Hegemony and Counter-Hegemony

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

Resumen: Hegemonía y orden internacional hegemónico son ontologías clave para la disciplina y la teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales, y por ello, se trata de conceptos en permanente disputa académica. En un escenario mundial caracterizado por la crisis de la globalización, que puede interpretarse como crisis de hegemonía, vuelve a ser oportuna la revisión de estos conceptos. Este capítulo reexamina el concepto de hegemonía a partir tanto de las aproximaciones clásicas, como de una teorización crítica que se basa en la sociología histórica. Desde el concepto de hegemonía de Antonio Gramsci, se examina la aportación de la escuela neogramsciana de Relaciones Internacionales, que, frente a conceptos como primacía o polaridad, propone una visión estructural y socio-histórica de la hegemonía y de la globalización como un orden internacional hegemónico específico de esta etapa histórica. 

Abstract: Hegemony and international hegemonic order are key ontologies for both the discipline and the theory of International Relations, and therefore, these are concepts in permanent academic dispute. In a global scenario characterized by the crisis of globalization, which can be interpreted as a crisis of hegemony, the revision of these concepts is timely again. This chapter re-examines the concept of hegemony from both the classical approaches and critical theorizations based on historical sociology. Grounded on Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony, the contribution of the Neogramscian school of International Relations is examined, which, in the face of concepts such as primacy or polarity, proposes a structural and socio-historical vision of hegemony, and of globalization as a specific hegemonic international order in this historical stage.

since the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Russian leaders (especially Gorbachev and Yeltsin) have struggled to be part of the international community as a great power. Facing a reluctance — if not isolation — caused by a Cold-War paradigm which takes the form of Atlanticism, the Russian Federation had to shift from Western integration to the re-establishment of regional influence. This shift has several justifications aside from Russian international exclusion: first, when Putin was elected, Russia was slowly recovering from its collapse, thus had more leverage to initiate regional influence. Moreover, and to counter Atlanticist exclusion, Putin headed towards regional influence to set up Russia for the upcoming multi-polar world — by opposition with the ‘New World Order’ presented by the United States at the end of the Cold War. The question whether Russia is a normal great power or a hegemon implies different implications: first, considering the West-oriented current world order, is an objective assessment of both terms and both terms applied to Russia objective? Does Russia meet the criterions for being called a great power? Does it tend to be a hegemon?
As a matter of fact, the answer can vary according to one’s view but also and essentially according to one’s perspective. Consequently, I will first attempt to contextualise the tensions between the West and Russia which led the latter to oppose the former and thus to tend toward hegemonism. Second, one will have a look at the differences between a great power and a hegemon as an attempt to apply as objectively as possible the different criterions on Russia to determine whether it is an hegemon. Moreover,  Russia’s heritage provides a comprehensive explanation for its foreign policy choices. The final point will be that by becoming a regional hegemon, Russia can pretend to a normal great power status as it is the contemporary requirement for playing the role to which it aspire to in international affairs.

In this paper I argue that hegemony is practiced in three different ways, and accordingly, a more nuanced explanation than what currently exists is warranted. The three forms of hegemony are not mutually exclusive, but they are distinctive enough to warrant different conceptualizations. Neoconservative thinking influences the first kind, which I call primitive hegemony. The second version,which I call enlightened hegemony, is based more on classical realist thought, balance of power theory, and liberal free trade. It is more historically informed and is less dramatic than the primitive version. I see the third version as a kind of paternalist hegemony, one in which assumptions of American cultural and
civilizational supremacy form the basis of American foreign policy. I call this benevolent hegemony.

This book examines the post-1960s era of popular music in the Anglo-Black Atlantic through the prism of historical theory and methods. By using a series of case studies, this book mobilizes historical theory and methods to underline different expressions of alternative music functioning within a mainstream musical industry. Each chapter highlights a particular theory or method while simultaneously weaving it through a genre of music expressing a notion of alternativity―an explicit positioning of one’s expression outside and counter to the mainstream. Historical Theory and Methods through Popular Music seeks to fill a gap in current scholarship by offering a collection written specifically for the pedagogical and theoretical needs of those interested in the topic.

“This study of ‘insurgent’ modes of popular music in the last third of the 20th century accomplishes quite a feat.  It yokes together a wide swath of sub-genres and styles--including reggae, punk, hip hop, alternative rock and country—through the lens of what the authors are calling “historical theory,” in order to chart a different, more comprehensive pathway through the annals of pop music history.  Shonk and McClure achieve an enviable balance of accessibility and scholarly depth, making this volume ideal for introductory college courses as well as more experienced researchers seeking a quick guide to specialized topics.”

