Neo-liberalism

This paper surveys a history of the relationship between environmental management, logistics, and artificial intelligence to examine how ideals of convenience have been replaced with those of resilience.  Resilience is a new episteme and form of governmentality that links technical determinism and biological determinism together in a manner that is reformulating territory, population, and capital in our present.

This paper examines the international relations theories that stand out in explaining the Russia-Ukraine War. Mainstream IR theories such as realism, liberalism, Marxism, and constructivism interpret the causes and consequences of this conflict in different ways. Each theory sheds light on certain aspects of the war while falling short in explaining others. This study assesses the Russia-Ukraine War within the framework of mainstream IR theories and discusses which theories' assumptions better explain the war. In this context, the paper will serve as a valuable reference for research in international relations and security studies.

Reflecting on an article authored by Hodge and Turner (2023) that ranks the "top" 100 social work scholars, this article presents a multi-layered critique of the tradition of using bibliometrics to generate "knowledge" and competitive global rankings of individual social work faculty members, departments and universities. We raise concerns regarding the transformation of neoliberal metrics into social work research questions and projects, and then solidified into competitive, martketised knowledge about social work and its scholars. We argue that through this process, inequity and neoliberalism are normalized and legitimized, and we are further distanced from social justice, decolonization, and equity. The article provides alternative assessments grounded in community participation and social justice and aimed at expanding equity and social justice.

Ce livre est issu d'un colloque international organisé par le Groupe d'analyse socio-politique des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale (GASPPECO) et le Centre d'études de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) de l'Université libre de Bruxelles en mars 2001. L'organisation de ces travaux a bénéficié du soutien du Fonds national de la recherche scientifique (FNRS), du gouvernement de la Région de Bruxelles-capitale, de la Communauté française, du ministère de l'Enseignement supérieur et de la Recherche scientifique et du ministère des Affaires étrangères. Je tiens à remercier tout particulièrement T. Dufour pour son aide efficace dans les traductions des textes et M. Mat pour sa relecture attentive et son dynamisme. Enfin, le GASPPECO ne pourrait organiser de multiples activités scientifiques sans l'enthousiasme et le dévouement de ses chercheurs. Que Petia Gueorguieva, Sorina Soare et Köle Gjeloshaj trouvent ici l'expression de mes remerciements.

This book offers a set of reflections on the ethics of care in full articulation with some of the most pressing issues of our time. Several themes are analyzed, such as medical care, self-care, justice, economics, politics, and technology. All of them, however, are permeated and united by a common philosophical purpose, namely: an ethics of care not only allows the conception of behavioral relationships and human values but also puts into play the theoretical foundations of ethics itself. It is in this sense that the ethics of care proposed in this volume can be considered metaethics. Since they present multidisciplinary contents and concepts, the chapters of this volume are relevant theoretical tools for researchers, professors, and students, as well as specialized caregivers, who want to deepen the new theoretical and practical implications of care in contemporary society.

This provocative book interrogates the ideology of capitalism as the "default" narrative underpinning various mainstream ideologies in the contemporary world. The book explores the genesis, structure and functioning of this ideological narrative, provides its critical assessment and outlines a possible alternative, beyond the logic of capitalism and toward a truly free and democratic society.

The book takes a broad view of the major global challenges, including the COVID-19 pandemic, and persuasively argue that, in order to resolve any of the major global problems, from the ongoing ecological crisis to economic and geopolitical issues, we need to confront the capitalist system. To unpack the logic of contemporary capitalist ideology, and the way it structures our inter-personal and political relations, the book gives an analysis of the "end of ideology" narrative and offers a critical assessment of the ideas behind the widely used but fundamentally flawed concept of "Liberal democracy." The book revisits metaphysical foundations behind the ideology of capitalism, exposing their secular-religious dimension, and their immanent oppressiveness. Based on this deconstruction of the metaphysical foundations implicit in (Neo)Liberalism and capitalism, the book offers a way in which alternative metaphysical foundations can be constructed to allow for different socio-political and economic models that would be based on a radical affirmation of freedom and democracy, as well as human responsibility for the natural environment.
Beyond Capitalist Dystopia: Reclaiming Freedom and Democracy in the Age of Global Crises will be of great interest to anyone searching for alternatives to the pervasive ideology of capitalism as well as students and researchers active in various fields in the humanities and social sciences.

