International institutions

Japan’s strategic objective of the Quad Plus is not anti-China coalition-building, but to create an ad-hoc coalition-building device that serves the maintenance and enhancement of the rules-based international order in the Indo-Pacific region. There is no open official discussion or declaration about the “Quad Plus”, and thus, there is no clear definition or fixed membership for such a framework. Rather, it functions as a flexible strategic tool to attract like-minded states and induce their functional and strategic cooperation, depending on their needs and demands of the day. As such, the Quad Plus is an informal cooperative security and non-traditional collective self-defence mechanism, which is not exclusive to any state, including China. At the same time, Japan has two target states to be included into the Quad Plus, the United Kingdom and France, because they are residential powers in the Indo-Pacific region. To this end, Japan has steadily strengthened its bilateral ties with them.

In June 2016, the European Union launched its new ‘Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy’. In less unusual times, it would have been received as merely the latest iteration of the main tenets and ambitions of EU external action, this time with an enhanced dose of pragmatism to respond to a more challenging international environment. However, with the contours of ‘Brexit’ becoming clearer and the start of the Trump Presidency in the United States, the EU’s Global Strategy has acquired a whole new level of significance. This paper argues that while meant to express a largely uncontroversial consensus, it now needs to be recontextualized as a distinctive vision in the face of trends of anti-globalism and Euroscepticism. This concerns in particular its emphasis on rules-based global governance. Challenged by both President Trump ‘America First’ policy and the British government’s course for a ‘hard Brexit’, the Global Strategy represents a blueprint and rallying point for a continued pursuit of a liberal world order based on the rule of law.

¿Cómo se van configurando los términos, contenidos y sentidos de la categoría como PEA (Población Económicamente Activa)? Por medio de este acrónimo los sistemas estadístico-censales nacionales agruparon y aun recopilan datos de diferentes habilidades y origen sectorial del capital humano. Este término, a mitad de camino entre la sociología y la economía, nació en las postrimerías del Segundo New Deal y el 16° censo de los Estados Unidos. Sobre esta base cuantitativa, la OIT (Organización Internacional del Trabajo) canonizó un modelo estándar para uso de todos los países miembros. En América Latina, esta tarea de homogeneización metodológica y de formación de cuadros y funcionarios la llevaron a cabo el IASI (Instituto Interamericano de Estadísticas, en español) y la Oficina Estadística, del Departamento de Asuntos Económicos, de las Naciones Unidas. No obstante, existen otras trayectorias nacionales previas, que complejizan la historia de esta categoría. Una de ellas sucedió en la Argentina, entre la primera edición de José Francisco Figuerola, Teoría y métodos de estadística del trabajo (1942) y el capítulo de Gino Germani sobre la PEA en Estructura social de la Argentina. Análisis estadístico (1955).

IR scholars have recently paid increasing attention to unequal institutional orders in world politics, arguing that global governance institutions are deeply shaped by power inequalities among states. Yet, the literature still suffers from conceptual limitations and from a shortage of empirical work. The article addresses these shortcomings through a study of the historical evolution of global arms control institutions since 1945. It shows that in this important policy area, the global institutional order has not been marked by a recent trend toward deeper inequality, as many writings on unequal institutions suggest. Instead, the analysis reveals a pattern of institutional mutation whereby specific forms of institutional inequality are recurrently replaced and supplemented by new forms. This process, the article argues, is driven by states' efforts to adapt the regime to a changing material and normative environment within the constraints of past institutional legacies.

Los derechos humanos son un área temática muy importante en las relaciones internacionales contemporáneas. La doctrina de derechos humanos, que tras un proceso de desarrollo de más de tres siglos se concretó tras el fin de la segunda guerra mundial, ha modificado el panorama institucional y las relaciones entre actores a nivel internacional. Por otro lado, independientemente de su "falta de dientes", el régimen internacional en la materia ha transformado la manera en que los estados se relacionan con órganos internacionales, organizaciones de la sociedad civil transnacional y otros gobiernos. DOCUMENTOS Puente Democrático POR ALEJANDRO ANAYA MUÑOZ

Using objective measures of investor protections in 170 countries, I establish that the level of investor protection matters for cross-country differences in GDP growth: countries with stronger protections tend to grow faster than those with poor investor protections.

