Neo-liberalism

Há muito menos diferenças entre Paulo Guedes e Jair Bolsonaro do que se supõe. Desde a campanha eleitoral, Guedes vem se construindo como uma espécie de professor de Jair, empenhado em "ensinar" que toda intervenção estatal na economia deve ser evitada – agora, segundo o ministro da Economia, sob o risco de custar a reeleição de Bolsonaro em 2022. Com língua ferina, o "Posto Ipiranga" do presidente usa argumentos simples e não tem medo de confrontar cinicamente os seus pares. Agrada Bolsonaro sem jamais confrontar os "valores" e "princípios" defendidos pelo governo que integra. O texto abaixo esmiúça essa relação com base na análise de conteúdo da reunião ministerial de 22 de abril.

This paper investigates, on the basis of work by Jean Baudrillard and David Harvey, what we can define as neo-liberal global culture. Harvey's ideas on time-space compression and management of such within production systems are in the paper combined with Baudrillards thoughts on the symbolic culture and consumerism. The paper concludes that the neo-liberal global culture is a of constructing cultural demand and controlling class determined production.

This essay attempts to assess through the case-study of the Atatürk Centre the importance of considering the intertwining of the governmental neo-liberal agenda, authoritarianism, the promotion of the new national identity which includes neo-ottomanism, as fundamental factors to understand the evolution of the cultural policy in Turkey.
The understanding of recent tendencies in Turkish cultural policy is not favored by the absence of official governmental written documents. During the past decades, the Turkish government has implemented an extreme neo-liberal agenda, together with authoritarian measures and the promotion of a new national identity that has deepened existing social cleavages. Cultural studies, economics, sociology, international relations tend to use their classical approaches to explain it, failing to get a more nuanced understanding of how the combination of different factors affects and shapes instrumental, ad hoc measures. A more holistic approach is required to get a deeper understanding.

This edited volume offers a critical reflection on the failed experiment to redevelop the city of
Rio de Janeiro according to the neoliberal strategy of entrepreneurial urban governance and
mercantile regulatory transformations, which were leveraged by mega-sporting events. The
case of Rio de Janeiro is presented as an example of a failing global strategy for urban
redevelopment, entrepreneurial urban governance and the realization of mega-events. This
book aims to present the real and critical state of the legacies of such mega-events. It shows
how instead of the promised economic redemption, Rio is experiencing a severe economic,
politicaland social crisis,handling three observation perspectives: the first is the description of
urban transformations and mega events,assessing the contradictions in the model for the
intended urban development and taking into account historical factors both at local and
national level; the second restricts on neighborhoods as case studies representing an ensign of
a neoliberal urban transformation’ results; the third links city and citizenship focusing tensions
and inconsistencies and opening up a perspective on the importance of fostering the concept
of citizenship, including actions, movements and initiatives that express the resistance and
struggles around a possible new destination for Rio de Janeiro.
Prof. Luiz Cesar de Quieroz
Ribeiro and Dr.Filippo Bignami as General Editors thank Ana Paula Soares Carvalho, Humberto
Meza, Niccoló Cuppini and Orlando dos Santos Junior for their contributions as co-editors of this book.

The article discusses the efforts to undertake economic reconstruction in Bosnia following the end of the war. It argues that, despite certain successes such as the rehabilitation of
infrastructure and the privatization of the banking sector, overall progress has been below expectations. The study, accordingly, attempts to analyse the reasons behind the reconstruction
failure by grouping Bosnia’s problems into four different challenges for analytical purposes: the post-Dayton institutional deficiency; overcoming political fragmentation; creating appropriate conditions for economic revival; and graduating from dependency on foreign economic aid. In this respect, it is concluded that the intersection between the economic and political dimensions of post-conflict reconstruction has generated a paradox: while huge amounts of economic assistance have intended to facilitate political reconciliation, the nature of the administrative (political) structure that was established in the post-war period has in turn hindered economic
recovery and the creation of a unified economic space. Moreover, political fragmentation and slow progress in economic reconstruction have been in a mutually constitutive relationship in which the existence of the one has contributed to the sustenance of the other.

