Insurgence

Unrest marks the instability of any foundation wherever it spreads its roots. It weakens the superstructures and the bases that it integrates. Usually, it is viewed from the opinion of bigwigs of society and the people belonging to lower strata who suffer most are ignored. Content analysis of the memoir, The Shell: Memoirs of A Hidden Observer weaved by Syrian Writer Mostafa Khalifa and translated by Ruth Ahmadzai Kemp is done in this research article to check impacts of prisonization on the prisoners of Tadmur Jail in Syria. In this context the paper focuses on the application of 'theory of prisonization' on the text. This research on Syrian work is done by the utilization of theory of prisonization and content analysis as a methodology keeping in view the qualitative mode of analysis. The study focuses on both the inhuman treatments in the jail of Tadmur and how do the experiences of incarceration go hand in hand with the symbolic and actual silencing of the subject.

The end of 2011 general election in Nigeria results to mass recognition of another set of militant popularly called Boko Haram. These set of militant during the cause of prosecuting their objective have destroyed properties worth Billions of Naira, killed thousands of innocent people and add to religious misconception in Nigeria . It should be noted that the scope of this paper were not restricted to Boko Haram matters alone because the present writer belief that certain factors that applied to other groups that had emerged in Nigeria also laid foundation for emergence of Boko Haram. As a result of the above fact, militancy instigating factors as well as the effect of Boko Haram’s means of prosecuting their objective along with way forwards toward avoidance of future insurgency is object of discussion here.

The names of the insurgent groups include historical, cultural, ethnic, territorial and doctrinal references
that appear too specific to be considered accidental and thus could be indicative of their strategy. The
examples of terrorist attacks carried out by these groups support this argument, as they adopted or
changed their name beforehand, shortly before a spinoff group, a new alliance or an offshoot emerged,
or when an attack occurred in a non-traditional geographic area of action. Unfortunately, too often mass
media and government officials utilise incorrect and/or superficial translations of these names, thus
contributing to a lack of detailed information on the jihadists. The etymological analysis of the Arabic
names of the Sahelian jihadist insurgents intends to and contributes to increase the knowledge on the
nature and actions of these groups.

The subject of this analysis are war burdens during the first Polish national uprising, i.e. the Kościuszko Uprising of 1794. These burdens (obligations) were imposed on the inhabitants of the then Polish lands in order to provide something for the insurgent administration. These duties, just like nowadays, can be classified as personal and material duties. Personal duties meant, above all, the obligation to provide recruits, i.e. to provide military service as part of levée en masse (pospolite ruszenie) and to perform certain works or provide certain services (the construction of fortifications, trenches, abatis, etc.). Material duties consisted in providing the insurgent administration with certain items for use or consumption, i.e. mainly the provision of food, forage, horses and podvodas, or a range of materials needed for military purposes (clothing, construction materials, etc.). The author presents the evolution of the duty to fulfill these obligations in Poland before the Uprising, followed by an in-depth analysis of normative acts issued in this respect by the highest insurgent authorities.

Przedmiot niniejszej analizy stanowią ciężary wojenne w okresie pierwszego polskiego powstania narodowego, czyli insurekcji kościuszkowskiej 1794 roku. Tytułowe ciężary (powinności) nakładane były na mieszkańców ówczesnych ziem polskich celem świadczenia czegoś na rzecz administracji powstańczej. Obowiązki te, podobnie jak współcześnie, można klasyfikować na osobiste i rzeczowe. Te pierwsze oznaczały przede wszystkim obowiązek dostarczenia rekruta, czyli świadczenia w zakresie służby w pospolitym ruszeniu oraz wykonywania pewnych robót lub świadczenia usług (budowa fortyfikacji, okopów, zasieków etc.). Z kolei te drugie – rzeczowe – polegały na dostarczaniu administracji powstańczej pewnych rzeczy do użytkowania lub zużycia, czyli głównie dostarczaniu żywności i furażu, koni i podwód, czy szeregu materiałów potrzebnych do celów wojskowych (odzież, materiały budowlane etc.). Autor przedstawia ewolucję obowiązku świadczenia tych powinności w Polsce w okresie przedpowstaniowym, po czym dokonuje pogłębionej analizy aktów normatywnych wydawanych w tym zakresie przez najwyższe władze powstańcze.