The adoption of the Cancun Agreements constitutes a remarkable shift in the promotion of state compliance within the climate change regime. Whereas the Kyoto Protocol involved robust enforcement mechanisms, the new Measurement,
Reporting and Verification (MRV) framework relies on transparency of mitigation actions. This justificatory approach has demonstrated its effectiveness in promoting implementation of environmental agreements when modalities have been developed to increase the reputational costs associated with non-compliance. The MRV process developed under the Cancun Agreements however fails to acknowledge the crucial role that civil society can play in the context of this transparency mechanism.

Having reviewed the nature of compliance theories and experiences of civil society contributions to compliance processes in other multilateral processes, this article argues that a justificatory approach could effectively underpin the promotion of compliance with the 2015 climate agreement provided that procedures strengthen opportunities for a more active engagement of non-state actors in the MRV process.

This article examines the increasing relevance of Islam and religion in the institutional arrangement of the EU post-Maastricht and the future policy implications for the complex political system of the EU. By adopting a combination of qualitative methodologies that are theoretically rooted in historical institutionalism and in a systemic view of the EU, the paper studies the emergence of Islam and religion as policy issues in two institutional settings, the European Commission and the European Parliament, during the 1990s and up to the first decade of the twenty-first century. The analysis shows a growing attention to faith communities on the part of the Commission, in the post-Maastricht context, culminating in the elaboration of semi-official avenues for encounter and dialogue with religious groups. It also indicates how, in turn, these semi-official practices and the ideas behind them have gradually imposed themselves upon multiple levels of the EU political system, thus opening up an institutional space in the EU for consultations with and 'informal policies' towards faith communities, both within and outside the EU borders.

A concepção, formulação e execução de políticas públicas tem sido, tradicionalmente, prática rotineira da atuação dos Estados Nacionais. Contudo, atualmente tem-se assistido que essa mesma prática vem sendo exercida fora da esfera doméstica. Tal cenário decorre do processo de reconfiguração do Estado nacional, pois no contexto de globalização, percebe-se o surgimento de novas formas de autoridade que atuam fora do modelo tradicional da soberania estatal. Assim, o conceito de "políticas públicas globais" (PPG) é inovador, uma vez que a "política pública" sempre esteve aprisionada à palavra "Estado". Neste sentido, este artigo verificou os elementos que compõe o conceito de PPG, e aplicou o ciclo de políticas públicas (Policy Cicle) à experiência da Política de Alimentação Escolar do Programa Mundial de Alimentos, identificando suas etapas desde a formulação até sua avaliação. A aplicação do ciclo de políticas públicas no âmbito internacional facilita a visualização da seqüência de elementos do processo político administrativo do cenário internacional, expondo atores, suas relações, seus recursos de poder e suas redes. Com base em pesquisa bibliográfica, o artigo resume o contexto do pensamento institucional internacional, base para pensar os organismos internacionais e a emergência de políticas públicas globais. O trabalho conclui que o Programa Mundial de Alimentação escolar consiste em uma PPG, e que as Instituições Internacionais passam cada vez mais a delinear políticas públicas, que são implementadas ou que têm o potencial de serem implementadas em diversos países do mundo.

This article profiles five recently-formed NGOs (non-governmental organizations), whose missions are explicitly Catholic or compatible with Church teachings on human dignity: Society of Catholic Social Scientists (SCSS), Catholic Family and Human Rights Institute (C-FAM), European Center for Law and Justice (ECLJ), Institute for Family Policies European Network (IPF), and International Solidarity & Human Rights Institute (ISHRI).