ITALY - TURNING AWAY FROM EUROPE?
When this title was proposed in the summer of 2019 for the lecture at the conference on "Europe's fundamental values and standards" held by the Gustav Stresemann Institute in Bonn in October, this danger was indeed highly topical. The yellow-black government of the 5-Stars movement and the Lega-Salvini were not only Europe-critical, but tried to make Europe responsible for all problems and blacken it. Especially Matteo Salvini drove a sharp anti-European course. Above all, he denounced Europe's austerity measures as if it was not in Italy's interest to limit its debt. Prime Minister Conte was a prisoner of the two vice-presidents, Salvini and Luigi Di Maio (5-Stars), who held the majority in Parliament and dictated the course.
With the fall of the government Lega-5Stars and the new majority of the government Conte II (5-Stars and Democratic Party) the danger seems banished, the topic almost no longer topical. But is it really so? There are enough reasons to doubt it. The challenge of this contribution should be to crystallize the dangers and the reasons for a turning away from Europe, for Italy, but not only, because the danger and the causes lie not only in Italy, but also in Europe itself. These factors also offer policymakers the opportunity to take action and to bring about a change which, as we shall see, cannot be confined to Italy at all. The contribution is therefore divided into two parts, Italy and Europe.
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ITALIEN – ABKEHR VON EUROPA?
Als im Sommer 2019 dieser Titel für den Vortrag auf der Staats- und völkerrechtliche Fachtagung  „Europas Grundwerte und Standards“ des Gustav-Stresemann-Instituts in Bonn vorgeschlagen worden war, war diese Gefahr tatsächlich hochaktuell. Die gelb-schwarze Regierung der 5-Sterne-Bewegung (5Sterne) und der Lega Salvini (Lega) war nicht nur europa-kritisch, sondern versuchte gezielt, Europa für alle Probleme, verantwortlich zu machen und sie dafür anzuschwärzen. Besonders Matteo Salvini fuhr einen scharfen antieuropäischen Kurs. Vor allem prangerte er Europas Sparauflagen an, als ob es nicht auch im Interesse Italiens liege, die Schulden einzugrenzen. Ministerpräsident Conte war Gefangener der beiden Vizepräsidenten, Salvini und Luigi Di Maio (5Sterne), die über die Mehrheit im Parlament verfügten und den Kurs diktierten. Mit dem Sturz der Regierung Lega 5Sterne und der neuen Mehrheit der Regierung Conte II scheint die Gefahr gebannt, das Thema fast nicht mehr aktuell. Aber ist es tatsächlich so? Es gibt genug Gründe daran zu zweifeln. Die Herausforderung dieses Beitrages soll es sein, die Gefahren und die Gründe für eine Abkehr von Europa herauszukristallisieren, für Italien, aber nicht nur, denn die Gefahr und die Ursachen liegen nicht nur bei Italien, sondern finden sich auch bei Europa selbst. Diese Faktoren bieten auch der Politik die Chance, daran anzusetzen und eine Wende einzuleiten, die sich – wie wir sehen werden - absolut nicht auf Italien beschränken kann. Der Beitrag gliedert sich demnach in zwei Teile, Italien und Europa.

If the critique of neoliberal capitalism has become a staple of leftist documentary filmmaking in France since the late 1990s, few films have gone as far in their rejection of work as those made by Pierre Carles, Stéphane Goxe and Christophe Coello. Following late nineteenth-century pamphleteer Paul Lafargue’s advocacy for “the right to be lazy” and the enjoyment of the flourishing society of leisure, Attention, Danger, Travail (2003) and Volem rien foutre al païs (2007) unapologetically and uncompromisingly reject the normative legitimacy of waged employment as a warrant of individual and social productivity. Nonetheless, it would be highly reductive to see in these two films and in the filmmakers’ project a celebration of idleness. Rather, as they strive to restore the productive value of individuals unable and unwilling to enter the labor market, Attention, Danger, Travail (2003) and Volem rien foutre al païs (2007) reject what the filmmakers see as leftist politics’ complacency with capitalism’s promotion of work as an ethics of self-realization. Drawing from Jacques Rancière’s emphasis on the proletariat’s self-identification and incidental political inscription in late 19th century society, this analysis argues that the two films discussed here operate therefore a political and aesthetic shift away from twentieth-century militant cinema by replacing the figure of political consciousness commonly associated with the industrial, capitalist society, namely the worker, with the unemployed post-industrial subjects of late-twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. In doing so, these two films disrupt dominant narratives; by giving authority to the refusal of work as a legitimate experience, they allow the sharing and debating of these experiences to produce ‘disturbances’ in such public discourse. Entertainment and didacticism are thus intricately interwoven in these films.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall, liberal intellectuals expressed the cautious hope that the closing of the historical period of the Cold War would open a new era of expansion of the Democratic Rule of Law in the world. This hope has been fulfilled in part (the third wave of Huntington), but is now in crisis both in the consolidated democratic regimes and in the new political regimes that have left authoritarian regimes. Countries that have not historically experienced liberal democracy, such as China and Russia, are governed by regimes of economic liberalism and
political authoritarianism; the Arabian springs, in most cases, did not result in democratic regimes, but in civil wars and/or military dictatorships; and in countries of democratic tradition such as Europe and the United States, the political ideology that grows most is extreme right populism.
Bobbio would be concerned about this movement, because it was in favour of political liberalism, but maintained severe restrictions on economic liberalism, and was also a critic of populism, which he considered a form of plebiscitary democracy with authoritarian features. Given this context, we want to discuss the timeliness of Bobbio’s liberalism, in the hope that we are not watching the “last chapters” of a long and glorious tradition. We will do this by analysing three different types of liberalism (political, economic and social), and three different types of democracy (elitist, plebiscitary and participatory), linking
them to one another in the quest for “the best form of government”. Finally, we will make some considerations about the Brazilian political situation in this context.
Keywords: Political liberalism. Economic liberalism. Democracy. Populism. Authoritarianism.