State interventions in urban development and planning are not new to state capitalism, even though intensifying 'muscular' state responses to urban challenges can now be observed across the entire geopolitical and urban landscape. This viewpoint explores this intensifying connection between state capitalism, the capitalist state and urban governance. It argues that for strategic geopolitical and economic reasons states increasingly govern, regulate, manage and own parts of the urban built environment. However, regulatory intervention in the city cannot be mistaken for a return to the postwar development state which strongly focused on promoting spatial development and industrial policy and protecting social welfarism and labour conditions. Rather, the new state capitalism is about proactive market intervention so that states and their partners can profit from the growth, wealth and revenue that cities have to offer. As for that, this commentary concludes with four avenues for future research at the boundaries of state capitalism and urban governance. Examples from cities in the Global North, Global South and Global East are given to illustrate the broader argument. Shifting geopolitics are also discussed as a driver of state rescaling and reterritorialization.

This article uses auto-ethnography to analyse the trajectory of an anthropologist and feminist from South Asia to Europe. Through analysing this journey it aims to turn anthropology’s gaze from the margin to the centre. Tracing the trajectory, the article contrasts the dominant disciplinary frameworks for generating knowledge in the Global North and the Global South. This comparison suggests the need to focus on decolonial and feminist politics in anthropology in the Global North. To elaborate on the argument, this article historicises and problematises anthropology’s discomfort with feminism, which contributes to a distance from political positioning and the obstacles to creating a solid foundation for feminist anthropology in the Global North. The article also analyses the forms of marginalisation practised in neo-colonial anthropology within the neo-liberal knowledge industry in the disciplinary sphere of the Global North, and the ways in which they could be challenged and reversed. It discusses the complex dynamics of gender, race, and colonial legacies, advocating for a reorientation within anthropology that acknowledges and searches for ways to resist the enduring influence of colonial power structures. In short, the article engages with anthropology’s systemic, epistemological and methodological decolonisation as a discipline and practice.

O presente ensaio aborda os impactos da razão de mundo neoliberal na sociedade e na democracia brasileira, bem como o papel que o ensino jurídico pode desempenhar tanto na emancipação do indivíduo, quanto para frear os intentos autoritários que circundam o Estado brasileiro e, consequentemente, trabalhar como força motriz do (re)ascender democrático. Para tanto, são investigadas as origens, características e consequências do neoliberalismo, seguida pela discussão acerca dos aspectos hodiernos da tendente precarização da educação jurídica. Ao final, conclui-se que somente um ensino jurídico crítico, humanista e plural, calcado no tripé de ensino, pesquisa e extensão, é que pode ser amplamente útil para a sociedade, na medida em que além de contemplar o direito fundamental à educação e, consequentemente, sustentar na formação do sujeito-cidadão, coletivo e comunitário, pode, ainda, auxiliar a solução dos problemas oriundos do não cumprimento das promessas da democracia, há tanto tempo já apontadas por Norberto Bobbio.

Teori realisme mempelajari perilaku manusia dalam membentuk hubungan antar negara dan manusia dilahirkan berdasarkan naluri alamiah yang jahat, egois, serakah, berkompetisi sesama untuk bertahan hidup dan akan berjuang melakukan apapun untuk mendapatkan apa yang di inginkan. Adapun dasar dari teori realisme yaitu perang peloponesia pada abad ke 5 SM yang terjadi karena terjadinya dilema di kota-kota Spartan yang melihat kekuatan kota-kota di Athena yang kemudian menciptakan dilema keaman. Sparta merasa terancam oleh kekuatan