The United Nations as a quintessential " universal " International Organisation, was established in 1945 to save succeeding generations from the scourge of another catastrophic world war, which till date, it has successfully precluded. However, the United Nations risk being an irrelevant body in the nearest future as it has failed to carry out a comprehensive reform of its obsolete structural organs, precisely, the Security Council that is the mandated guardian of international peace and security. That it might become more effective, legitimate, credible, representative, democratic, transparent, flexible and accountable as the executive organ of the United Nations, there is an urgent need to revamp the outdated Council in order to reflect the international reality of the 21 st century as well as deal with the new security challenges arising. This paper therefore revisits the discourse on the overhaul of the septuagenarian United Nations, with a focus on the enlargement, democratisation and, the working methods of the Security Council. My finding was that the long awaited reform of the archaic Security Council is not likely to happen anytime soon owing to the five permanent members lack of political alacrity, the impasse in the General Assembly and, the contradicting proposals on substantive Security Council reform. The research methodology for this study included the historical and analytical approaches as well as the qualitative method of data collection.

Il processo di costruzione di una politica estera dell'Unione Europea (UE), distinta da quella dei suoi paesi membri, è stato lungo e faticoso e, come dimostra l'impotenza dell'UE di fronte alle crisi recenti -in Ucraina piuttosto che in Libia o in Siria -è ancora lungi dalla sua conclusione. I suoi principi, i suoi valori, i suoi strumenti, i suoi punti di forza e di debolezza sono il risultato dell'interazione tra gli interessi nazionali degli Stati membri nel quadro dei vincoli posti dal sistema internazionale. Come illustrato in seguito, le diverse fasi del mutare del sistema internazionale hanno posto dei vincoli allo sviluppo di una politica estera comune, ma hanno offerto anche opportunità (Bretherton and Vogler 2006, 24-27). La fase attuale, segnata da una crisi economica internazionale da cui l'Europa fatica a riprendersi e da un disordine globale contraddistinto da sistemi di governance inefficaci e inadatti a gestire le dinamiche derivate dalla globalizzazione, non fa eccezione.

This book traces the changing meanings of free trade over the past century through three sugar treaties and their concomitant institutions. The 1902 Brussels Convention is an example of how free trade buttressed the British Empire. The 1937 International Sugar Agreement is a story of how a group of Cubans renegotiated their state's colonial relationship with the US through free trade doctrine and the League of Nations. And the study of the 1977 International Sugar Agreement maps the world of international trade law through a plethora of institutions such as the ITO, UNCTAD, GATT and international commodity agreements – all against the backdrop of competing Third World agendas. Through a legal study of free trade ideas, interests and institutions, this book highlights how the line between the state and market, domestic and international, and public and private is always a matter of contest.

Memorials are objects, structures, or (real or virtual) places that serve to focus the memory of conflict related violence. By pinning memory to a location, they fix it in place. Memorials serve as vessels for information in a metaphorical but also in a highly material way, for they are archives of facts and artifacts, storage spaces for documents, images, and sometimes also human remains. Memorials, in addition, are sites to learn about past atrocities, both cognitively and emotionally, and educate visitors through images, metaphors, and symbols as well as, in many cases, texts, videos, and guided tours. In transitional justice
processes, memorialization serves as a means of symbolic reparation, thus expanding the scope of dealing with the legacy of violent conflicts and repression from tribunals, truth commissions, and monetary reparations to memorials and commemorations.

UN peacekeeping is a core pillar of the multilateral peace and security architecture and a multi-billion undertaking reshaping lives around the world. In spite of this, the engagement between the literatures on UN peacekeeping and International Relations theory has been a slow development. This has changed in recent years, and there is now a growing interest to examine UN peacekeeping from various theoretical perspectives to yield insights about how international relations are changing and developing. The volume is the first comprehensive overview of multiple theoretical perspectives on UN peacekeeping. There are two main uses of this volume. First, this volume provides the reader with insights into different theoretical lenses and how they practically can be applied to better understand UN peacekeeping. Second, through case studies in each chapter, the volume provides practical examples of how International Relations theories – such as realism, liberal institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism, sociological institutionalism, feminist institutionalism, constructivism, critical security studies, practice theory, and complexity theory – can be applied to a specific policy issue. Applying these theories enhances our understanding of why UN peacekeeping, as an international institution, has evolved in a particular direction and functions the way that it does. The insights generated in the volume can also help shed light on other international institutions as well as the broader issue of international cooperation.

