesser aristocrats, granting them tithe rights, in a redistribution process whose economic aspect seems to be prevalent, without any jurisdictional right conceded; the case of the Lanzo’s valleys is completely different, in that the bishop couldn’t build client relationships with the lesser aristocracy, and he had always to act through the political mediation of the greatest seigneurial families, to which he conceded jurisdictional rights in the valleys. Finally, the Susa valley shows almost total exclusion of the bishop from the local political dynamics: therefore Goffredo acted here on a different level, by the defence of his ecclesiastial rights and of his control on the churches.
The case of Turin bishops shows therefore that investitures are a flexible political tool, whose specific functions can be understood by studying them on a microregional level: forms and contents of the investitures reflect quite directly the various holds of the bishop on local societies.

Even after numerous interpretations of Marxian model of evolution of society, the matter which is already interpreted and is yet in the process of many upcoming research is the Marxian formulations of the ambiguity related to the specific transition from feudalism to capitalism. In this essay, a small modest attempt has been made to discuss a few critical discussions of Neo Marxists on the aforementioned topic.

The  Friulan  feudal  lord  Lucio,  count  Della  Torre  and  Valsassina  (1695-1723), was banned from the Venetian Republic in 1717 for serious crimes and  then  went  on  to  live  in  the  Austrian  territories  amid  scandals  and  economic difficulties. After murdering his wife Eleonora Madrisio Della Torre, with the help of two members of the family of the counts Strassoldo, he was finally beheaded in Gradisca in 1723. Some mostly unpublished correspondence of the archive Della Torre Valsassina in Udine offers the opportunity to get a closer look at “Conte Lucio”’s daily struggle to survive during his exile. Through the prism of this individual experience, we can explore significant aspects of the 17th and 18th century evolution in the political-diplomatic relations between Venice and the House of Habsburg, in the ethics and behavior of the nobility, and in the dialectics of power between old aristocracy and authority of the prince in a border region with a strong feudal presence such as Venetian and Austrian Friuli.

Depuis les travaux du baron Delzons au XIXe siècle, on croyait bien connaître la lignée des
Conros, ou Astorg d’Aurillac. Une lecture critique des analyses de l’érudit souligne pourtant la fragilité
de ce qui n’était au départ qu’un corps de simples hypothèses, que la sédimentation érudite a ensuite
fossilisé. Il faut dès lors opérer un retour sans concession aux sources médiévales, d’ailleurs facilité par
la maîtrise que leur a consacrées Hervé Miraton. De cette manière, on peut proposer une reconstruction
plus solide de la succession des premiers Conros.

A draft translation of the 'Edictum de beneficiis regni italici' (Edict on the Benefices of the Kingdom of Italy), also known as the 'Constitutio de feudis' (Constitution or Ordinance on Fiefs) issued by Emperor Conrad II (r.1024-1039) on 28th May 1037. The Edict confirmed and consolidated the hereditary quality of Lombard benefices, and also regulated other issues, such as the right to trial by peers, and had a far-reaching impact on property regulations in the kingdom of Italy.

''India, Modernity and the Great Divergence is an original and pioneering book about India’s transition towards modernity and the rise of the West. The work examines global entanglements alongside the internal dynamics of 17th to 19th century Mysore and Gujarat in comparison to other regions of Afro-Eurasia. It is an interdisciplinary survey that enriches our historical understanding of South Asia, ranging across the fascinating and intertwined worlds of modernizing rulers, wealthy merchants, curious scholars, utopian poets, industrious peasants and skilled artisans. Bringing together socio-economic and political structures, warfare, techno-scientific innovations, knowledge production and transfer of ideas, this book forces us to rethink the reasons behind the emergence of the modern world.''

La presente comunicación pretende analizar a través de un caso concreto y paradigmático la resistencia antiseñorial que se produjo en la Castilla bajomedieval y altomoderna frente al proceso de señorialización desarrollado, sobre todo, a partir del ascenso al trono de la dinastía Trastámara en 1369. Para ello, nos centraremos en el caso de la villa palentina de Dueñas, perteneciente al realengo durante todo el Medievo hasta su enajenación definitiva del Patrimonio Real por Juan II en 1439, otorgándosela a la familia Acuña, futuros condes de Buendía (1465). Este cambio de jurisdicción provocó una tenaz resistencia entre los vasallos, quienes se opondrán a su nueva condición y a su adscripción al régimen señorial recurriendo tanto a la vía armada y violenta en momento puntuales, como a la vía judicial a través de la Chancillería de Valladolid. Analizaremos, así, tanto las diferentes revueltas y levantamientos, como el pleito elevado por la villa contra su señor.

"La deuxième partie de l’ouvrage s’attache à déployer une réflexion sur les moyens et les ressorts de la légitimation de la violence. Or, la violence n’est pas un phénomène statique, il s’agit donc de la mettre en perspective avec des expériences historiques données. Dans cette perspective Grégory Cattaneo cherche par sa contribution à articuler violence et identité dans un contexte particulier de guerre sainte. En s’appuyant sur des récits issus de l’histoire des croisades (aussi bien du côté musulman que du côté chrétien) il met en évidence la manière dont les discours de propagande s’ingénient à éveiller les passions guerrières et à exalter une identité particulière. Ainsi, les orateurs n’hésitent pas à renverser l’échelle des valeurs afin de légitimer la violence envers l’autre. Il montre aussi, chez les musulmans, les effets unificateurs que provoquèrent les invasions franques. Grégory Cattaneo n’en souligne pas moins les ambiguïtés de cette violence identitaire, comme lorsqu’il suggère que les ennemis communient parfois dans une même éthique chevaleresque. Enfin, dans un parallèle audacieux, l’auteur cherche à utiliser ces recherches pour éclairer une figure contemporaine de la croisade, celle de la guerre contre le terrorisme."

The church of Holy Trinity in the village of Wensley is situated on the north bank of the River Ure, which runs through the valley of Wensleydale in North Yorkshire. The river valleys of the Yorkshire Dales form natural corridors of communication that offered trans-Pennine routes between settlements in the Roman period, if not earlier. 1 The village itself does not now reflect the scale of activity that it once saw in the medieval period, but its church provides more than a few clues. What is immediately striking is its size, in comparison with the small unassuming village in which it sits. This suggests that the church was once supported by great wealth and patronage. Underlying the compartmentalised periodical history are themes which suggest a long-standing continuity of importance within the landscape, which transcends conventional historical boundaries, such as the Norman Conquest, or the end of the Latin rite in the sixteenth century. 2