Skoðaðir verða helstu þróunarþaettir skattkerfisins (skilgreining tekjuhugtaks, skatthlutfalls og uppbygging) og stjórnun þess með hliðsjón af hagsmunahópum á Íslandi, allt frá því efnahagslegt sjálfstaeði fékkst árið 1874 og til dagsins í dag, ennfremur verða skoðaðir helstu einkenni skattastefnunnar og þáttur hennar í þróun efnahagslífins. Í því samhengi verður litið til þess, hvernig skattatengd spilling hefur áhrif á skattsvik, skattasniðgöngu og tekjudreifingu. Skattsvik eru ólögleg, og eðli málsins samkvaemt er torvelt að maela umfang þeirra. Hugtakið svart hagkerfi vísar til allrar starfsemi, sem greitt er fyrir. Þrjár mismunandi aðferðir eru notaðar til þess að maela verga landsframleiðslu (VLF): framleiðsluaðferðin, ráðstöfunaraðferðin og tekjuskiptingaraðferðin. Útkoman aetti að vera sú sama, hver sem aðferðin er. Ekki er haegt að greina milli skattsvika, skattasniðgöngu, spillingar og annarrar ótilkynntrar starfsemi. Spilling er stjórnunarvandamál sem öll ríki þurfa að takast á við, hvert sem þróunarstigið er. Raetur hennar liggja djúpt í stjórnsýslu-og stjórnmálastofnunum. Veik stjórnsýsla og djúpstaeð spilling fara saman, og á því þrífast útdráttarstofnanir. Bent er á að á Íslandi hefur ekki tekist að stýra samfélaginu innan ramma jafnraeðis að því er varðar félagsmál, dómsmál, stjórnmál og efnhagsmál, og er skýringar að leita í skattkerfinu. Engin tengsl eru milli skattstefnu eða skatthlufalls annars vegar og hagvaxtar hins vegar, þar sem hið fyrra er fremur viðbragð við efnahagsstöðunni fremur en áaetlun ríkisstjórnar. Á fimmta áratugnum eru skattsvik áaetluð milli 35 og 45 af hundraði, en í aðdraganda hrunsins 2008 eru skattsvikin áaetluð milli 15 og 25 af hundraði skatttekna. Skattkerfið byggist á háum en stiglaekkandi sköttum, þ.e. skattgreiðslur fara hlutfallslega laekkandi með haerri tekum. Aðrar orsakir misréttis eru lítil tekjujöfnun og lág tilfaerslugjöld milli tekjuhópa á Íslandi, miðað við það sem tíðkast annars staðar.

A pesar de que en los últimos años se produjo una creciente preocupación por el "neoliberalismo autoritario", es dable observar que la mayoría de las reflexiones teóricas, al centrarse sobre el componente neoliberal, ubican el componente autoritario en un lugar secundario y lo identifican sin más con el uso excesivo del aparato represivo del Estado. En un sentido opuesto discurre la contribución de aquel autor que, según puede corroborarse, acuñó tempranamente la fórmula "neoliberalismo autoritario": Hermann Heller. A juicio de este teórico alemán del Estado, el componente autoritario, si bien envolvía el uso excesivo de la violencia, iluminaba un problema que excedía al liberalismo y alcanzaba a toda forma estatal, a saber: al de la remisión a un conjunto de preceptos e ideas con los que el Estado se consagra como autoridad. En vista de ello, en este trabajo nos proponemos ganar claridad conceptual sobre el carácter autoritario del Estado tal como Hermann Heller lo estableció en su clásico escrito "¿Liberalismo autoritario?". Palabras clave: teoría del Estado, República de Weimar, principios éticos del derecho, Estado total LIBERALISM, AUTHORITY AND STATE. ON THE AUTHORITARIAN COMPONENT OF STATEHOOD IN HERMANN HELLER