Abstract: The concept of ‘Neoliberliasm’ origins from economic politics which believes in the ethics of market in maximizing wealth and efficiency. Under the banner of ‘Reform and Open Policy’, a shift from planned economy to market economy can be identified in China during the 1990s. Shanghai saw the establishment of a land market with former state-owned land permitted to lease via legal procedures. The goal is to optimize land value and to facilitate urban development. With the study of the urban redevelopment project in Moganshan district, Shanghai, I will argue because local government still assumes strong underlying political power with indirect interventions, the land market failed to meet its goals.

Regionalism in a global perspective sets forth a win-win condition on all member states of regional blocs. Summing up the entire analysis, economic regionalism, political regionalism and security regionalism have got many dimensions, much beyond the age-old traditional view points. The neoliberal and neorealist interpretations of each kind of regionalism posses the potential to resolve major existing problems all around the world. Moreover, it sets forth a new level of analysis, neither state-level nor international-level, but essentially on a regional level. The interpretations can be implemented in reality to usher in a new era of supra-national cooperation, certainly not a utopian thought. The UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) Agenda 2030 can be fulfilled on the lines of such interpretation, incorporating the ideas of holistic growth and development.

This paper has the goal of discussing how the political project of Japan, based on its ideology of homogeneity, produces, on the subjectivities of the Japanese Youth, a certain limitation that can be framed as a form of Anomie. Through some narratives examined, the Japanese youth showed to be sensing a lack of possibility to fit in society. When analyzing the societal structure in Japan, the anachronism and rigidity of its job-hunting system; the curriculum of homogeneity and individuality suppression that begin in the school and echoes in society; the rigid gender roles present in the classrooms and companies; the work culture of permanent availability to the company, all become apparent as the sources of the lack of belonging perception among the youth. Due to this anomic feeling, the narratives show what can be framed as ‘politics of escaping’. Since there is a lack of imaginable structural change, the youth produce narratives of escaping this hegemonic Japan, adopting strategies of marginality (NEET, Freeter, and some counter-hegemonic sub-cultures); or even strategies of actual escape (prioritizing non-Japanese firms to work, or seeking for opportunities to live abroad. This paper, thus, argue that this strategies comes from a feeling of alienation and purposelessness within the hegemonic Japanese society, akin to Anomie. However, in this case the path to Anomie is caused not by the individuals pursuing egoistic goals rather than the good of the community. Actually, is the oppression of individuality, in the name of the group mentality and the ideology of harmony that causes this lack between what the youth is made to achieve, and the impossibility of fitting this commodified life with no appeal to individuality. Thus, the Japanese youth cannot fit in the current system and society, which explain the escape strategies adopted.

The modern paradigm for education has evolved under the Liberal formula of rule to encompass the behavioural regulation of both students and teachers. Modern schools therefore have become key institutions responsible for the reproduction of key Liberal ideas that attempt to equip students with knowledge and skills to assimilate into the workforce. However the consequences of this system of governance do not entirely impact positively on students and teachers. Several key methods in which schools regulate behaviour alongside and through education will be critically examined to understand their detrimental effects.

This Spanish/French documentary explores the industrial practice of planned obsolescence. Weaving together a narrative of historical cartel machinations, shifts in engineering ethics, and a surge of criticisms of consumption this film makes a strong argument that the current neo-liberal capitalist model based on the constant "consume and discard" philosophy of planned obsolescence is unsustainable on our finite planet.

These reviews were rejected by the Berkeley Non-Profit Radical Newspaper Slingshot. The first co-legitimized the research of Gilens and Page's work determining the US Government is an oligarchy. The second was Robert Ogman's work supporting post-occupational grassroots struggle. Whatever Slingshot's collective reasoning might be, they seem unready to cross the threshold of serious academic critique, even when it would otherwise fit to their questionable rhetorical standards, albeit at times congruous with my own.