--Pamela Fox, author of Natural Acts: Gender, Race, and Rusticity in Country Music; co-author of Old Roots, New Routes: The Cultural Politics of Alt.Country Music

Ponencia presentada en la conferencia:
INCURSIONES GRAMSCIANAS ARGENTINAS
Dilemas actuales, a 100 años de Octubre, a 80 años de la muerte de Antonio Gramsci
(Buenos Aires, 21, 22 y 23 de junio de 2017)
Centro Cultural de la Cooperación “Floreal Gorini”
Facultad de Ciencias Sociales – Universidad de Buenos Aires

Share Tweet Pin The gentrification debate continues. Kirsteen Paton's Gentrification: A Working-Class Perspective offers a "new sociological perspective" to the increasing study of gentrification.[1] Centered within the working-class neighborhood of Partick in Glasgow, Scotland, a community with a strong history of communist organizing, Paton explores the gentrification concerns of working-class residents, an interest group whom Slater, Curran, and Lees suggest scholars often skirt.[2] Through a confluence of schools of thought, Paton reveals gentrification as a hegemonic project and a mode of "neoliberal urbanism" that alters spaces and shifts subjectivities.[3]

Este artículo analiza la distinción entre populismo e institucionalismo en Laclau. La hipótesis es que al identificar el populismo con la política y el institucionalismo con la muerte de la política, Laclau modifica su concepto de hegemonía de Hegemonía y Estrategia Socialista generando una tensión entre política como hegemonía y política como populismo. El artículo debate con las principales reflexiones que tratan el concepto de hegemonía en Laclau. El objetivo es mostrar que la política no es sólo impugnación sino también reproducción del orden, y que la muerte de la política es contradictoria con la noción de identidad como diferencia. Las conclusiones plantean una diferenciación entre política y populismo, entendiendo a éste como una forma óntica de construcción de hegemonía.

La Nueva Televisora del Sur (teleSUR) is a Latin American public TV news channel in Spanish, financed by the States of Venezuela (41%), Argentina (20%), Cuba (19%), Uruguay (10%), Bolivia (5%), Ecuador (5%), and Nicaragua (unpublished data). The channel broadcasts 24-hours over 7-days from its headquarters in Caracas, Venezuela. Through the transmission of informational and educational content, teleSUR aims to promote the integration of Latin America as an alternative source of information to mainstream media. This goal is reflected in teleSUR’s slogan “Our North is the South”.

Since its creation in 2005, there is a controversy about teleSUR as a public media surrounding the reflection of the diversity and plurality of Latin America on teleSUR’s constitution, governance, editorial line, and programming. On the one hand, the channel is blamed for being a governmental media of Venezuela as a geopolitical diffusion platform for the “21st Century Socialism”. On the other hand, teleSUR has been placed at a crossroads of what should be considered a public media and, even more, a regional public media. Despite teleSUR had already provoked a milestone in the media world order as the first regional public TV news channel financed purely by several Latin American States, it still faces a struggle for being recognized as a regional public media.

In order to understand teleSUR as a regional project and public media, the objectives of the thesis are to prove if the initial independence and plural background aimed for teleSUR was substantially eroded, and to realize if teleSUR replies to a specific Government or a long-term consensual project. The phenomenon of teleSUR is explored under the theoretical concepts of public media, regionalism, and counter-hegemonic globalization; employing a qualitative research methodology through content analysis of accessible publications and self-conducted interviews.

This article discusses the transformation of the Moroccan state under contemporary neoliberal globalization, and considers what this transition means for the ways in which scholars view state-society interplay in Morocco and the Arab world more generally. Specifically, it examines the protest of unemployed graduates in Morocco, suggesting that public demonstrations are not only a means to communicate and mobilize demands, but also a technology to reclaim and reproduce a particular “truth” in public. This truth does not necessarily equate with the reality of the neoliberal state as a dispersed material force. As such, by looking at the case of Morocco, we hope to instigate further debate on the nature of the state and its specific relation to phenomena as globalization, society and social protest.