the conception of a 'style'. In this way the book acts as both a reference point and something that is more instructive. While the notion of 'style' can be restrictive or exclusive, through its inherent processes of association and grouping, it has the power to uncover and elevate the overlooked. Introduction Monumentality Architecture was highly important in representing the power and prestige of the Roman Empire in its colonized territories and also in Rome itself. Modelled on the earlier Arch of Septimius Severus, the Arch of Constantine commemorates the emperor's victory over Maxentius in 312 CE. Its eclectic sculptural adornments, including the use of spolia, refl ect the fourth-century move away from the traditions of Hellenistic art and architecture. Arch of Constantine, Rome, ca. 315 CE Classical > Ancient Roman New building types The Romans created many new building types, such the forum, the hippodrome, the villa and the town house. They also created a new concept of the amphitheatre, the most famous example of which was the Amphitheatrum Flavium, Rome (known since medieval times as the Colosseum). It held various spectacles including gladiatorial combat. Its oval plan and the stacking of the orders on its exterior elevations had no precedents in Greek architecture.

Radikalleşme ile ilgili çalışmalar hızla artmaktadır. Tartışılan konuların başında, radikalleşmenin tanımı ile ilgili sorunlar ve bireylerin/grupların radikalleşmesine yol açan nedenler bulunmaktadır. Çalışılan konuların en çok dikkat çektiği husus ise radikal fikirlerin şiddet içeren eylemlere dönüşme sürecidir. Bu çalışmada Johan Galtung tarafından şiddetin kökeninde yer alan nedenleri anlamaya yönelik geliştirilmiş olan kültürel şiddet kavramının radikalleşmeye etkisi incelenecektir. Çalışmanın temel iddiası, kültürel şiddetin topluluklar arasında damgalama ve ötekileştirmeye yol açması nedeniyle topluluklar içerisinde yer alan bireyleri radikalleştirdiğidir. Bu iddiayı test etmek maksadıyla Hindistan örneği ele alınacaktır. Hindistan'da yüzyıl önce ortaya çıkmış olan Hindutva ideolojisinin son on yılda iktidar olmasıyla Müslümanlara yönelik şiddet ve ayrımcılık artmıştır. Hindutva ideolojisinin etkisiyle hem Hindu gençleri hem de Müslüman gençler aşırı uçlara itilmekte ve yıllarca kültürel olarak dışlanan, damgalanan ve ötekileştirilen Müslümanlara yönelik şiddet eylemleri fiziksel bir şekilde ortaya çıkmaktadır. Ancak yalnızca ortaya çıkan fiziksel şiddet vakalarını ele alarak Müslüman ve Hindu gençlerin radikalleşmelerini açıklamak mümkün değildir. Topluluklar arasındaki radikalleştirici etkileri anlayabilmek için fiziksel şiddetin patlak vermesinden önce gelişen sürece yani Galtung'un deyimiyle kültürel şiddetin temeline bakmak gerekmektedir.

El objetivo de este ensayo es explicar la significancia de los derechos humanos en el marco de la segunda década del siglo XXI, con énfasis en el contexto costarricense. Para  ello,  se  presentan  dos  perspectivas:  el  derecho  individual  versus  el  interés superior de todas las personas. Posteriormente, se analiza la evolución histórica del proyecto neoliberal en Costa Rica a partir de la década de 1980 y cómo este ensanchó las desigualdades en el país y el descontento social. Esto, ha dado lugar a personajes que utilizan prácticas y narrativas de la derecha alternativa o Alt-Right, con el fin de fomentar una polarización social, una inercia política y un retroceso en el alcance de los derechos humanos en el país, al tiempo que profundizan las políticas neoliberales, a  través  de  discursos  y  prácticas  de  la Alt-Right,  que  ponen  en  riesgo  la institucionalidad democrática. Se concluye que el interés superior de las personas, el bienestar de los grupos más vulnerables y el ejercicio de los derechos humanos no son una prioridad para este tipo de gobiernos. Por ende, se proponen mecanismos para resistir la embestida antidemocrática.