Петренко А.А. «Где можно с ружьем в руках, где нельзя — тайно, хитростью и лукавством»: боевые инструкции бойцам Народного Союза Защиты Родины и Свободы Б.В. Савинкова // Гражданские конфликты и гражданские войны в истории. Исторические документы и актуальные проблемы археографии, источниковедения, российской и всеобщей истории нового и новейшего времени : Сборник материалов Восьмой международной конференции молодых ученых и специалистов «Clio-2018» / [отв. ред. А. К. Сорокин]. – М. : Политическая энциклопедия, 2018, С. 317-321.

Nella primavera del  il cardinale Segretario di Stato Ercole Consalvi, su pressione della Francia  , istituisce una Congregazione particolare con il compito di esaminare i casi di insorgenza e brigantaggio che sempre più si manifestavano nei paesi dello Stato pontificio  . La Congregazione era composta da monsignor Francesco Cavalchini, governatore di Roma, Francesco Riganti, segretario della Sacra Consulta, Vincenzo Bartolucci, avvocato fiscale e dal fiscale generale Giovanni Barberi, giudice relatore era il luogotenente criminale Francesco Maria Rufini. La partecipazione in ruoli importanti di Riganti e Bartolucci, che erano stati repubblicani, indica «l'avvenuta ricomposizione della classe dirigente e […] la fisionomia attribuita al fenomeno, con la sua costante riduzione a mero brigantaggio, senza alcuna reale connotazione politica o religiosa che non fosse quella di un generico "anarchismo" o sovversivismo»  .

In Ethiopian political history, the democratic constitution was enacted in 1995 for the first time following the paradigm shift in the political ideology from unitary to federalism. The enactment of the 1995 FDRE Constitution opened a new era in political, social, economic and cultural aspects of the nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia. It guarantees the right to sustainable development in all sectors including political, economic, social, and cultural aspects. To ensure the right to sustainable development the same constitution imposed a constitutional duty on three wings of government organs both at the federal and regional levels. Hence, the objective of this research is to evaluate the extent to which life insurance is harnessed by the Ethiopian government in promoting sustainable development. In addition to this, it explores the possible prospects and challenges in utilizing life insurance for ensuring sustainable development under the federalist Ethiopian legal system. Therefore, to achieve, its purpose this research uses secondary data sources which includes government policies and laws in the area of life insurance. So, it is doctrinal research which employs qualitative research methodology. The research findings showed that there is a legal and practical problem both on the sides of the government and the people in harnessing life insurance for strengthening sustainable development in the Ethiopian federation. In conclusion guaranteeing human rights do not hold water without ensuring the right to health and thereby the right to life. Ensuring the right to health is hardly possible without guaranteeing the right to have life insurance. Consequently, ensuring sustainable development is very difficult without guaranteeing and practicing the right to have life insurance.

The end of 2011 general election in Nigeria results to mass recognition of another set of militant popularly called Boko Haram. These set of militant during the cause of prosecuting their objective have destroyed properties worth Billions of Naira, killed thousands of innocent people and add to religious misconception in Nigeria. It should be noted that the scope of this paper were not restricted to Boko Haram matters alone because the present writer belief that certain factors that applied to other groups that had emerged in Nigeria also laid foundation for emergence of Boko Haram. As a result of the above fact, militancy instigating factors as well as the effect of Boko Haram’s means of prosecuting their objective along with way forwards toward avoidance of future insurgency are object of discussion here.

In theory, terrorism is a political communication strategy for groups to convey their grievances and the costs of ignoring them. In practice, though, terrorist groups take responsibility for just a small portion of their attacks. Rather than getting credit for the violence, terrorist leaders generally deny their operatives committed it. This theoretical and empirical disconnect may explain why scholars have ignored the subject of unclaimed attacks despite the fact that they are the norm. With a mixed-methods research design, our study helps to fill this lacuna by proposing and testing a new theory to account for these so-called “anonymous” acts of violence.

This article seeks to understand the dynamics of twenty-first century military intervention by the United States and its allies. Based on an analysis of Bush and Obama administration policy documents, we note that these wars are new departures from previous interventions, calling on the military to undertake post-conflict reconstruction in ways that was previously left to indigenous government or to the civilian aspects of the occupation. This military-primary reconstruction is harnessed to ambitious neoliberal economics aimed at transforming the host country’s political economy. Utilizing the Iraq and Afghanistan interventions as case studies, the study analyzes the dynamics set in motion by this policy. The key processes are two concatenated cycles of military pacification and economic immiseration in discrete localities operating through varying paths of causation.  Pacification by the military as well as subsequent military-primary introduction of neoliberal economic reform generates immiseration; locally based resistance. as well as ameliorating efforts aimed at reconstructing the old system, generates repacification. Each iteration of the cycle deepens the humanitarian crisis, and assures new rounds of local and sometimes national resistance.