Abstract: The clash between the Rig Vedic Indo-Aryans, the Pre-Rig Vedic Indo-Aryan tribes, and the Harappan civilization can be described as a world-historical dialectical conflict, in which the sovereign dominant culture subjugates the indigenous subcultures within its dominant caste system, through the ‘Sanskritization’ or ‘Aryanization’ of Ancient India. But the Pre-Rig Vedic and Harappan religions were not destroyed by the Rig Vedic Indo-Aryans, but were assimilated into Brahminic Hinduism, and reemerged, centuries later, in the Puranic bhakti cults of Vishnu, Shiva, and Devi. The conflict between the Rig Vedic Indo-Aryans, the Pre-Rig Vedic tribes, and the Harappan civilization, is depicted in the Shunashepa story of the Aitareya Brahmana, in which Shunashepa, a subaltern member of a Pre-Rig Vedic tribe, the Angirasas, is recruited as a sacrificial victim by the Brahminic priests, but escapes being sacrificed by reciting the Rig Vedic hymns to Varuna. The Shunashepa story then describes the master/slave dialectic through which a subaltern subject achieves upward mobility in the Brahminic caste system by sublimating and internalizing the sovereign sacrificial discourse, although that upward caste mobility requires that the subaltern subject abandon their indigenous subculture, as Shunashepa abandons his father to be adopted by the Vishvamitra. By contrast, the Rig Vedic Vrishakapi hymn describes the precisely opposite situation, in which a subaltern subject (Vrishakapi) is denied upward caste mobility and finally sacrificed by the Rig Vedic brahmins. But the Vrishakapi hymn, like the Shunashepa story, still testifies to the survival of Pre-Rig Vedic and Harappan cultures in Brahminic Hinduism.

Isayama Hajime’s Shingeki no Kyojin (Attack on Titan 2009–present, hereafter SnK) has gained huge resonance since its first release, a popularity by no means limited to Japan, and enhanced by the high-quality animation series by the same name (2013–present), directed by Araki Tetsurô (first season) and Koizuka Masashi, which has followed from the manga storyline. Without doubt, this success is due to a gripping narrative, focusing on fierce fights between the apparently invincible titans and the numerous characters that aim to save humanity, whose different aesthetic and behavioural characteristics unfailingly appeal to very mixed audiences. In this sense, there are three very notable features of SnK. First, the female characters subvert, redraw or re-interpret stereotypes about femininity both aesthetically and behaviourally, and they can be read as queer. Second, the text presents a lesbian subtext that enriches the narrative in queer terms. Ultimately, the ability of some main ch...

Nei Quaderni del carcere Antonio Gramsci sviluppa un nuovo concetto di classi o gruppi sociali subalterni, utilizzato per caratterizzare tutti quei gruppi sociali che sono soggetti a forme di comando e di direzione politica e sociale imposto da altre classi, dominanti o dirigenti. Convertito al singolare, il concetto di "subalterno" è una di quelle nozioni originariamente gramsciane, che ha goduto grande successo a livello internazionale, soprattutto negli ultimi anni. Esso ha dato origine a un intero campo di ricerca accademica -i Subaltern Studies -affermando Gramsci come uno dei suoi "padri-teorici" più significativi. Oggi questo concetto gode di una diffusione disciplinare e di un riconoscimento diffusi tra giovani studiosi e studiose, in maniera paragonabile al concetto di egemonia; addirittura, in alcuni casi, il concetto di "subalterno" è considerato ancora più significativo rispetto al concetto, ad esso integralmente connesso, di egemonia, dal quale è talvolta visto come distinto ed indipendente, se non addirittura con esso posto in antagonismo.

This article examines five common misunderstandings about case-study research: (a) theoretical knowledge is more valuable than practical knowledge; (b) one cannot generalize from a single case, therefore, the single-case study cannot contribute to scientific development; (c) the case study is most useful for generating hypotheses, whereas other methods are more suitable for hypotheses testing and theory building; (d) the case study contains a bias toward verification; and (e) it is often difficult to summarize specific case studies. This article explains and corrects these misunderstandings one by one and concludes with the Kuhnian insight that a scientific discipline without a large number of thoroughly executed case studies is a discipline without systematic production of exemplars, and a discipline without exemplars is an ineffective one. Social science may be strengthened by the execution of a greater number of good case studies.

This book presents an innovative approach to gender, nationalism, and the relations between them, and analyses the broader social base of Hindu nationalist organisation to understand the growth of 'Hindutva', or Hindu nationalism, in India.

Arguing that Hindu nationalist thought and predilections emerge out of, and, in turn, feed, pre-existing gendered tendencies, the author presents the new concept of 'masculine hegemony', specifically Brahmanical masculine hegemony. The book offers a historical overview of the processes that converge in the making of the identity ‘Hindu’, in the making of the religion ‘Hinduism’, and in the shaping of the movement known as ‘Hindutva’. The impact of colonialism, social reform, and caste movements is explored, as is the role of key figures such as Mohandas Gandhi, Indira Gandhi, and Narendra Modi. The book sheds light on the close, yet uneasy, relations that Hindu nationalist thought and practice have with conceptions of 'modernity', 'development' and women's movements, and politics, and the future of Hindu nationalism in India.