The paper examines the discourse of neoliberal economic policies widespread within the mechanisms of the nation-state using the case of the Myitsone hydroelectric dam construction in the Kachin  State,  Myanmar.  The  Mali  Nmai  or  the  Ayeyarwaddy  or  the  Myitsone  River  is  a significant  natural  resource  for  the  whole  of  Myanmar.  Since 2005,  the  Chinese-State  Power Investment  Corporation  (CPI)  and  the  Burmese  government  made  a  secret  agreement  at  the highest level at the Asian- African Summit in Jakarta, 2005. As a direct result of National level endorsement, local  people  have  in  many  areas  in  Myanmar  as  well  as  the  International community.

Summary
The theme is the current state of socialism, which I'll develop in three points:
i) Marx's critique of bourgeois or liberal democracy, based on the distinction between political emancipation and human emancipation;
ii) Bobbio's critique of Marx's conception of democracy, and his proposal for a reconciliation between liberalism and socialism, through social liberalism or liberal socialism;
iii) the current crisis of political and social liberalism in the face of the emergence and affirmation of economic liberalism and populism (especially on the right).
Conclusion: the socialist perspective is moving further and further away from the political horizon of the West and the world in general.

လောကအား ကာကွယ်စောင့်ရှောက်သည့် တရားများဖြစ်သော "လွတ်လပ်ခြင်း"၊ "တန်းတူညီမျှခြင်း" နှင့် "တရားမျှတခြင်း" ဟူသော လောကပါလတရားတို့အား အဓိကအခြေခံထားသည့် နိုင်ငံရေး၊ စီးပွားရေးနှင့် လူမှုရေးဆိုင်ရာ အတွေးအခေါ်နှင့် အယူဝါဒတစ်ခုဖြစ်သည့် လစ်ဘရယ်ဝါဒ (Liberalism) အား မြန်မာလူငယ်များ အခြေခံမှ စတင်ကာ သဘောပေါက်နားလည်၍ ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသည့်၊ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လာအုန်းမည့် နိုင်ငံရေး အခြေအနေ အရပ်ရပ်အား လစ်ဘရယ်ဝါဒ (Liberalism) နှင့် လစ်ဘရယ်ယူအဆများအား အခြေခံလျှက် နိုင်ငံရေး ဆွေးနွေးငြင်းခုန်မှုများမှ တဆင့် အကျိုးရလဒ် ကောင်းများ ထွက်ပေါ်စေနိုင်မည့် နိုင်ငံရေးယဉ်ကျေးမှု အသစ်များအား ဖန်တီးပုံဖော် နိုင်ကြစေရန် ရည်ရွယ်၍ လစ်ဘရယ်ဝါဒ၏ အခြေခံသဘောတရားများနှင့် သမိုင်းကြောင်းအား နားလည်ခြင်း (Understanding The Basic Concepts & History of Liberalism) အမည်ဖြင့် သုတေသနစာတမ်းငယ် တစ်စောင်အနေဖြင့် ပြုစုခဲ့ခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။

"Hong Kong is dead, long live Hong Kong" is one way of capturing the thesis of Dan Vukovich's new book, After Autonomy: A Post-Mortem for Hong Kong's first Handover. For there must be a death to hold a postmortem and life after autonomy. The autonomy he refers to is that of Hong Kong from Mainland China, as entrenched by the Basic Law. What comes next, he hopes, is the integration of Hong Kong and Mainland China in an egalitarian manner that is attentive to the needs of the people on both sides of the border.

Vukovich has written an important book about Hong Kong, at a critical time. It is recommended reading for all those who care about Hong Kong's future. More than a commentary on the 2019 protests and unrest, the book re ects on the signi cance of 2019 along the historical trajectory of Hong Kong's progress and evolution. Conscious of being labelled as belonging to either the "yellow" or "blue" camps-the supercial and divisive labels used in public discourse a er the 2014 Occupy Central protests-Vukovich takes neither side. Instead, he writes a "green book" (p. 6), a mélange of yellow and blue. Vukovich provides an original and critical account of what has happened and why and re ects on where Hong Kong might be headed. He is highly critical of a diverse range of groups in Hong Kong society: the pan-democratic legislators (" e legislature was still highly dysfunctional and ineffective, not despite but because of Pan-democratic hegemony there," p. 18), the police ("did at times use violence indiscriminately," p. 38), the Hong Kong government ("sheer political and institutional dysfunction," p. 2), Beijing ("must bear some responsibility for the rise of the movement and indeed for not doing more to bene t Hong Kong," p. 47), foreign governments ("imperialism lives on in a subtler or amorphous sense," p. 49), the media ("while there are always by de nition two sides, only one counted within the major media," p. 12), the pro-establishment political camp ("the lack of ideas and political skills amongst the 'pro-Beijing' parties," p. 47), Hong Kong universities ("corporate science," p. 118), "cultural studies" in Hong Kong.......