Leading education policy researchers argue that policy is best understood as a process of contestation and struggle. This theory is particularly convincing at a time when youth workers and young people are protesting against student fees, spending cuts and youth club closures, and while services for young people are debated by a parliamentary select committee. In this context the relative lack of controversy over the Coalition Government's 'new idea' for youth work is interesting. This article explores the National Citizen Service through discussion of its political context, the process of its production, how language is used to describe and support it, and how it may be contested in practice. It concludes that policy processes can involve silences as well as struggle and contestation.

The focus of this article is the growing importance of entrepreneurship in the context of Swedish education policy. Departing from Foucault’s concept of governmentality, this article analyzes some of the main ideas in the discourse on entrepreneurship education in Sweden and points out its specifics, as an instance of the broader educational and governing program of life-long learning. This increasing emphasis on entrepreneurship challenges older pedagogical doctrines. In visions of entrepreneurial education, it becomes logical to emphasize the value education has for the economic system.

Harry Braverman's seminal work "Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century" is perhaps more important than ever in the current rapidly advancing developments in the field of Robotics, Information Technology and Computerization. Yet there has been little debate or research in these matters by Indian scholars or for that matter even across the globe. Only now the onset of what could possibly be a truly epochal series of events over the past decade has seen the beginning of some discussion in the west. Braverman elaborated and provided a rich analysis of one of the core concepts of Marx's critique of Capitalism: That the essential means by which the capitalist produces a profit is the expropriation of surplus labour time from the workers beyond the need to sustain themselves or even their immediate family. If we accept this as axiomatic, then we must also accept that without this act of expropriation, capitalism as we understand it cannot operate. That is to say, an economic system that completely replaces the total aggregate available labour with automation, cannot by its very nature be called a Capitalist system. Throughout this paper this aspect of Marx's analysis as must be kept in mind. We must therefore look at the current global situation as one where automation and computer technology is but one of two pillars holding up the hegemonic paradigm of the current infotech age – the other being the set of treaties and national policies that has reached fruition since the fall of the Soviet Union, collectively and somewhat vaguely described as globalization. This paper attempts to highlight various aspects of the current economic and technological paradigms now manifesting themselves throughout the globe, in the spirit of Braverman's own work.

In January 2004, an issue of the American Jewish magazine ‘Shma ’ gathered educational leaders, journalists, academics and Rabbis from all denominations, to reflect on the question of ‘Marketing Judaism’. This question was a new one for Jewish institutions: Judaism, as a nation-religion, is automatically transmitted by birth. Why, then, having to ‘market’ it towards natural born Jews?

Özet: 1980 sonrası neo-liberal ekonomi politikalarına bağlı olarak uygulanan yapısal uyum programlarının aynı zamanda kırsal bölgelerde de kalkınma sağlayacağı düşünülmekte idi. Oysa genel olarak bakıldığında uygulanan tarım politikaları özellikle kırsal kesimde gerek tarım gerekse tarım dışı ekonomilerde istenilen başarıları sağlayamadığı gibi yoksullaşmayı da artırdığı gözlemlenmektedir. Yoksullaşma konusunda özellikle kır-kent arasındaki fark dikkate alındığında farkın kırsal kesimin aleyhine olacak şekilde açıldığını söylemek yanlış olmaz. Göreceli yoksulluk temel alındığında bu farkın daha çok açıldığı, resmi verilerde ve yapılan diğer araştırmalarda görülmektedir. Bu çalışmada temel olarak yapısal uyum programlarının ve tarım politikalarının kırsal kesimde yoksulluğu ne boyutta etkilediği tartışılacaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kırsal yoksulluk, kırsal değişme, kırsal kalkınma, yapısal değişim programları, tarım politikaları. Abstract: It was thought that the carried out structural adjustment programmes, according to Neo-Liberal Policies after 1980's, would lead the development in rural regions. However, it could be seen that the carried out agricultural policies, especially in rural areas both in agrarian and non-agrarian economies, could not achieve the expected development, contrary they caused poverty. About the poverty between rural and urban areas it could be said that the gap increased against rural areas. Focusing on relative poverty the differences between rural and urban areas is emphasized in formal information and in finished studies related to such theme. This study targets to discuss the dimensions of the effect of structural adjustment programmes and agricultural policies on rural poverty.

This chapter examines the relatively distinct economic and political logics behind government attempts since 1979 to make the City more flexible. We will describe the neoliberal accumulation strategy intended to save Britain from economic decline and the ‘two nations’ popular capitalist political strategy which is meant to save us all from creeping socialism. Although we believe that there is a strong strategic element to Thatcherite politics and policies and that the best way to make sense of Thatcherism is to explore its strategic dimensions, we do not claim that there is one single, overriding strategy: the strategic line is emergent and tendential, subject to change or reversal in the light of new circumstances, and even includes important ad hoc elements as well as broader, long-term objects. Thus, we will argue that, although they have both been clearly discernible as key elements in the emerging strategic line of Thatcherism from 1979 onwards, the purpose, weight and vehicles of neoliberal and popular capitalist objectives have changed several times. We will also argue that, in certain crucial respects, these twin strategies are internally inconsistent, individually self-defeating and mutually contradictory. In particular we will suggest that the Thatcherite government’s neoliberal strategy was ill-suited to the needs of the intense international race for modernisation and that it was further deformed through their concern to secure political support through popular capitalism and social division.