A new approach to the study of Hindu nationalism, this book offers a theoretically innovative understanding of Indian history and socio-politics. It will be of interest to academics working in the field of Gender studies and Asian Studies, in particular South Asian history and politics.

In recent years China has positioned itself as a global economic leader, working through its "Belt and Road" initiative (BRI) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), to not only expand its global economic reach, but to organize and lead global economic relations. China's rise is largely understood in economic terms, but the history of global power dynamics suggests that such leadership is built on both economic and political-military foundations. This paper explores the structural relationship between China's economic and political-military relationships with other states over the period 1993 to 2015. Drawing on a wide variety of data sources, we present a multi-dimensional analysis that measures the changing size of China's economic and political-military networks, their shifting regional distribution, and the degree of coupling, or decoupling of economic ties from political-military ties. In describing these patterns, we conduct a similar analysis for the United States. This allows us to situate Chinese trends in the context of the structures of U.S. global power. Our analysis points to ways in which China's global rise has been shaped through navigating U.S. global power. Our analysis also shows that China's growing leadership in the global economy builds upon a set of existing political-military relationships that, while their scope and form are quite different from those that the United States built to support its hegemonic ascendency, are nevertheless critical for understanding the mechanisms by which Chinese power and influence has grown in the global political economy.

One of the most common criticisms of the G20 has been that it is no more than a 'talking shop,' an opportunity for world leaders to get together and showcase their resolve in tackling the big issues confronting the world, with little subsequently done to implement their grand promises.

In dealing with digital games that engage with the past, one inevitably steps into the academic field of historical game studies (Chapman 2016a). Nonetheless, of course, ‘history’ is not the only proper theoretical perspective to look at the past. Using the fantasy game Fire Emblem: Three Houses (Intelligent System & Koei Tecmo 2019) as a case study, I will suggest looking at digital games from the perspective of memory studies, understanding them as ‘memory-play-spaces’ in which players continuously engage with memory-making.

“Towards the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century”, as Anthony  Gardner  and  Charles  Green propose, “biennials became self-conscious.” Increasingly they are reflecting on themselves as "hegemonic machines" (Oliver Marchart), and for this very reason also understand themselves as places of intervention. We  have  to come  to  terms  with  the  fact  that  biennials  today  are  both:  "Brandsand  Sites  of  Resistance", "Spaces of Capital and Hope" (Panos Kompatsiaris).The article follows withdrawals and protests as well as interventions and strategies of appropriation of biennials in the second decade of the21st century. Protests in  St.  Petersburg,  Sydney  and  New  York shape  the  biennials  they  boycott.  In  Kochi,  Athens, Dhaka,  and Kassel  we encounter  curatorial  projects  that  challenge  the  apparatus  of  value coding.  The  relationship between  bottom  up  and  top  down  often becomes  blurred.  In  Prague,  Warsaw,  Kiev,  and  Budapest  it  is even reversed. Here biennials are used as a means of counter-hegemony and institutional survival.

Le roman Beloved de Toni Morrison suit la trajectoire narrative d'une ancienne esclave qui, suite à l'abolition, est confrontée à des souvenirs longtemps refoulés, mais aussi aux institutions sociales qui continuent de reproduire l'idéologie raciste de la suprématie blanche. La parole de la protagoniste, porteuse d'un contre-discours, lie ainsi son histoire personnelle à l'Histoire collective. Outre l'analyse de la déshumanisation des esclaves noir.e.s et de l'intériorisation de l'hégémonie culturelle, l'article de Julie Levasseur met en lumière la manière dont les personnages subalternes peuvent exercer leur agentivité par la revendication de leur propre récit.