Academic freedom is under threat across the English-speaking world. In this report we show that it is also under threat in New Zealand. We draw on 72 testimonies from academics, 5 surveys of academics and students, and 21 academic freedom incidents, and discuss the three main threats to academic freedom in New Zealand: progressive extremism, the Chinese Communist Party, and the managerial, neo-liberal university.

While the scholarship on the role capitalism played in the genesis of nationalism is relatively coherent, our understanding of the relationship between those two phenomena once they have emerged is much more disjointed. Are capitalism and nationalism inherently conflictual or is their relationship a symbiotic one? Under what conditions is one of those two patterns more likely? Clues about this dimension of the link between capitalism and nationalism are not readily available in existing accounts of either phenomenon. The goal of this article, therefore, is to cull and systematize various strands of ideas about how these two phenomena might be connected.

Since the call to take the analytical and theoretical values of
historical institutionalism seriously, planning history research has
emphasized the enduring legacies of critical moments that
structure the developmental pathways of urban institutions,
whose changes tend to appear incremental in the long run. Yet,
most of this work is less conscious about deliberate – although
not always successful – considerations by policy actors in
formulating policies and conflates changes in institutional
arrangements with changes in policy effects. This article fills these
gaps from a policy design perspective, explaining the changing
policy effects of the same institutional arrangements over time
through design processes such as layering. To this end, it
introduces Vienna’s participatory urban renewal model, Soft
Urban Renewal, highlighting its context-bound design space in
which policy actors choose and rearrange existing instruments
according to shifting policy objectives and circumstances. Two
cases of Soft Urban Renewal from two different points in time are
chosen to cross-compare their varying capacities to influence its
real-world effect under different contextual constraints. It
concludes with some final remarks on the ways in which a policy
design perspective can contribute to the current debate on
planning history research and comparative-historical analysis of
cities and their institutions and policies.

Глобализация не является чем-то новым. Она была у нас всегда, и сейчас кажется, что она длится слишком долго, или, что еще печальнее, что ей нет конца... Сегодня oна находит отражение в борьбе за глобальное единство и реализацию величайшей радости экономической глобализации — как можно больше одинаковых и одинакового (начальник только что сменил военную форму на итальянский костюм и мобильный телефон Ericsson...). Единственная определенность в глобализации - это идея о том, что кто-то другой заботится о вашей судьбе вместо вас, и, конечно, под всегда приемлемым лозунгoм «Дайте человеку одну рыбу, и он получит пропитание на день, научите его ловить рыбу, и он получит пропитание на всю жизнь», и так, по принципу обучения на
протяжении всей жизни, мы постоянно получаем «уроки рыбалки».
Помимо применимых и функциональных знаний на семинарах по труду и правам человека, мы потеряли основной принцип гражданского общества, в соответствии с которым люди должны управлять сами собой. Мы жители нового брендированного мира, над товарами и продуктами стоит логотип производства, фирменный стиль, который завоевывает и действует на общественное и
индивидуальное пространство, на школьные учреждения, личность
молодежи. Сегодня бренды стали лучшим и крупнейшим
образовательным инструментом в мире. Где здесь творческие,
предприимчивые и оригинальные личности? Может быть, они будут
немного похожи на Тесея, следующего за своей нитью, когда он
входит в Лабиринт Минотавра, но это единственный способ
остаться самим собой, не соглашаться с кодексами международной
арены потребительства, сохранить что-то личное, что-то выше
глобального гражданства, глобального закона, глобальной
ответственности. Могут ли они способствовать сопротивлению
новому типу корпоративно-медийного рабства, могут ли они
разоблачить последствия глобалистской экономики, прояснить все
те, казалось бы, незаметные изменения, которые составляют суть и
обратные стороны глобальных мировых тенденций?

