Malagasy Studies

Ce travail consiste avant tout à rechercher, décrire et analyser les mots du créole réunionnais qui ont des origines dans le malgache. Je trouverai une étymologie pour chacun de ces mots et je me focaliserai sur les mots ayant une étymologie exclusivement malgache. Je tenterai de trouver des tendances générales parmi ces mots. Ces généralités peuvent être au niveau des changements phonétiques, des variétés de malgache d'où proviennent ces mots, du domaine lexical, des parties du discours ou du changement sémantique. Ce travail a ensuite un second objectif : la recherche concernant les connaissances de cette partie du lexique parmi la population présente à La Réunion. Cette recherche comprendra deux enquêtes, une sur les connaissances des mots et l'autre sur les connaissances de l'étymologie. Ces enquêtes seront suivies de l'analyse de celles-ci. Summary This work consists above all of researching, describing and analysing the words in Réunion creole

El asentamiento de nuevas instituciones en Málaga como la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País (1789) y la llegada de numerosos extranjeros atraídos por las posibilidades comerciales del puerto, evidencian que las últimas décadas del setecientos supusieron un llamativo crecimiento de la vitalidad mercantil de la ciudad. Esta nueva situación económica supuso un auge de la actividad constructiva, y con ella, de los hierros forjados para los nuevos inmuebles proyectados. Sin embargo, la historiografía relativa a la rejería malagueña de este periodo ha sufrido un profundo letargo durante los últimos años. La falta de documentación sobre las construcciones locales del siglo XVIII puesta de manifiesto por autores como Rosario Camacho, que han llevado a cabo atribuciones a arquitectos como Martín de Aldehuela mediante referencias formales de los edificios analizados, afecta también al gremio de los herreros. A pesar de esto contamos con un censo de 1771 que divide a  la población según un criterio socioprofesional, a partir del que podemos establecer quiénes fueron los herreros activos en este momento y dónde se encontraban sus fraguas. Además, algunos datos publicados por Lorenzo Pérez del Campo sobre las rejas de la Catedral, permiten establecer relaciones a partir de los artífices y arquitectos que participaron en esta empresa. Luis Gómez, en cuyo taller se forjó la reja del atrio bajo la dirección de Martín de Aldehuela, siguió cobrando del cabildo una vez que se paralizaron las obras del principal templo de la diócesis ¿quiere esto decir que participó en otras iglesias levantadas en estos años dirigidas también por Aldehuela? Las evidencias formales nos permiten establecer algunas atribuciones que, si bien no están basadas en contratos de obra conservados, pueden ser viables desde la repetición de los modelos forjados. El aumento de población registrado a lo largo del setecientos -que comienza con una población estimada de 29.634 habitantes y que asciende a 50.000 a finales del mismo- supone una multiplicación de las herrerías locales, que pasan de ser 15 a principios de siglo a 47 en las últimas décadas de la centuria. Este incremento de profesionales dedicados al hierro supuso una auténtica lucha entre castellanos viejos y nuevos dentro del gremio de herreros y cerrajeros. Tanto es así que, en palabras de Siro Villas, “parece que la autoestimación -de los castellanos nuevos- era superior a las consideraciones que la asociación merecía al resto de la sociedad malagueña. En las Ordenanzas que lograron ver confirmadas en 1783, se declaran pomposamente arte en el contexto de ellas, aunque no obtengan la titulación correspondiente de las autoridades de Madrid”. Entonces, al margen de las rencillas internas del gremio, ¿quiere esto decir que podemos hablar de una verdadera voluntad artística en la producción de reja de la Málaga del XVIII? La complejidad de responder esta cuestión nos lleva en primer lugar a analizar el producto resultado de estos años que ha llegado hasta nuestros días. Al margen de que las demoliciones municipales de inmuebles de esta centuria continúen en la actualidad, encontramos varias construcciones que pueden servirnos de modelos que ejemplifiquen qué tipo de rejas se llevaron a cabo para las edificaciones del setecientos. Además de las piezas que encontramos en la Catedral, hemos centrado nuestra atención en la rejería civil que presentan algunos de los inmuebles levantados en este periodo como la Casa del Montepío (sede la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País), el palacio de los condes de Villalcázar, la casa nº11 de calle Atarazanas o el palacio del marqués de Sonora, buenos ejemplos de arquitectura civil de este momento.
Trataremos por tanto en este estudio de establecer un punto de partida para la historiografía del hierro en la Málaga del siglo XVIII, a través de análisis formales y de una revisión de las publicaciones relativas a este periodo, con la intención de recopilar datos y registrar unos hierros e inmuebles poco valorados y protegidos a nivel local.