Συνοπτική παρουσίαση των γελοιογραφιών που ασχολούνταν με την Κύπρο και οι οποίες δημοσιεύθηκαν στις βρετανικές εφημερίδες Daily Mirror και Manchester Guardian την περίοδο 1955-1959 (Presentation about the cartoons published in Daily Mirror and Manchester Guardian regarding Cyprus struggle 1955-1959). Συμμετοχή στην ημερίδα που διοργάνωσε το Σάββατο 13 Μαρτίου 2010 η ΟΕΛΜΕΚ, ο Σύνδεσμος Ελλήνων Κυπρίων Φιλολόγων και το Τμήμα Ιστορίας και Αρχαιολογίας του Πανεπιστημίου Κύπρου με θέμα: «Η γελοιογραφία, η Ιστορία και η διδασκαλίας της».

Este artigo aborda o tema da " insurgência " através da análise de práticas culturais que emergem como resistências aos crescentes processos de " culturalização " do espaço urbano. Partindo do princípio de que a criação e a venda de imagens de cidade dominam o campo do Planejamento Urbano contemporâneo, propomos investigar alguns casos que atuem contra essa tendência, com foco no recorte espacial de Berlim. Apresentamos um breve histórico das insurgências urbanas na capital alemã – hoje tida como um dos exemplos emblemáticos de " cidade criativa " , tão em voga no início do século XXI. Atenção especial será dada aos squats berlinenses, especialmente ao Kunsthaus Tacheles. Apesar de serem apropriados pelo marketing urbano oficial – que visa à construção de uma imagem de cidade alternativa e atraente aos profissionais criativos –, os squats sofrem negativamente com a gentrificação. Como consequência, veem-se obrigados a criar modos verdadeiramente criativos para garantir seu direito à cidade. P a l a v r a s-C h a v e : Berlim; cidade criativa; insurgência urbana; planejamento cultural estratégico; resistência; Squat. O presente artigo tem por objetivo discorrer sobre práticas culturais que configuram insurgências na cidade ocidental contemporânea. Compreendemos as insurgências como práticas de coletivos que se posicionam contra a ordem estabelecida, hoje excessivamente marcada pela lógica do consumo. A partir de uma investigação sobre a relação entre cidade e cultura, argumentamos que, nas últimas décadas, a lógica do consumo se reflete, na escala urbana, através de processos crescentes de " culturalização " do espaço, visando à criação de imagens de cidade para competir globalmente. Considerando a recente intensificação da busca da imagem de " cidade criativa " , examinamos aqui o caso de Berlim, onde diversos movimentos socioculturais vêm opondo-se às políticas públicas e aos projetos urbanos que instrumentalizam a criatividade, bem como seus efeitos gentrificadores, e, assim, formam insurgências cujo caráter se modifica ao longo do tempo. Para compreender as tensões envolvidas entre a abordagem culturalista do planejamento formal das cidades e os movimentos que insurgem contra ela, apresentamos um breve apanhado das relações de poder e as razões das inquietações que permeiam a época contemporânea.

Most of the contemporary work pertaining religious-sectarian conflict is focused on insurgents driven by socio-economic and political grievances. In Politics and Economics of the Insurgence in Bahrain, Vladimir Remmer analyzes the political economy of religious-sectarian intra-state conflict in connection to contemporary theory of Instruments of National Power. This approach provides valuable insight on legitimization, mobilization, and operationalization of the indigenous surrogate force where nation-states and non-state actors compete for influence over target audiences for the opportunity to advance ideological and economic interests.
In search for answers to nature and persistence of the conflict, Remmer reviews organizational structure and legitimacy. He dissects pertinent economic, political, and ethno-anthropological causes.
Throughout the process, the author strongly emphasizes the Shiite community as an innocent victim of predation by an agent engaged in a political-ideological act of state-capture. The conflict mitigation recommendations evolve from discussion of select instruments of national power as a case appropriate artifice targeting root-cause of the insurgence.

Though SFs have once again managed to contain the consequences of irresponsible politics and administrative failure in Kashmir,
threats persists. This tragic cycle has been seen again and again, with SFs establishing dominance and a measure of control at great cost
and through tremendous sacrifices, only to see these gains frittered away by political adventurism, incompetence or sheer mischief.