The essay seeks to answer the question of who is predominantly to blame for financial crises. In doing so, the essay explores the nature of global finance, describes what a financial crisis is, and examines the 2008 financial crisis and neo-liberal economic policies.

Rivers are alive. Indigenous peoples worldwide recognise the spiritual presence of rivers and derive their being from them. Western neo-liberalism threatens indigenous peoples, their lands and their rivers, but resistance is becoming more successful, as with the granting of personhood to the river Whanganui in Aotearoa New Zealand in 2017. In the so-called developed world, we have seemingly abandoned our indigeneity, losing our collective soul just as we colonized and imposed on the rest of the world our presumption of dominion over the Earth. But our rivers are still alive, even if canalized, polluted, buried or dammed, and still sacred. Can we decolonize and re-indigenize ourselves, and re-establish a respectful, responsible relationship with our river kin?

Liberalism is typically approached as 'interests defined in terms of cooperation'. On a conceptual level, the term entails idealistic notions of peace, harmony, justice and freedom of individuals. Classical liberalism entails the protection of individual interests by the state. It also elaborates upon the system of government that would be most consistent with the maintenance of global peace and harmony. While it is not outright dismissive of the notion that total peace cannot exist, it does firmly elaborate upon the peaceful nature of human beings and uses the evolution of civilization to justify the stance that the human being can be cultured to become more peaceful over time. Neo-liberalism, on the other hand, is an evolution of classical liberalism in context of economy and wars. It posits that the interdependence of states in context of economy will lead to the decrease for the need of militarization, and elaborates upon the many benefits that such a model could entail. This paper seeks to elaborate upon the constituents of the liberal school of thought, its distinction into classical and modern forms and how those models compare and contrast with one another. To begin with, the nomenclature of the term 'liberalism' primarily points towards the concept of freedom. The word liberal entails liberty and equality before law. The ontology and epistemology of such a concept, therefore, elaborates upon the various ways in which equality, justice and freedom can be developed and provided room to flourish. "We take these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, and that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that amongst these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." (American Declaration of Independence, 1776)

This chapter analyzes the World Bank’s Education Strategy 2020 (WBES) to assess its likely impact on inequality. The chapter begins with a review of assessments of the Bank’s past education policies. It then compares four different theoretical perspectives on education policy: social class equalization, public goods, human capital, and neoliberalism. Applying quantitative and qualitative content analysis to the WBES, we identify the World Bank’s approach as promoting a neo-liberal capitalist development ideology emphasizing private sector schooling and nonformal education along with standardized testing. Our analysis predicts that this strategy will not lead to major increases in educational equality in the developing world, and may even increase inequality.

The neo-liberalism theory started to be applied at the middle of 19th
century, these theory depend a concept of freedom as higher value. It called
for the liberalization of the markets, considering the competition is the base
of marketing works(Harvey, 2005), which effect on the shape of states and
governments, and lead to new definition of the markets, depend on new
concepts such as Market competitiveness, Intellectual Property Rights (Harvey,
2005).
Neo-liberalism lead to huge changes in the structure of European
societies, and the shape of cities, as skyscrapers, and global economic centers
founded as Wall Street, housing projects and residential complexes became
something familiar, and residential neighborhoods far from the city centers
established.
In Palestine, from the period of 1967 to 1994 at Israeli occupation
period cooperative societies took upon themselves creating housing and
residential complexes without profit goals(Haddad, 2013). Some of cooperative
societies relied on the homogeneity of the career, such as doctors housing
project, Gerizim housing for engineers in Nablus city, and the “Safa and
Marwa” housing for teachers at the Islamic University in Gaza, or depending
on income such as Al-Masaken housing in Nablus.
After 1994 as entitlement for building independent state, donor states
stipulated adopting the neo-liberal system on the Palestinian Authority's
territory. The authority did not have the ability to reject because of
deteriorating economic situation and economic dependence of Israeli
occupation, but the apparent effect of the neo-liberalism haven't been seen
until the year of 2008 due to several reasons that will be mentioned later(Haddad,
2013). After 2008 a lot of housing projects have been established focusing on
high income layer, orMedium-high income earners, this projects effect on the
residential building sector in Palestine, such as Al-Jinan Neighborhood in
Jenin, started at year of 2009, Alrayhan housing project in Ramallah city.
From this point, the idea of this research founded, which aims to
prepare a research study. The objective of this study is to highlight the effect
of the neo-liberalism on the residential building sector in Palestine
. The study involves a case studies in order to assess neo-liberalism
housing projects in Palestine, through the analytical study of the project that
implemented in West Bank. This case studies will be Al-Jinan Neighborhood
in Jenin. To reach the main goal of the study, recommendations will suggested
in order to strength this important sector in Palestine.
The first Section is the concept of new-liberalism between pro and
exhibitions, in addition to their history and classification. The second section
highlights new-liberalism in Palestine. While the third section reviews the
reality of new-liberalism in Palestine and their effects on housing sector by
analyzing the case study of Al-Jinan Neighborhood in Palestine. This section
includes the stages of their works. The fourth section includes conclusions and
recommendations