Commercial sexual exploitation of children continues to be a significant and pressing concern in developing countries around the globe. Few existing reports, however, indicate the alarming rate at which the problem is in Madagascar, where child labour is very common until today.

This presentation investigates Malagasy child prostitution and marriages from an anthropological perspective by outlining the life conditions of Malagasy children against a backdrop of children’s rights, as it is considered a gross violation of their rights and dignity from a Western perspective.

However, this study aims to negotiate these phenomena from a cultural relativist approach by paying attention to children’s aspirations in a changing society, and relating the themes to traditional practices and cultural values.

These anthropological findings can help foster various stakeholders, ranging from families to policy makers, to formulate further and appropriate interventions and to implement policies such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

The objectives of this presentation are to examine what the key social, cultural, historical and economic determinants are which lead children to engage in transactional sex. Moreover, it tries to explain why the Convention of the Rights of the Child do not work in Madagascar.

Key words: sexual exploitation, child prostitution, servile marriages, Madagascar

El Caminito del Rey (The King's Little Path) is a walkway, pinned along the steep walls of a narrow gorge in El Chorro, near Ardales in the province of Málaga, Spain. The name derives from the original name of Camino del Rey (King's Pathway), abbreviated locally to el caminito.

El Chorro ("The Cascade") is a small village located in Málaga (Andalusia) in southern Spain, near the town of Álora. It is one of the most popular rock climbing attractions in Spain as it is located next to Desfiladero de los Gaitanes ("Gorge of the Gaitanes")

The gorge runs from the outlet of the "Embalse del Gaitanejo" to "El Chorro". There are two extremely narrow sections at each end of the gorge with a wider bowl in between. In addition to the re-furbished walkway, the old Málaga-Cordoba railway line runs through the gorge in a set of tunnels and bridges.

La poesía de Emilio Prados, nacido en Málaga y exiliado en México tras la Guerra Civil, es un lienzo donde cada elemento del paisaje en el que creció aporta una huella inmarcesible. A través de la naturaleza es posible reproducir la biografía del poeta, pues en sus versos se aprecia un recurso simbólico que se sirve de imágenes del mar, de la vegetación o de las flores para expresar aquello que no alcanza el lenguaje. De este simbolismo pueden extraerse dos tendencias: la de las referencias a la naturaleza malagueña, alegoría de la libertad y felicidad; y la tendencia resultante tras el exilio. Prados experimentará una profunda depresión al perder su patria; después, la nostalgia inundará su creación poética. Este nuevo simbolismo se caracteriza por una mayor complejidad en los conceptos, que van más allá de lo estrictamente visual para alcanzar lo olfativo, las texturas y las sensaciones