Phronetic organizational research is an approach to the study of management and organizations focusing on ethics and power. It is based on a contemporary interpretation of the Aristotelian concept phronesis, usually as ‘prudence’. Phronesis is the ability to think and act in relation to values, to deliberate about ‘things that are good or bad for humans’ in the words of Aristotle (1976:1140a24–b12). Phronetic organizational research effectively provides answers to the following four value-rational questions, for specific problematics in management and organization studies: 1. Where are we going with this specific management problematic? 2. Who gains and who loses, and by which mechanisms of power? 3. Is this development desirable? 4. What, if anything, should we do about it?

nel testo si sostiene " la presenza di tre diverse idee di cultura in Gramsci: come "civilizzazione", come "critica della civilizzazione" e come modo di vita della società. Ognuna di esse comporta un modo di produzione differente: dalla società feudale nasce la prima versione, dalla società capitalistica la seconda; dal seno di una società senza conflitti emerge la terza idea gramsciana di cultura. Nel modo di produzione socialista però, in un'ottica internazionalista, a trionfare sarà una sola cultura sulle altre" (Alessandro Errico,  Eleonora Forenza, Chiara Meta, Cronaca del terzo convegno della IGS Italia).

Avtorica v magistrskem delu razpravlja o pedagoških praksah Gibanja delavcev brez zemlje (Movimentos dos Trabalhadores sem Terra, MST) in Nacionalne šole Florestan Fernandes (Escola nacional Florestan Fernandes, ENFF) iz občine Guararema v São Paulu, v Braziliji. Trdi, da v okviru zgodovinsko-političnih okoliščin nastanka države Brazilija in posledično Univerze kot elitistične in izključevalne institucije šola ustvarja revolucijo pedagoških praks, saj demokratizira dostop do izobrazbe. Ker pa pedagoške prakse gibanja izhajajo iz marksistične matrice in je njihov končni cilj socialistična revolucija, so le-te revolucionarne. Izhajajoč iz Gramscijeve intelektualne zapuščine in približno enoletnega terenskega dela, avtorica poskuša razložiti dialektiko med stranko in gibanjem ter trdi, da Gibanje delavcev brez zemlje deluje kot organizacija, okrog katere se združujejo različne ljudske moči. Nacionalna šola Florestan Fernandes pa predstavlja več kot samo fizični prostor, predstavlja prostor, kjer se ustvarja identiteta subalternega razreda, črpajoča iz lastne zgodovine. Avtorica prepoznava pomembnost Nacionalne šole Florestan Fernandes v kontekstu Latinske Amerike, saj ima šola lastno teoretsko produkcijo in pomembnost v svetovnem merilu prek povezovanja z drugimi enako mislečimi družbenimi gibanji.
Ključne besede: Gibanje delavcev brez zemlje, Nacionalna šola Florestan Fernandes, Antonio Gramsci, revolucionarna pedagogika, subalternost.

The Aalborg Project may be interpreted as a metaphor of modern politics, modern administration and planning, and of modernity itself. The basic idea of the project was comprehensive, coherent, and innovative, and it was based on rational and democratic argument. During implementation, however, when idea met reality, the play of Machiavellian princes, Nietzschean will to power, and Foucauldian rationality-as-rationalization resulted in the fragmentation of the project.

prologue, intro and afterword of book
Publication date: October 20, 2016
Abstract:
Restrictive border protection policies directed toward managing the flow of refugees coming into neoliberal democracies (and out of failing nation-states) are a defining feature of contemporary politics. In this book, Verónica Tello analyses how contemporary artists--such as Tania Bruguera, Isaac Julien, Rosemary Laing, Dierk Schmidt, Hito Steyerl, Lyndell Brown and Charles Green--negotiate their diverse subject positions while addressing and taking part in the production of images associated with refugee experiences and histories. Tello argues that their practices, which manifest across a range of contexts including Cuba, the United States, Australia and Europe, represent an emergent, global paradigm of contemporary art, 'counter-memorial aesthetics'.

Counter-memorial aesthetics, Tello argues, is characterized by its conjunction of heterogeneous signifiers and voices of many times and places, generating an experimental, non-teleological approach to the construction of contemporary history, which also takes into account the complex, disorienting spatial affects of globalization. Spanning performance art, experimental 'history painting', aftermath photography and video installation, counter-memorial aesthetics bring to the fore, Tello argues, how contemporary refugee flows and related traumatic events critically challenge and conflict with many existing, tired if not also stubborn notions of national identity, borders, history and memory.