In this article, I try to describe the relation between China and the institution of sovereignty through the analysis of its engagement with it. After explaining what institutions are in international society, I describe the evolution of sovereignty's normative core, especially the transition from absolute to conditional sovereignty during the 1990s. It seems like China is a staunch defender of absolute sovereignty in rhetoric by strongly opposing foreign interference in domestic affairs, namely under human rights. However, I show how Chinese behaviour viewed through the lenses of absolute sovereignty is uneven in practice. While complying overall, China shows disrespect for this understanding sometimes, especially when its interests are at stake, which reveals a rather flexible and self-serving approach to sovereignty.

World Politics is a free printable Trivia Board Game in which players must correctly answer a series of questions related to issues of international relations and geopolitics. This game is designed to offer international relations students an alternative and funny method for reviewing the main issues studied during the previous academic years.

The study of international relations is strongly influenced by the assumption of anarchy, i.e., that there is no central law enforcing authority in the international system. Absent such an authority, cooperation among states is hard. In anarchy, power, interests and the ever-present possibility of violent conflict are the defining principles of relations among states. From this perspective, international institutions such as the United Nations and international law play at best a secondary -if not entirely epiphenomenal -role.

This thesis aims at studying the institutionalization processes of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) since its establishment in 1967 until the first half decade of ASEAN charter implementation during 2008-2012. The objective is to provide the explanation why ASEAN member states have to institutionalize their regional cooperation as well as to establish more rules-based characteristics. By engaging with each other with efficiency and competences, ASEAN is accordingly able to proceed in order to achieve its Community-building by 2015.
The thesis hypothesizes that ASEAN Charter induces ASEAN to change its institutional characteristics from the loosely “association of states” to become the rather tight “rules-based organization.” This transformation enhances ASEAN capacity to become the international institution, having more diverse cooperation and more efficiency in prescribing collective behavioral roles of member states.
A documentary research is the principal methodology for this study, using primary sources such “ASEAN official documents,” including declarations, statements, visions, action plans, treaties, agreements, charters, and protocols, which consistently constitute what can be called “set of rules of ASEAN.” Moreover, the significant fora/venue like multi-level ASEAN meetings have been monitored and addressed as well. The concept of “international institutions,” especially that of Robert O. Keohane, will be applied to analyze the institutionalization processes of ASEAN. Moreover, the three-stage process of norms from norm emergence, to norm cascade, and internalization; and decision-making process will also be analyzed.

La rapide expansion des sciences du numérique donne un visage nouveau à l'intelligence artificielle. Cette technologie de communication imprègne notre vie et s'adapte constamment à nos habitudes. Le droit tente de comprendre ce système dans ses rapports avec l'homme. Mais leurs interactions sont parfois floues parce que l'intelligence artificielle tend, de plus en plus, à s'autonomiser de l'humain pour construire sa propre identité dans un lien symbiotique plus ou moins cybernétique. La détermination du statut juridique de l'intelligence artificielle devient une question sur laquelle le droit et la doctrine s'interrogent.

Treaty conflicts are not merely the contingent or inadvertent byproducts of the increasing juridification of international relations. In several instances, States have deliberately created treaty conflicts in order to catalyse changes in multilateral regimes. Surabhi Ranganathan uses such conflicts as context to explore the role of international law, in legal thought and practice. Her examinations of the International Law Commission's work on treaties and of various scholars' proposals on institutional action, offer a fresh view of 'mainstream' legal thought. They locate in a variety of writings a common faith in international legal discourse, built on liberal and constructivist assumptions. Ranganathan's three rich studies of treaty conflict, relating to the areas of seabed mining, the International Criminal Court, and nuclear governance, furnish a textured account of the specific forms and practices that constitute such a legal discourse, and permit a grounded understanding of the interactions that shape international law.