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Cambridge University Press and School of Oriental and African Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. 1. Introduction: The coming of Muslim migrants to Madagascar When the prophet Ravinavy died, Raminia left for a voyage of three years. The fourth year Raminia returned from his voyage. The companion, Mohamado, God's chosen one, was installed by the people of Maka. 'I go', said Raminia. But Ramohamado said: 'Don't go, we shall divide the city between us'. Raminia said: 'I do not wish to dispute with the one who is loved by God'. 'Besides', Raminia said, 'my ancestors ruled [the city], my father ruled [the city], and I refuse to be inferior to my companions'. 'And where are you going?', said Mohamado. 'Well', Raminia said, 'I am going to Mahory'. 'Mahory is a place where the illnesses are cruel, where the locusts are cruel, where the people of the forest are cruel, where the serpents are cruel'. And Mohamado remained in place. The names of Ramohamado are Mustapha, the Muslim, and the wives of Ramohamado are Katiza, Isa and Mariam. And Raminia left (translated after Rajaonarimanana, 1990: 175). This account, which was taken from the annals of one of the kings of the Zafiraminia tribe in the south-east of Madagascar, describes the departure of a group of Muslims from the city of Maka, i.e. Mecca. According to this account, they travelled to the Comores and from there they reached the island of Madagascar, where they eventually settled in the south-east at the banks of the river Matitanana. Obviously, the course of history described here is not identical with the one we know. But for the people concerned, a few tribes in the south-east region of Madagascar, of which the most important are the Antaimoro and the Zafiraminia, this is the true story of their descent. They have preserved this account in their most sacred books, written in Arabic script, the so-called sorabe, which are under the guardianship of the katibo (<kdktib 'writer') of the clan.

Mit wachsender Globalisierung und Migration ändert sich auch die Sprachen- und Sprachlernsituation, und es gilt auch für Madagaskar.  Insgesamt steigt die Anzahl der Madagassen Kinder, die von Geburt an mit zwei Sprachen aufwachsen, die nämlich Französisch und Madagassisch sind, ins besondere in der Hauptstadt und im Norden des Landes. In dieser Arbeit möchte ich versuchen herauszufinden, ob Madagassen, unter Berücksichtigung wissenschaftlicher Artikeln, echt Zweisprachig sind. Dazu versuche ich den neusten Kenntnisstand zum Thema Bilingualer Erstspracherwerb zusammenzufassen, Kontroversen der Forschung aufzuzeigen und zentrale Begrifflichkeiten anhand von Beispielen des madagassisch-französischen Bilingualismus zu erläutern.
Die Schwierigkeit dieser Arbeit besteht hauptsächlich darin, dass umfangreiche Themenfeld sinnvoll einzugrenzen. Schnell stellt sich heraus, dass in der Forschung zentrale Begriffe wie Zweisprachigkeit, Mehrsprachigkeit, Spracherwerb oder Sprachentwicklung durchaus unterschiedlich definiert und gebraucht werden. Eine klare Definition der in der Arbeit verwendeten Begrifflichkeiten stand deswegen am Anfang der umfangreichen Beschäftigung mit dem Thema. Darüber hinaus habe ich versucht, mich auf den Aspekt des Spracherwerbs zu konzentrieren und die Betrachtung der späteren Sprachentwicklung (z.B. Französisch in der Schule) nicht in die Untersuchung miteinbezogen.

The development of phonological tone has been linked in many languages to consonant voice quality contrasts that impart pitch differences to preceding or following vowels. In particular, modal voicing on a syllable-initial consonant has been shown to correlate with low pitch on a following vowel in both tone and non-tone languages (Hombert et al. 1979). In the Austronesian language Malagasy, a strong relationship between consonant voicing and vowel pitch has been observed in the literature; previous studies state, however, that Malagasy does not have phonological tone. In contrast with these previous descriptions, the results presented in this paper from a production study of homorganic fricative pairs in several different dialects of Malagasy suggest that in certain dialects in the center of the country, in and around the capital city, pitch has replaced modal voicing as the primary phonetic cue to fricative voicing category. Based on word list data from 11 Malagasy speakers, this study finds that the homorganic fricatives of speakers of the Central dialects are best classified based on the pitch of the following vowel, while those of speakers of non-Central dialects are best classified based on the duration of modal voicing on the fricative. Secondary phonetic cues typically associated with a voicing distinction (i.e., duration, frication intensity) appear to be undergoing neutralization among the Central speakers.