Building on the writings of such thinkers as Michel Foucault and Jacques Rancière, this book offers a useful concept of 'counter-memory' for the twenty-first century. It shows how counter-memorial aesthetics is not only central to the nexus of contemporary art and refugee histories but also how it can offer a way of being critically present with many other, often interrelated, global crises in the contemporary era.

http://bloomsbury.com/us/counter-memorial-aesthetics-9781474252737/

Kebangkitan perfilman Indonesia ditandai dengan pemutaran film 'Ada Apa dengan Cinta' dan yang mengejutkan adalah 'Petualangan Sherina' yang mendapat respon sangat positif dengan indikasi jumlah penonton 1,4 juta orang dalam waktu 2 bulan. Dari catatan film Indonesia yang makin rutin di produksi di tahun 1950-an, maka di tahun 2000-an inilah pemecahan rekor jumlah penonton benar-benar terjadi. Rata-rata film larisnya mencapai angka di atas 1,2 juta penonton. Termasuk film Laskar Pelangi (2008) yang mencapai 4,6 juta penonton. Film-film laris di tahun 2000-an ini memiliki beberapa kesamaan identitas, yakni mengangkat isu lokalitas yang cukup kental. Sehingga seolah memutar balik anggapan pihak produser dan pembuat film di Indonesia, bahwa yang laku "dijual" di Indonesia hanya film-film berbau mistik, seks, dan kekerasan. Permasalahan yang akan dikaji adalah bagaimana sesungguhnya identitas film Indonesia? Apakah benar film-film komersial yang laku di pasaran hanya berdasarkan selera pasar? Lalu apakah ada hubungan antara nilai-nilai lokalitas pada sebuah film dengan wujudnya sebagai counter hegemony?

At the same time that case studies are widely used and have produced canonical texts, it may be observed that the case study as a methodology is generally held in low regard, or is simply ignored, within the academy. For example, only 2 of the 30 top-ranked U.S. graduate programs in political science require a dedicated graduate course in case study or qualitative methods, and a full third of these programs do not even offer such a course. In contrast, all of the top 30 programs offer courses in quantitative methods and almost all of them require training in such methods, often several courses. In identifying this paradox of the case study’s wide use and low regard, Gerring rightly remarks that the case study survives in a “curious methodological limbo,” and that the reason is that the method is poorly understood. In what follows, we will try to resolve Gerring’s paradox and help case study research gain wider use and acceptance.

Given the possibility of a technological singularity  within our lifetimes, and the ‘black box’ nature of neural network outputs , is it not pertinent to investigate ways of subverting the possible implications for humanity should AI be deployed towards malevolent ends?

This essay aims to investigate the possible applicability of Ubuntu, an African moral theory which prioritises relationality in terms of moral recognition and responsibility towards one’s community , in relation to the benevolent deployment of AI for the benefit of all humanity. Further, this essay proposes that Ubuntu as a moral theory that succinctly embodies the original aims of the AI research community in that its primary concern in moral adjudication is the wellbeing of the community at large . Alternatively put, I hypothesize that Ubuntu offers an effective framework for maximising the potential beneficial application of AI and minimizing the potential for the malicious deployment of AI from within the AI research community.

From another perspective, more generally stated, this essay is a tentative investigation of the possibility of deploying Ubuntu in the development of moral machines and the implications thereof. Importantly, the focus of my essay cannot be on the moral machines themselves. This is due to the current impassibility of the syntactic-semantic divide – the challenge of programming semantic understanding into machines - which continues to plague research into the creation of artificial moral agents.

Scholars of international political economy in the 1970s explored the relationship among a dominant power, leadership, and openness. The discussion soon centered on the concept of hegemony, meaning a situation in which a single state exercises leadership in creating and maintaining the fundamental rules of the international system. The scholarly arguments that ensued focused on the rationale for, and durability of, hegemony, and seemed relevant because of a shared assumption that U.S. dominance, so strong during the quarter-century after World War II, was declining. However, the debate was premised on a shared but incorrect empirical perception that American hegemony was declining. When similar questions arose again at the end of the 20th century, the terminology used was less that of hegemony than of unipolarity and hierarchy, and the key question was whether exercising continuing leadership would be so costly to the hegemon that its decline would be generated by its leadership. The issues of hegemony raised in this literature have taken on renewed relevance with the election of Donald J. Trump as President of the United States.

O governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva representou uma ruptura no modelo previamente estabelecido para a inserção internacional brasileira, ao alterar seu viés exclusivamente economicista e comercial, por uma atuação que também priorize relações políticas e sociais. O Brasil, enquanto potência média, orientou, em um primeiro momento, sua política externa com o objetivo de ampliar a sua projeção por meio de uma divisão em três áreas de atuação, como em um xadrez tridimensional com: um tabuleiro regional, o qual serviria como base para sua projeção global, um tabuleiro intermediário, no qual se observam as relações do país com outros do “Sul Global”; e um superior, onde se relaciona com os países desenvolvidos. Entretanto, a partir da eleição de Dilma Rousseff, passou-se a observar uma deterioração desse modelo em favor de uma gestão mais orientada para os afazeres domésticos. O crescimento econômico chinês ampliou a participação do Império do Meio nos centros de decisão globais, nos quais se apresenta hora como aliada essencial, hora como desafiante do poder hegemônico dos Estados Unidos. Com países do “Sul Global”, a China apresenta-se como uma alternativa à hegemonia estadunidense e um mercado consumidor para as commodities, ao mesmo tempo que é uma ameaça para as indústrias de países que não conseguem competir com sua alta competitividade. O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar as estratégias de inserção internacional de Brasil e China, enquanto potências emergentes, assim como as oportunidades e desafios para o primeiro a partir de uma aproximação com a segunda no sistema internacional. Para concretizar os objetivos almejados, a pesquisa faz uma análise das relações de ambos os países com os Estados Unidos e instituições Ocidentais, assim como com países em desenvolvimento, em especial da América do Sul, para em seguida analisar a atuação em conjunto no cenário internacional, as relações entre eles e o impacto que exercem na política externa do outro. Para isso, utiliza-se a análise qualitativa baseada em uma investigação teórica de Ciência Política, Relações Internacionais, História e Economia Política Internacional e o referencial teórico fundado na Teoria Crítica das Relações Internacionais. Em linhas gerais, foi concluído que a aliança entre os dois países representa uma perspectiva de ampliação do poder de barganha internacional, inclusive na promoção de um revisionismo brando da ordem internacional, ainda que o ingresso de produtos manufaturados chineses no mercado latino-americano e os acordos bilaterais do gigante asiático com países da região, somados ao distanciamento por parte do governo brasileiro, que passou a priorizar a agenda doméstica desde 2011, possam representar um desafio para o Brasil enquanto líder regional.

In this paper we argue that the use of the communicative theory of Jürgen Habermas in planning theory is problematic because it hampers an understanding of how power shapes planning. We posit an alternative approach based on the power analytics of Michel Foucault which focuses on ‘what is actually done’, as opposed to Habermas’s focus on ‘what should be done’. We discuss how the Foucauldian stance problematises planning, asking difficult questions about the treatment of legitimacy, rationality, knowledge and spatiality. We conclude that Foucault offers a type of analytic planning theory which offers better prospects than does Habermas for those interested in understanding and bringing about democratic social change through planning.

This article brings perspectives from three
Mäori activists, each promoting issues of self-determination
in different ways. It centres on
tino rangatiratanga and mana motuhake, two
concepts that inform modern Mäori activism
and life and practice, and more recently conceptions
of Mäoridom as “nation”. Using a
Gramscian framework we argue that the New
Zealand state has over time created a notion of
one people within one state, and has in the past
incorporated challenges to its legitimacy within
a framework of popular consent. The desire
by some Mäori activists for self-determination
promotes a separateness that to some extent
challenges this idea of nation–state unity. An
examination of these modern Mäori activist
politics allows us to observe the operations of
hegemony as it forms and reforms in modern
New Zealand.

This chapter explores Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony, arguing that it is a theory of national-popular class politics aimed at illuminating how the achievement of state power and socioeconomic transformation can only be secured by mobilizing and winning the consent of the masses through a strategy of "national-popular" political and ideological alliance in civil society. Examined here are three essential aspects of the theory: the conditions of hegemonic struggle conceived as a dynamic field of "relations of force"; the apparatus of hegemony constituted by parties, states, civil society, and intellectuals; and the politics of hegemony involving a political and ideological campaign for mass consent among the "national-popular" masses. The chapter demonstrates how Gramsci's concepts illuminate the success and failures of capitalist and socialist hegemonic strategies. The conclusion suggests that contemporary interpretations and applications of hegemony in social scientific research need to give greater weight to its holistic, class-based, and "national-popular" character.

As was the case with many newly independent African nations, Somalia was beset by a language problem whose complexity had begun well before independence and the unification of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland in 1960. With three languages (English, Arabic, and Italian) used as media of communication in government offices and in schools, various Somali administrations struggled to contain the impasse but found no tangible solution. Barely three years after Mohamed Siad Barre seized power in October 1969, he had his military regime introduce the Somali orthography in the Latin alphabet. Based on this milestone, Siad Barre's military rule is highly commended for taking a remarkable step forward in what came to be known as the Somalization project. However, officials of the government and Somali scholarship failed to

Contemporary theorizations of neoliberalism are framed by a false dichotomy between, on the one hand, studies influenced by Foucault in emphasizing neoliberalism as a form of governmentality, and on the other hand, inquiries influenced by Marx in foregrounding neoliberalism as a hegemonic ideology. This article seeks to shine some light on this division in an effort to open up new debates and recast existing ones in such a way that might lead to more flexible understandings of neoliberalism as a discourse. A discourse approach moves theorizations forward by recognizing neoliberalism is neither a ‘top down’ nor ‘bottom up’ phenomena, but rather a circuitous process of socio-spatial transformation.