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is focused under many areas; arms control, border management, combating human trafficking, combating terrorism, conflict prevention and resolution, democratization, economic activities, education, elections, environmental activities, gender equality, good governance, human right, media freedom and development, military reform and cooperation, minority rights, policing, Roma and Sinti, rule of law, tolerance and non discrimination areas for save security and word peace.

This guide was prepared with the aim to collect and disseminate a selection of parenting approaches and resources relevant for the context of Republic of Serbia. The collection brings together a list of programs that have been implemented in Serbia and the region, other European countries and around the world. The selection of programs and modules strengthening parenting here is by no means exhaustive. The initiatives have been selected based on their relevance to the needs and challenges the main policies supporting early childhood development are facing in Serbia when reaching out vulnerable population, including examples for Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) initiatives from Serbia and region.
The guidance note was produced by a core team led by Bojana Naceva (Task Team Leader) and Marijana Jasarevic (Task Team Leader) and Dessislava Kuznetsova (Education Specialist), Chiara Diana (Consultant) and Zdenka Milivojevic (consultant).

This article argues that the Protocol on Amendments to the Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (Malabo Protocol) re-conceptualizes the idea of transitional justice mechanisms as varying approaches meant solely to address the legacy of abuse in one nation, and proposes that transitional justice mechanisms can also encompass regional and transnational efforts to respond to mass human rights violations. It also argues that the Protocol seeks to correct for perceived biases in international criminal justice. The article illuminates the ways in which the Protocol builds on the justice cascade. It provides a brief overview of the domestic, hybrid and international criminal trials in Africa that have informed the development of the regional court, and argues that the Malabo Protocol offers the Continent an important, alternative vision of regional criminal justice. The article concludes that the regional court could arguably tailor criminal accountability to the context, needs and aspirations of the Continent.

The establishment of the United Nations at the end of the Second World War in 1945 was a welcome development after the failure of the League of Nations to ensure the protection of international peace and security. After the war, the victorious allies founded the UN under the principles of the UN Charter of 1945; under the charter, the United Nations Security Council was given the responsibility of ensuring the UN’s prompt and effective actions in carrying out its duties for the maintenance of international peace and security, which is a primary objective of the United Nations. The Security Council is indeed one of the most important of the 6 organs of the United Nations, as all decisions of the organization must be deliberated upon by members of the Council, and the resolutions or decisions from the Council play an important role in the actions of the United Nations towards ensuring the maintenance of international peace and security. The Iraqi invasion, the Syrian issue and the increase in international terrorism and the failure of the United Nations to provide an effective and sustainable solution that will bring about the end of the crises has caused many to doubt the effectiveness of the Security Council in carrying out its mandate of ensuring the maintenance of international peace and security. This paper thus takes a critical look at the roles of the Security Council, with a view to understanding how its composition and functions affect the way the United Nations acts in response to crisis and matters where international aid is needed. This paper also discusses the effectiveness of the Security Council in carrying out its duties, and the many criticisms of the Council on its composition and its mode of operation.

This article analyses the role played by the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) countries within the context of the reform of international institutions, in primis the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). In recent years, the new emerging powers, among which the BRICS occupy a central position, have instigated a paradigm shift in international relations and global governance (GG). Furthermore, some scholars argue that the BRICS could inaugurate a new world order. Since the United Nations (UN) is one of the institutions in which these changes need to be more broadly reflected due to its global projection, it is doubtful if the BRICS will be able to bring about its reform. In fact, several debates were conducted about the need to reform the UN and, in particular, the Security Council (SC). In order to do this, the article examines the interests of the BRICS countries, within the group itself, and their vision for the UNSC. Only a common vision within the group could have specific effects in reforming the UNSC, thus giving a new shape to GG, which may not be possible. There are several obstacles from within the BRICS itself in this regard, despite the fact that during their summits, they have repeatedly called for the UN reforms.