The paper highlights the increasing inpracticability of post-conflict peace-building in the context of emerging unconventional intra-state wars. It however ascertains the viability of a community-referent peace-building intervention as part of wider efforts to counter the influence of Boko Haram, while tending to humanitarian needs of affected communities. To do so, it employs textual analysis of qualitative secondary data, and builds on the submission of civil-military-relations theory as its framework for analysis. The result of the textual analysis of prior literature suggests counter insurgency operations in the northeast remain highly militarized, with inconsequential attention being paid to the humanitarian needs of affected communities. Despite its relevance, the use of military force has proven to be counterproductive given its state-referent orientation. Further to which sustained use of force has heightens the effect of the conflict on millions of civilians who have fled their communities in fear of Boko Haram and military highhandedness. To address the deficiencies of the pre-existing framework for countering insurgency, the paper proposes the implementation of a community centric, bottom-up approach which emphasizes the security, reconstruction and reintegration needs of civilians and defecting combatants. By prioritizing the inclusive needs of affected communities, the state is likely to win over the population, drawing on the combined expertise and resources of military and civilian actors. The implementation of such an approach will require in amongst others a reorientation of the military roles, a renewed relation of mutual assistance between civilian and military actors in the northeast.

This is a short poem that crusades the importance of unity in Nigeria. It beckons on everyone, especially the Current Islamic sect- BOKO HARAM members to try and embrace peace and join hands together in moving the country to a state where it will become the envy of every other countries of the world.

This article provides a critical examination of the current theoretical debate concerning the effects of indiscriminate violence. It argues that indiscriminate violence has been treated as an essentially random counterinsurgency tactic, but that the important distinction between its random and retributive variations has been overlooked, along with critical issues of timing and location, which has made it difficult to evaluate its efficacy in quelling rebel violence. Prior research has shown that both random and retributive violence reduced insurgent activity in the targeted locations and in the short term, but it does not necessarily follow that indiscriminate violence is effective. This article uses microlevel ethnographic evidence from Chechen villages during the period from 2001 to 2005 to show that indiscriminate violence deployed retributively against village communities generated insurgent activity in other areas because local avengers and rebels from the targeted populations sought to avoid further retributive violence against their village communities. Moreover, the insurgent activity occurred at least nine months after the initial act of retributive violence. Indiscriminate violence deployed randomly against village communities generated insurgent activity within the same targeted area, since the insurgents did not fear retributive violence in retaliation, and occurred with a delay of at least six months. As a result, the rebel reaction to indiscriminate violence is not observed immediately or, in the case of retributive violence, in the same location. This finding has crucial implications for evaluating the efficacy of indiscriminate violence in counterinsurgency operations, and underscores the importance of understanding how the social and political context can shape the way populations react to different forms of violence.

Ou bien l'histoire suit des finalités de patrie, de nation, de race, ou bien elle suit des finalités de classe. Si l'on croit à cela, il ne faut pas s'étonner que les classes bourgeoises des différents pays se soutiennent entre elles, et que, quand le prolétariat national les menace, elles en appellent à l'étranger. Pour nous, il ne peut y avoir pire qu'un étranger de classe. Ce qui importe, ce n'est pas que les Américains soient ici en tant qu'Américains, mais en tant que bourgeois. Ce qui importe, c'est qu'ils soient vingt fois plus forts que les bourgeois locaux. Et alors, de quelle sorte est le raisonnement suivant: si vous, bourgeois italiens, vous restez seuls, nous serons tranquilles et nous permettrons que les ouvriers soient exploités sans vous attaquer, dès que vous serez vingt-et-une fois plus forts, nous vous attaquerons?
S'il y avait au contraire dans le monde un gouvernement de dictature prolétarienne, celui-ci ne serait pas pour les travailleurs un gouvernement étranger, mais leur gouvernement, il serait une puissance politique détenue entre les mains de l'Internationale prolétarienne, et donc aussi par les ouvriers italiens, par le parti communiste italien. Comme la lutte se déroulerait au milieu des affrontements de classes contiguës, et des armées d'Etat, c'est un problème ardu de l'histoire future; et on ne menacerait alors personne, mais on déclarerait que, dans tous les combats, avec toutes nos forces, et dès que possible en prenant l'initiative de l'offensive, on se placera aux côtés de notre compagnon de classe, et donc aux côtés de cet Etat qui se trouve au-delà de la frontière, ennemi de l'autre Etat étranger qui soutient notre classe ennemie, et l'Etat constitutionnel italien.