In two papers earlier in his career, Siméon Rajaona—one of Madagascar's most famous intellectuals—argues that Westerners have tended to distort the Malagasy worldview by interpolating Western notions into their understanding of it. As a result, the authentic characteristics of the Malagasy mind have been missed by many in the West. He claims that when compared to Westerners, Malagasy have a distinct notion of truth, a different style of reasoning, a different conceptual connection with the world, and a distinct ethical system. His work on this topic is pioneering and insightful. We think that Rajaona is correct on some points but that others are overestimated. In the essay, we explain his work and raise challenges for most of his claims and express agreement with him in parts. While we express skepticism about his claims involving truth, reasoning, and conceptual connection, we agree with him that there is a distinctive Malagasy ethics, though it has analogues in the West. At the end of the paper, we sketch what we take to be distinct elements in the Malagasy worldview relative to Rajaona’s claims.

In this paper I discuss Øyvind Dahl's argument (1995,1999) for the conclusion that Malagasy people conceive of the future as coming from behind them and not as being before them as most worldviews do. I argue that we have good reason not to attribute this view to Malagasy people. First, it would mark an inefficient and anomalous way of keeping track of the past and future. Second, the linguistic and testimonial evidence presented by Dahl doesn't support the conclusion. Even though this specific argument fails, Dahl has many enlightening things to say about Malagasy time conceptions, such as the various time-conceptions that figure more predominantly in their worldview as opposed to the general modern Western worldview. Dahl is right that successful communication for Westerners in Madagascar requires understanding that the Malagasy worldview is structured more by an event-related conception of time than the general modern Western worldview. I also show in this paper that the three time conceptions Dahl outlines are relevant to living a good life.

The development of phonological tone has been linked in many languages to consonant voice quality contrasts that impart pitch differences to preceding or following vowels. In particular, modal voicing on a syllable-initial consonant has been shown to correlate with low pitch on a following vowel in both tone and non-tone languages (Hombert et al. 1979). In the Austronesian language Malagasy, a strong relationship between consonant voicing and vowel pitch has been observed in the literature; previous studies state, however, that Malagasy does not have phonological tone. In contrast with these previous descriptions, the results presented in this paper from a production study of homorganic fricative pairs in several different dialects of Malagasy suggest that in certain dialects in the center of the country, in and around the capital city, pitch has replaced modal voicing as the primary phonetic cue to fricative voicing category. Based on word list data from 11 Malagasy speakers, this ...

Iglesias fundacionales de la ciudad de Málaga y sedes de extensiones parroquiales anteriores al siglo XIX. Catedral, Iglesia del Sagrario, Iglesia de Santiago, Iglesia de los Santos Mártires, Iglesia de San Juan, Iglesia de San Lázaro, Iglesia de San Pablo, Iglesia de San pedro.

"Reciprocal constructions in the world's languages are typically associated with unusual syntactic behaviour and other anomalous properties. This thesis examines reciprocal constructions in Icelandic (Germanic), Malagasy (Austronesian) and Swahili (Bantu) in order to: firstly, determine the variability of their non-standard syntax; and secondly, to analyse these constructions within the theoretical framework of Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) with a view to explaining the relationship between them and the reasons for their non-standard behaviour. These analyses reveal that the syntactic and, to a lesser extent, semantic behaviour of reciprocal constructions arise not from structural features (such as whether the reciprocal construction is formed from a clitic, affix etc.), but from more fundamental reciprocation strategies by which asymmetric predicates are made to describe symmetric situations.
I demonstrate that the highly irregular case marking and word order associated with the Icelandic (nominal) reciprocal construction is intimately related to two of these reciprocation strategies. As a result of two extensive surveys undertaken to document its behaviour and history (a corpus based survey of the reciprocal construction in Old Icelandic (c. 1200 CE) and an online survey of its usage by 500 Icelanders), I show that the variable word order and case marking of this construction can be understood as a consequence of a change in its underlying reciprocation mechanism from the compositional to the pronominal – a change that is for the most part indiscernible in its morphosyntactic expression.