In this article, I analyze the World Bank’s response to the global financial crisis. I show that the World Bank significantly increased lending after the crisis began, and the majority of this lending went to middle-income countries rather than to the poorest countries of the world. At first glance, it might seem like the Bank was in dereliction of its duty to help the world’s poorest countries. In reality, addressing the credit constraint problems of middle-income countries was perhaps the most appropriate pattern of lending for promoting the health of the overall global economy, given the potential for these countries to become drivers of global trade and finance.

Power shifts and especially power transitions in the international system are often associated with (military) confl ict. Power Transition Theory (PTT) does offer an
analysis of this phenomenon but no remedy. We suggest easing the tensions related to ongoing worldwide power shifts by introducing a new informal multilateral security
governance institution, based on the idea of a concert of powers. The historical European Concert of the 19th century prevented the outbreak of great power wars for more than a generation by providing a cooperation framework, based on shared norms and common
procedures. In this article we explore the possibility of utilizing a modernized concert of powers as a framework for managing the coming power shifts. In order to do so, we introduce two new elements in Power Transition Theory: (1) the importance of the (dis)satisfaction of the declining hegemon with the anticipated future order, and (2) a broader multilateral framework of major powers that overcomes the Power Transition Theory’s traditional bilateral “duel” situation. On this basis, institutionalized power transition management becomes possible. We then work out the norms, strengths and weaknesses
of the historical concert and update it with a few new features that would be necessary for it to be successful in the 21st century.

Berbagai teori bermunculan dengan adanya fenomena-fenomena kerja sama regional yang muncul pasca Perang Dunia II. Salah satunya adalah teori neo-fungsionalisme yang dipopulerkan oleh Ernest Haas. 1 Teori inilah yang diulas Jensen dalam tulisannya. Ia menguraikan secara singkat apa yang dimaksud dengan neo-fungsionalisme, sejarah singkat perkembangan neofungsionalisme, serta tiga tesis yang dikemukakan oleh neo-fungsionalis. Namun, teori neo-fungsionalisme ini mendapat tentangan dari banyak pihak terutama pada tahun 1970-an, antara lain dari Moravscik yang mempopulerkan teori intergovernalisme. Meskipun mendapat banyak kritik dan hampir menghilang, teori neo-fungsionalisme bangkit kembali pada tahun 1980-an dan 1990-an. Meskipun demikian teori neo-fungsionalis yang ada saat ini berbeda dengan neo-fungsionalis tahun 1990-an 2 .

Tiragem 1000 exemplares Data Dezembro de 2005 Depósito Legal 235715/05 ISBN 972-98906-6-8 Dedicatória -Aos Homens e Instituições que ousam acreditar na possibilidade de fazer bolinar a nau da Lusofonia rumo ao ecumenismo universal. -Aos meus orientadores, Professor Doutor José Carlos Gaspar Venâncio e Professor Doutor Marco António Monteiro d' Oliveira, que, paciente e sabiamente, me ajudaram a traçar a rota e a orientar o leme desta viagem sociológica pelo espaço lusófono. -A todos aqueles que aceitaram ter voz nesta viagem, fornecendo pistas, denunciando perigos e ajudando a manter aceso o sonho lusófono.

ABSTRACT: this dissertation seeks to evaluate the Peace of Westphalia (1648) for the importance of discerning and validating its influential ramifications for the development of international law. It will argue that from the Westphalian agreements began the codification of norms and an emerging international system which continue in both international relations and international law today. It will first explore the background of Westphalia, including the precise language of the treaties, and the creation and early development of international law. It will then use the International Court of Justice (ICJ) as a key international institution as an example of direct lineage to Westphalian norms. Finally, it will discuss globalization as a challenger to international law and Westphalian relevancy. For these reasons this dissertation will employ neoliberalism as an appropriate theoretical framework but will also utilize methods of historiography to best analyze primary
documents of the Peace of Westphalia and the ICJ.