This paper contributes to the accounts of territorial stigmatisation by examining the state role in it in the case of Turkey, a country that suffers from growing state power. The existing debates are mainly restricted to its function as an economic strategy paving the way for capital accumulation through devaluing working-class people and places. Drawing on textual analysis of political speeches, local newsletters and mainstream national newspapers and fieldwork material that include interviews and observations in Dikmen Valley where some squatter communities mobilised against the state-imposed urban transformation project, I demonstrate that state conceptualisation of "problem people" targets the "insurgent" rather than the "unprofitable" groups. Stigma in urban settings functions in inciting the desire to meet the patterns deemed appropriate by the state, rather than the market. Moving from that, I argue that stigma is used as a state-led political strategy, which is integral to the growing authoritarianism in Turkey.

Between 1945 and 2010 there have been 171 campaigns of national secession, of which only 26 have been successful (pp.5-6). And, of those 26, 14 were a direct result of the fall of the Soviet Union. Philip Roeder's treatise is founded on this statistical analysis that national secession is extremely hard to achieve. Furthermore most successes are not brought about by moments of 'bold action' (p.20) by the secessionists but because (in 75% of cases) an outside power focusses on the issue and provides the key impetus (p.6).

Mass media are known to be vehicles for the transformation of societies. Now the focus of governments, Non-Governmental Organisations and people in the Northeastern part of Nigeria which has been ravaged by insurgency is that of fashioning out plans of rehabilitation and reintegration of those people displaced by the insurgency. Using a review of some relevant literature in related areas, the study discovered that some of the major factors that have remained a hindrance to the development of the region can be addressed through reviewing the ownership structure and operations of the mass media in the sub-region.

Abstract
Earliest restructuring of Nigerian State started with 1881 European Conference on the Scramble for and Partition of Africa in Germany. The creation of British colonial administration in Northern Nigeria in 1900 and Southern Nigeria in 1906 led to 1914 amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria to seal the fate of Nigeria as a modern African State.
In the colonial era, restructuring of Nigerian State to meet yearnings of the people and ensure administrative convenience at the lowest ebb was evident in 1939 creation of the Northern Provinces, the Eastern Provinces and the Western Provinces of Nigeria. The introduction of Richards Constitution in 1945 and later MacPherson Constitution with three autonomous Regions prepared Nigeria as a politically independent state on 1st October, 1960.
Further political restructuring influenced by political crisis led to creation of Midwest Region in 1963 when Nigeria attained the status of a sovereign Republic. Much later in May 1967, military intervention in politics and successionists threats of Eastern Nigeria as the Republic of Biafra led to Gowon’s creation of 12 States. By 1976, Muritala Mohammed junta expanded Nigeria’s Federation to a 19 States structure which remained until 1983 fall of Second Republic. In 1987, Babangida led junta adopted a 21 State structure which grew to 30 States in 1991. In 1996, Abacha’s regime reinvented Nigeria into 36 States apart from the Federal Capital Territory at Abuja.
State creation as part of restructuring after British colonial rule surrounds the need to protect minorities, create opportunities and political platforms for diverse people of Nigeria, remove ambivalence surrounding geographical and topographical access, population cluster, customs and administrative convenience. 
In this paper, restructuring of Nigeria and the goals served in meeting people’s aspirations within the potential scale for harmonizing national security and national development is discussed.

Keywords: Restructuring, National Security, National Development, State Creation, Nigeria’s Constitution.

The Uri attack has exposed India’s vulnerabilities once again, as it has clear evidence of negligence and complacency. After the Pathankot Air Force Base attack, the Government at the highest level had promised that there would be a comprehensive review of security at military establishments across the country. The fact that obvious vulnerabilities in as sensitive a location as Uri, have remained unaddressed indicates that this is another of the Government’s broken promises...

India has established a long tradition of transforming SF successes into political failures, and this appears to be the ongoing trend in J&K. With the utter incoherence, confusion and jingoism presently afflicting the country’s Pakistan and Kashmir policy, there appears to be little hope of any radical shift in the present and disastrous trajectory of events. Unless a measure of political sagacity is restored, things can only get worse in the near term.

Kolombia adalah negara yang cukup lama mengalami gejolak politik dan krisis disegala bidang. Dalam perjalanannya ada suatu strategi dalam mengatasi gejolak yang diakibatkan oleh Insurgensi di negara tersebut. Dengan melakukan optimalisasi hubungan sipil-militer, pemerintah kolombia dapat dikatakan sukses dalam melakukan kontra-insurgensi