In contrast to the phrasally formed Icelandic reciprocal construction, the Malagasy and Swahili reciprocal constructions are both verbally marked. As existing analyses of apparently similar constructions in Romance, Hungarian (Uralic) and Chicheŵa (Bantu) are unable to explain their syntax, I propose two alternative analyses. The first is a novel analysis of the reciprocal construction in Malagasy as being derived from a covert application of the pronominal reciprocation strategy. This introduces a mismatch between functional and constituent structure and I show that this mismatch is required to explain the presence of reciprocated control and possession constructions, as well as its surprising similarities to the Icelandic reciprocal construction.

The reciprocal morpheme in Swahili is associated with two, distinct, reciprocal constructions: a monadic construction that groups the participants in the relation into the subject NP while losing an object NP; and a dyadic construction that places one participant in the subject NP and another in a comitative phrase. I show that the syntax of these constructions (and the relation between them) results from a reciprocation strategy that derives symmetric lexemes (much like the naturally symmetric verbs in English, e.g., quarrel, argue).

Most of these reciprocation strategies require that the participants in the symmetric event be in a single NP. This means the normative syntactic principles that link a predicate to its grammatical functions cannot straightforwardly accommodate reciprocated predicates – requiring that these principles be abused or at least stretched. I show this to be the root cause of the unusual syntactic behaviour associated with many of these constructions. Finally, as the morphosyntactic expression of a reciprocal construction is largely divorced from its underlying reciprocation strategy, I advance the view that typologies of reciprocal constructions should be orientated around these mechanisms rather than structural properties."

In this paper I present evidence from Malagasy supporting the implementation of structures of different sizes in the derivation of participant nominalizations. Malagasy agentive and instrumental nominalizations are formed by adding nominalizing morphology to the active trigger form of the verb. Despite using the same base form, these nominalizations exhibit a cluster of morphosyntactic differences including the ability to contain causative or reciprocal morphology; the possibility to express the internal argument of the verb as an accusative DP, whether they imply an event, whether this event can be anchored in time, and whether they can be modified by adverbials. The differences described above can be accounted for if we assume that nominalizing affixes attach at different heights of the clausal ‘spine’ determining how many and which of the available functional projections are contained within the nominalized string.

When this was published (I have no idea what has happened in linguistics since), there was a lot of talk about "topic" and "subject".  This is one of a series of articles mostly on Philippine languages and as here Malagasy arguing against the simplistic topic-subject typology and in particular against identifying the Philippine type of language with languages like Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Lisu (and against exaggerating their differences from languages like English!) and against identifying Malagasy with the English type (in our view it shares both features of the Philippine type and the English type).  In this article in particular I studied Malagasy imperatives, which Keenan claimed and I myself in my previous article accepted were essentially like English and unlike the Philippine languages (and the fact that there is a strong preference for passive imperatives was taken to be an issue of politeness and not grammar).  However, based on earlier descriptions of the language and information from native speakers, in this article I show that Malagasy imperatives (like Tagalog say and unlike English) require the addressee to be the actor.  Yet in several other respects Malagasy is clearly still like English (as originally argued by Keenan). Hence once again the simple idea of topic vs. subject languages simple breaks down--in a new way. A seemingly completely different topic that this relates to is the cavalier way in which we discuss the supposed pragmatics of many constructions in many languages, in this case the long-standing that the use of passive imperatives in this (and in many other) languages is "merely" due to politeness.  This is surely historically the origin of the usage, but the facts cited here show clearly that it has become a fact of grammar in the current language.  There are endless examples of this fallacy, and then it often leads to further and even more unsupportable claims about the mentality of the speakers of these languages or their cultures--like Whorf's famous claim that Hopis must view clouds as alive because they pluralize the word for cloud like animate nouns.