With the concretisation and expansion of international criminal justice, intergovernmental bodies other than the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) are increasingly becoming important role players. While African countries have been active at various times in the decisions to establish the International Criminal Tribunals for Yugoslavia (ICTY), Rwanda (ICTR), the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) and more recently the proposed Special Court for Central African Republic, the African Union, as a grouping of African states is assuming greater and broader roles in the functioning of international criminal justice system. With the adoption of the Malabo Protocol on the African Court of Justice and Human Right has waded into previously unexplored territory. In the same vein, the AU’s role in the creation of the Extra-Ordinary African Chambers for the trial of former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré for alleged torture and crimes against humanity committed in Chad is another example of the AU’s expanding forays into the unfolding system of international criminal justice. The voices of various AU organs, in particular the Assembly, Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Council in debates around universal jurisdiction and the International Criminal Court (ICC) and its work in Africa add to the stack of new forms of engagement.
This contribution locates international criminal prosecutions – at the national and international levels – within a broader context of responses to conflict and associated atrocities. It discusses the evolving roles of the African Union and its various organs – political, deliberative and judicial. The contribution argues that regional and sub-regional bodies have a role to play in international criminal justice: directly in respect of prosecutions at the international and national levels; and indirectly in a number of other ways that has a bearing on international criminal justice. Noting that this involvement by regional and sub-regional bodies in international criminal justice is for the most part novel, it argues that this heralds a new and exciting era of engagement that should contribute to the fight against impunity and by extension to peace and security on the continent. However, the approach adopted (ad hoc, reactive and in some measure antagonistic) and certain measures taken by some of these bodies have the potential of undermining or rolling back gains made so far in the fight against impunity.
The contribution integrates the more traditional mandates of regional bodies – in maintenance of peace and security – into the debate, arguing that some of these functions have relevance for international criminal justice. The contribution argues that while the potential contribution of the regional and sub-regional bodies under discussion cannot be underrated, various factors dictate a reasoned and politically prudent approach that recognises the important – yet in some crucial respects limited – ability of these bodies to respond effectively and speedily to international crimes. While suggesting that judicial mechanisms at this level fit within a broadly conceived notion of complementarity in international criminal justice and respond to the imperative of burden sharing with the permanent International Criminal Court in responding to atrocities and international crimes, it argues that it is critical to recognise the legal and practical limitations attendant to their variety of mandates.

This Article identifies an emerging regime complex in the field of international criminal law and analyzes the development of the regional criminal chamber to the African Court of Justice and Human Rights. A regime complex refers to the way in which two or more institutions intersect in terms of their scope and purpose. This Article discusses how the International Criminal Court’s institutional crisis created a space for regional innovation. It demonstrates how the development of a regional criminal tribunal in Africa is the result of intersecting factors in international criminal justice. It finds that regime complexes can form not only due to strategic inconsistencies as discussed in the literature, but also because of the influence of regional integration. It argues that the regionalization of international criminal law is a useful addition to the field of international criminal justice, which has hitherto been hampered by the limitations of both domestic and international adjudication. This Article concludes that regionalization of international criminal law is a positive development.

In questo volume dedicato a Fausto Vicarelli si riprendono i grandi filoni della sua opera analizzandoli alla luce dei cambiamenti che sono avvenuti negli ultimi venti anni nella teoria e nella politica economica, nelle istituzioni italiane e internazionali e nei mercati finanziari. I contributi di diversi studiosi sono stati raggruppati in tre parti: il rapporto tra capitale industriale e capitale finanziario, la finanza internazionale, la redistribuzione del reddito nell'economia globale.

This book recalls the main issues of the original research work done by Fausto Vicarelli in the light of the changes occurred in economic theory and policy,  domestic and international institutions and financial markets, in the last twenty years.The scientific contributions here presented have been assembled into three sections: the relations between industrial and financial capital, international finance, income distribution in the globalized world.