Friend and comrade Nate George found the following article while researching in the archives of the American University of Beirut. This article, glibly entitled “Child Lib!”, is from the weekly magazine <i>Monday Morning</i>, published by the Karam family. At first glance, especially for adoptees from Lebanon, the article reads like an objective overview of the necessity of adoption in their homeland. Quite on the contrary, it is a troubling read, redolent of much more sinister reactionary forces at work. In terms of Lebanon, it defines the adoptee as a colonized entity from a colonized place, unable to speak of her adoption for having achieved the "Lebanese dream": a pure foreign acculturation. I’m publishing it here with extensive notes based on my own research and what I’ve learned about this place these past eleven years. I hope it might be useful to those trying to piece together the puzzle of their adoption narrative.

Using the threatened yet ultimately reconfirmed celebrity status of pop singer and mental health advocate Demi Lovato as a case study, this article analyzes how celebrity health narratives reflect and produce a neoliberal ideology of individuality in the context of mental health care. It is argued that Lovato has successfully rebranded herself as the embodiment of achievement, self-improvement and confidence by embracing her diagnosis with bipolar disorder and other mental health struggles. Furthermore, the article demonstrates how her celebrity health narrative has been repackaged and reproduced by the merchandizing industry, providing general lifestyle advice about the value of ongoing self-improvement. This convergence between the ‘sickscape’ of mental illness and celebrity culture can be understood as a ‘celebritization of self-care’, which reproduces a hyper-individualized, neoliberal and distinctly gendered ideology of meritocracy, and presents all forms of achievement, including recovery from mental illness, as the result of competitive individualism.

How to balance the tension between the state and the market. Develop three strategies which developing countries can adopt to balance state/market relations in the context of globalisation. draw on three contending theoretical perspectives of international

Recent scholarship on John Stuart Mill has illuminated his arguments about the normative legitimacy of imperial rule. However, it has tended to ignore or downplay his extensive writings on settler colonialism: the attempt to create permanent “civilized” communities, mainly in North America and the South Pacific. Mill defended colonization throughout his life, although his arguments about its character and justification shifted over time. While initially he regarded it as a solution to the “social problem” in Britain, he increasingly came to argue that its legitimacy resided in the universal benefits—civilization, peace, and prosperity—it generated for humanity. In the final years of his life Mill seemed to lose faith in the project. Finally recognizing the prevalence of colonial violence and the difficulty of realizing his grand ambitions, yet refusing to give up on colonization altogether, his colonial romance gave way to a form of melancholia.