The creation of useful tools such as spell checkers, or machine translation systems, which would introduce less-resourced languages into the era of new technology and encourage users to use them more, is usually the work of specialists of Natural Language Processing (NLP). For Malagasy, an agglutinative language, the collaboration between specialists of NLP and linguists is required. This paper surveys tools and resources that have been constructed for Malagasy, and, among others, a project (Ranaivoarison et al., 2013) based on the DELA framework (Laporte, 1993) to construct NLP dictionaries of Malagasy by using conventional dictionaries and converting them into a structured, but readable and manually updatable resource usable by Unitex (Paumier, 2003) for morphological analysis. We report on the ongoing construction of an NLP dictionary of simple words (nouns, adjectives, adverbs, grammatical words) with the same DELA methodology and we describe the next steps required.

When this was published, there was a lot of interest is a supposed topic vs. subject typology (Schachter, Li and Thompson, followed by Keenan and many others).  This we kept arguing against.  Here we offered some data and a modest proposal about subject and topic is offered, derived largely from an effort to see how Malagasy fits (or does not fit) in the typology proposed by Schachter (1976, 1977). This typology provides for two kinds of languages: those like Tagalog, that are supposed to have topics and actors but no subjects, and those like English, where the topic and actor properties are supposed to inhere in a single category, the subject. Malagasy is shown to represent a type of language essentially between English and Tagalog. Specifically, in Malagasy the so-called subject possesses both the properties of referential prominence, which Schachter attributes to topics, and the properties of role prominence, which he connects with actors. At the same time, English appears to lack altogether the kind of referential prominence found in-both Malagasy and Tagalog (as well as many other languages of the Philippines). Thus, it is Malagasy that occupies the slot in the typology that was actually intended for languages like English, and it is English that does not really fit into Schachter's analysis. Accordingly, the following modifications of Schachter's typology are proposed: (a) languages can either have topics (that is, nominals with referential prominence) or not, (b) in English there is no topic, (c) in Malagasy the subject is also the topic, (d) the Malagasy subject cannot be identified with the actor (there being constructions in which the two are distinct), so role prominence is attributed cross-linguistically to subjects, not actors, and (d) hence, in Tagalog the nominal that possesses role prominence (and is distinct from the topic) must be analyzed as subject (even if it should always happen to be the actor). Thus, English has subjects and no topics, Malagasy has subjects that are also topics, and Tagalog distinguishes topics and subjects (that are also actors).  In any case, there are at least four kinds of languages that need to be distinguished, e.g. Tagalog, Malagasy, English, Japanese.

In this paper we report results of a longitudinal study of the acquisition of pronouns in Malagasy. We show that there is a Root Infinitive (RI) stage in Malagasy, a language typologically distinct from other RI languages. Our assumption is supported by the fact that children use optionally the default 1st person pronominal form izaho in the prominent position of the sentence, an environment where adults use the marked form aho. This use of izaho co-occurs with verbal forms that lack prefixal tense and voice, while aho occurs mainly with fully inflected verbs. This empirical fact supports approaches that associate the use of default pronouns to the underspecification of some functional projection in the verbal domain and provides prima facia evidence that Malagasy has an RI stage. This is further corroborated by the distribution of null arguments in the language.

In this paper I present results of a longitudinal study of the acquisition of pronouns in Malagasy. I provide evidence for a Root Infinitive (RI) stage in Malagasy (Austronesian), a language typologically distinct from other RI languages. The claim is supported by the fact that Malagasy children use optionally the default 1st person pronominal form izaho as a trigger, in contrast to adult use of the marked form aho. This use of izaho co-occurs with verbal forms that lack prefixal tense and voice, while aho occurs mainly with fully inflected verbs. This fact is in line with approaches that associate the use of default pronouns to the underspecification of some functional projection in the verbal domain and provides prima facia evidence that Malagasy has an RI stage. This is further corroborated by the distribution of null arguments in the language. * The work reported here was done in collaboration with Cecile Manorohanta (Université Nord, Antsiranana Madagascar). I would like to thank her for collecting, transcribing and assisting in coding the data presented here. Many thanks to Nina Hyams, Hilda Koopman and Ed Keenan for valuable comments. Thanks also to the participants of the Psychobabble seminar at UCLA and GALANA, where earlier versions of this paper were presented, for questions, comments and feedback. All errors are my own.