Isayama Hajime's Shingeki no Kyojin (Attack on Titan 2009-present, hereafter SnK) has gained huge resonance since its first release, a popularity by no means limited to Japan, and enhanced by the high-quality animation series by the same name (2013-present), directed by Araki Tetsurô (first season) and Koizuka Masashi, which has followed from the manga storyline. Without doubt, this success is due to a gripping narrative, focusing on fierce fights between the apparently invincible titans and the numerous characters that aim to save humanity, whose different aesthetic and behavioural characteristics unfailingly appeal to very mixed audiences. In this sense, there are three very notable features of SnK. First, the female characters subvert, redraw or re-interpret stereotypes about femininity both aesthetically and behaviourally, and they can be read as queer. Second, the text presents a lesbian subtext that enriches the narrative in queer terms. Ultimately, the ability of some main characters to shift between the two categories of 'human' and 'titan' contributes to destabilizing binary divisions in terms of normative or non-normative bodies, providing an additional layer to a queer reading of this text. Through an analysis of the manga and anime versions of SnK, this article investigates how gender stereotypes, heteronormativity and the dichotomy normalizing normative identities vis-à-vis non-normative identities are portrayed. This analysis sheds light on the (lack of) alternatives to binary models KEYWORDS manga queer gender femininity titan abject counter-hegemonic

Alternative media is a term that signifies a range of media forms and practices , from radical critical media to independent media, and from grassroots autonomous media to community, citizen and participatory media. This paper critically analyzes the political content and organizational practices of different alternative media types to reveal the ideologies and conceptions of power embedded in specific conceptions of alternative media. Considering several competing conceptions of alternative media theory, including subcul-ture studies (Hebdige 1979), community media for social change (Rodríguez 2011), critical communication studies (Fuchs 2010), and radical media (Downing 2001), four distinct categories emerge: DIY media influenced by individualist ideologies and subcultural belonging; citizen media theorized by third-world Marxism and engaged in local community organizing; critical media influenced by the Frankfurt School of critical theory and focused on global anti-capitalist content; and autonomous media influenced by social anarchism and rooted in global anti-authoritarian social movements. This synthesized taxonomy provides an important mapping of key similarities and differences among the diverse political projects, theories, practices and ideologies of alternative media, allowing for a more comprehensive and nuanced

Emperyalizm, Hegemonya, İmparatorluk, uluslararası politik ekonomi literatürünün en önemli başlıklarını, Irak'ın ABD tarafından işgalini merkeze alarak tartışıyor. Kitapta bu üç kavram, önce sırtlarında taşıdıkları zamandışılık zırhlarından Gramscigi / Coxgil tarihselciliğin nezaretinde sıyrılıyorlar. Ardından da Braudel'i hatırlayarak bir buçuk asrı aşan uzun vade boyunca ardışık dünya düzenlerinin başlıca karakteristiklerini özetliyorlar. Bu yolculuk sırasında Batı yayılmacılığının kolonyalist ve emperyalist evreleri, Marksist ve Liberal geleneklerin eleştirisi etrafında inceleniyor. Daha rafine iktidar mekanizmalarının mercek altına yatırıldığı hegemonya ve imparatorlukla ilgili kısımlarda da, kuruluş döneminden başlayarak Amerikan hâkimiyet mantığının temel kodlan ve içine düştüğü kriz üzerinde duruluyor. Yapılan tüm değerlendirmelerin ışığında, fikirler ve çıkarların işgal
kararında nasıl buluştuğu sorusu ise son bölümde cevaplanıyor. Burada yalnızca Avrupa'nın özgürlük arayışı, Batı dışı dünyanın yükselişi ve ulusaşırılaşmadan oluşan dinamikler demetiyle "emperyal eylem" arasındaki bağlantı sorgulanmıyor. Söz konusu sistemik çerçeveyi anlamlandıran tarihsel bloğun ana bileşenleri de tahlil ediliyor. Hristiyan Sağı, Hristiyan Siyonistler
ve Yeni Muhafazakârlar gibi grupların oluşum ve koalisyon kurma süreçleri, kendi alt zamanlarına odaklanılarak anlatılıyor.