בשנות הקמתה של מדינת ישראל נודעה ליישוב הפריפריה חשיבות לאומית של חיזוק השליטה הטריטוריאלית בסְפָר. ההנדסה הדמוגרפית כללה אפוא הפניית מהגרים אל הפריפריה והקמת ערי פיתוח על ידי המדינה באופן גלוי ולעיתים כפוי. עם עליית העידן הנאו-ליברלי בישראל, הופרטה הנדסת המרחב לכוחות השוק ולארגוני מגזר שלישי. בעידן זה משימת יישוב המרחב כללה מטרות חברתיות-כלכליות לצד לאומיות ושימוש במדיניות תגמולים סלקטיבית אשר תגמלה את המתיישבים הלוקחים חלק במשימה הלאומית. המדינה עודדה הגירה של גרעיני מתיישבים לפריפריה ולערים המעורבות, מתוך תפיסה שעל פיה האוכלוסייה הבאה מבחוץ היא צעירה, משכילה, בעלת יוזמה ו"אידיאליסטית", ולכן  עשויה לתרום לצמיחה חברתית-כלכלית של הערים ושל תושביהן. כך, עידן זה הוביל לשינוי ביחסי הכוח ובחלוקת התפקידים שבין מדינה ובין חברה.
המחקר הנוכחי מתמקד במדיניות ההתיישבות  של עמותת איילים וגרעינים תורניים בערים עכו, לוד וירוחם. שאלת המחקר המרכזית היא מה הם היחסים הנוצרים בין לאומיות ונאו-ליברליזם במדיניות התיישבות הגרעינים, כפי שהללו משתקפים במרחבים השונים ובתפיסותיהם ופעילויותיהם של השחקנים המעורבים בתהליך? משאלה זו נגזרות שאלות נוספות ובהן:
• באילו תנאים נוצר מתח בין המטרות, ובאילו תנאים הן משתלבות זו בזו?
• מה ההסבר לביטויי אחידות ואי-אחידות של תופעת התיישבות הגרעינים?
• כיצד משליכה מדיניות זו על היחסים הנרקמים בין התושבים הוותיקים למתיישבים החדשים והאם היא מעוררת התנגדות מקומית?
למידת התופעה התבססה על הנחות יסוד של הפרדיגמה האיכותנית-קונסטרוקטיביסטית ועל מתודולוגיית חקר מקרים (Multiple Case Studies). היא כללה ניתוח איכותני של מסמכים וראיונות עומק שנערכו עם קובעי מדיניות ברשויות המקומיות, עם חברי גרעינים בעמותת                  איילים ובגרעינים התורניים, ועם תושבים וותיקים, ערבים ויהודים, בערים עכו, לוד וירוחם.  שיטת הדגימה שילבה בין דגימת מכסה וכדור שלג. התמות נותחו ונבנו על פי שיטת הניתוח התמטי (Thematic Analysis), בתהליך תלת-שלבי מפורט  שכלל גיבוש כל המידע המחקרי לכדי נושאים (Concepts), הגדרתם כתמות מרכזיות ((Themes ולבסוף ממדי-על ((Dimensions. הניתוח נערך בעזרת תוכנת Atlas.Ti בגרסה 8.
המודל התיאורטי המרכזי של המחקר מבקש לחבר בין מושגים הקשורים לשיקולים האתנו-לאומיים במדיניות מרחבית ומושגים הקשורים לשיקולים הנאו-ליברליים בה. מושג מרכזי שנמצא קשור לשיקולים האתנו-לאומיים של המדיניות המרחבית הוא מושג ה"הנדסה הדמוגרפית" (Demographic Engineering). המונח מדגיש את השפעתם של המוטיבציות הלאומיות ויחסי הכוח בין קבוצת הרוב והמיעוט על הנדסת המרחב                                                          (Morland, 2014 ;Seker, 2007; Zarkovic Bookman, 1997; Weiner & Teitelbaum, 2001).
מושג מרכזי נוסף שנמצא קשור לשיקולים הנאו-ליברליים של המדינית המרחבית הוא ה"ג'נטריפיקציה המוסדית" (State-led Gentrification), שמקדמת הגירה של בני מעמד הביניים למרחבים מוחלשים ככלי מדיני להחייאה ולהתחדשות עירונית. כדי לגשר על                                        הדיכוטומיה בין עולמות התוכן התאורטיים, ובהמשך לאופן שבו המשיג מונטרסקו את                                                      ה"אתנו-ג'נטריפיקציה" (Monterescu, 2015), המחקר מציע את המונח "אתנו-ג'נטריפיקציה 
מוסדית"  (State-led Ethno-Gentrification) כדי להציג את היחסים בין המטרות, המניעים והאידיאולוגיות האתנו-לאומיות והכלכליות-חברתיות שעומדים מאחורי מדיניות יישוב המרחב. לטענתי, מדיניות זו משמשת כלי בהנדסה הדמוגרפית החברתית בעידן הנאו-ליברלי ומשלבת בין ההיגיון האתנו-לאומי ובין ההיגיון הכלכלי.
ראשית, הגישה הביקורתית שתוצג במחקר הנוכחי ביחס לג'נטריפיקציה תבקש לטעון כי יש להסתכל על התופעה מעבר לטרמינולוגיה הניאו-ליברלית של התחדשות עירונית (Slater, 2006). בייחוד  בערים שמצויות במחלוקת או במציאות גאופוליטית של סכסוך, טענתי היא כי לא ניתן לחקור את מדיניות הפיתוח הכלכלי ובאופן ספציפי ג'נטריפיקציה בלי להביא בחשבון את ההקשר האתנו-לאומי ואת תפקידה המרכזי של המדינה בתהליך. שנית, בניגוד לרוב המחקרים המציגים את הנאו-ליברליזם ואת הלאומיות במדיניות המרחבית בישראל כתהליכים משלימים, המחקר הנוכחי מציג יחסים מורכבים הכוללים גם מתח בין השניים. המחקר ידון במורכבות היחסים בין כלכלה ולאומיות דרך תפיסותיהם של השחקנים השונים את המטרות והמוטיבציות לקידום התהליך. באמצעות התמקדות בערים שונות - העיר המעורבת והפריפריאלית  ובשחקנים השונים המשתתפים בתהליך - המדינה, הרשות המקומית, המתיישבים והתושבים היהודים והערבים, המחקר מסביר באילו תנאים ונסיבות ההגיונות הכלכליים והלאומיים משלימים ומחזקים זה את זה את השני ובאילו תנאים ונסיבות הם מערערים זה את זה. 
תרומת המחקר היא אפוא במיפוי דפוסים שונים של אתנו-ג'נטריפיקציה מוסדית במרחבים ובקרב שחקנים שונים. מיפוי זה מרחיב את הידע המחקרי אודות היחסים המורכבים בין לאומיות ונאו-ליברליזם. בנוסף, המחקר תורם להבנת תפקידה המרכזי של המדינה בתהליכי אתנו-ג'נטריפיקציה ויחסיה עם החברה בעידן הנאו-ליברלי. ולבסוף, למחקר תרומה יישומית-חברתית בהעלאה למודעות סוגיות של מעמד והיררכיות חברתיות ואתנו-לאומיות ובקריאה לפעולה משתפת בין קובעי מדיניות ברמה המדינית והעירונית, עמותות התיישבות ותושבים ותיקים.

מילות מפתח: לאומיות, נאו-ליברליזם, הנדסה דמוגרפית, ג'נטריפיקציה מוסדית, הפרטת המרחב, פריפריה, ערים מעורבות, עמותות התיישבות, התנגדות מרחבית.

In many Western nations (an area of the world identified by Connell as the Global North), the early childhood sector has positioned itself within the education discourse. This positioning brings along with it the neo-liberal agenda in relation to education-i.e. that education's key aim is the preparation of employable future employees (children as human capital). Along with this is the increasing imposition of employer-identified skills and knowledges on the curriculum in order to shape children, through education, into the 'right' attitudes, dispositions and knowledges. Thus, early childhood education has become increasingly subject to external accreditation, whereby services are evaluated based on their adherence to predetermined standards. Early childhood educators' work has increasingly required the operation of a panoptic view of children, whose every behaviour is observed, recorded and judged. The authors argue that such standards, in some contexts, act as barriers to effective service delivery and present examples of work from the Global South, demonstrating how an early childhood development focus facilitates a holistic approach to early childhood service delivery. The authors demonstrate how that development focus can be operationalised in the Global North and suggest that, as the sector proceeds towards professionalisation, it needs to consider its direction.

All the conceptualizations regarding to societies inevitably have been determined, or at least motivated by ideological processes, through the apparatus professionalized on the ideological reproduction of the social structure (Althusser). The core question of this paper is scrutinizing the particular ideological contexts under which the "social transformation" concept has grown. The critical conceptual archeology on social transformation will seaway to a discussion of two other related concepts: development and globalization. It is still ambiguous whether social transformation discussions will take the ex-position of the developmental approach, or instead be a critical alternative to the neo-liberal ideas in social sciences of the 21 st century. If the concept is taken literally, we can possibly never see a society which does not experience a "transformation" in "social" terms at all. Societies have always been transformed through social processes. However, as an independent concept it appeared in a particular contextual basis. This same multi-dimensional context was the driving force behind UNESCO's organization of the MOST (Management of Social Transformations) Program. This paper can be considered a theoretical framework focusing on social transformation as defined through the examination of its principal ideologies and the study of the concept's reproduction through international institutions.

Liberalism is a term employed in a dizzying variety of ways across the humanities and social sciences. This essay seeks to reframe how the liberal tradition is understood. I start by delineating different types of response – prescriptive, comprehensive, explanatory – that are frequently conflated in answering the question “what is liberalism?” I then discuss assorted methodological strategies employed in the existing literature: after rejecting “stipulative” and “canonical” approaches, I outline a contextualist alternative. On this (comprehensive) account, liberalism is best characterised as the sum of the arguments that have been classified as liberal, and recognised as such by other self-proclaimed liberals, over time. In the remainder of the article I present an historical analysis of shifts in the meaning of liberalism in Anglo-American political thought between 1850 and 1950, focusing in particular on how John Locke came to be seen as a liberal. I also explore the emergence of the category of "liberal democracy". I argue that the scope of the liberal tradition was massively expanded during the middle decades of the twentieth century, such that it came to be seen by many as the constitutive ideology of the West. This capacious (and deeply confusing) understanding of liberalism was produced by a conjunction of the ideological wars fought against “totalitarianism” and assorted developments in the social sciences. Today we both inherit and inhabit it.