This article has question about the role of international civil society organizations (CSOs) in #ForBALI movement to Reject Benoa Bay Reclamation. This article has purpose to describe the network of the #ForBALI movement with international CSOs in the environmental conservation campaign, rejecting the reclamation of Benoa Bay in Bali. Based on socio-cultural aspects, this movement later developed into a global issue due to the efforts of the activists who involved in this movement. Therefore, the internationalization aspect of the movement is important to be studied furthermore because studies of global social movements tend to only discuss the strategy and tactics. The involvement of international civil society, either directly or indirectly, is often neglected in the study of global social movements. In this case, international CSOs has great role to campaign abroad. Therefore, this article tries to dig deeper into the role of international civil society in the #ForBali Movement to Reject Benoa Bay Reclamation.

במאמר זה אבקש לטעון שכוחו של המהלך שהציע מרדכי שלו במאמרו "הערבי כפתרון ספרותי" (1970) יפה גם לדיון בדמות המזרחי, שאף בה נעשה שימוש, ובקשר לתמות דומות, כ'פתרון'. בניגוד לשימוש בערבי כפתרון ספרותי, שכפי שטען שלו, היווה בסיס לייצוג המאבק בין בנים לאבות בסיפורת דור המדינה, דמות המזרחי ממחישה פתרון של שיכוך המתח הזה, כמו גם המתח היהודי-ערבי. שיכוך המתח הזה מושג באמצעות הפנמה וסובייקטיביזציה של הקטגוריות הללו והטמעתן בגופו של האינדיבידואל המספר, מה שלמעשה מוביל להכפפת ההקשר הפוליטי אל המישור האסתטי. בהמשך לכך אבקש להציע כי המקור של השימוש במזרחים כפתרון ספרותי מצוי כבר אצל סופרות וסופרים מזרחיות ומזרחים שאימצו את מסגרת ה'ספרות' בהתאם לזו שהובנתה כ'ספרות עולם' עוד בארצות מוצאם. ספרות זו, כפי שתיאר זאת מייקל אלן בהקשר של הספרות המצרית המודרנית, התאפיינה לא כמרחב אינקלוסיבי של מכלול הספרויות הלאומיות, אלא כשיח שיצר הבדל בין מה שסומן כ'ספרות' לבין אופציות פואטיות אחרות שנדחו כ'לא ספרותיות'. כך נוצרה החלוקה בין משכילים, אנשי ספרות קוסמופוליטיים ומודרניים לבין אלה שאחזו בצורות פואטיות אחרות.

Cite as/ Atıf: Yalçınkaya, D. (2024). The impact of neo-liberal policies on distance education focused on lifelong learning and adult education.

Deniz YALÇINKAYA: Neo-Liberal Politikaların Hayat Boyu Öğrenme ve Yetişkin Eğitimi Odaklı Uzaktan Eğitime Etkisi , 307-323
The Impact of Neo-Liberal Policies on Distance Education Focused on Lifelong Learning and Adult Education
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/TurkishStudies.74359


Abstract: The humanitarian aspect of distance education focused on adult education and the quality of education is the most debated issue. The prevailing opinion on this issue is that this system aims to provide individuals with the job skills needed by the market through mass education in efforts to reduce people to a human resource as a result of neoliberal policies. However, the participation needs of adults and the level of satisfaction after getting diploma or certificate can reveal how adult education process is practiced. Reports on adult education practices tell us a different story when compared to some of the proposals put forward by neoliberal policies that put adult education at the center. The impact of neoliberalism on education, particularly in the domains of lifelong learning and adult education through distance education is a subject of significant concern and debate. Neoliberalism, often viewed as an economic doctrine, goes beyond mere economic principles and has broader implications for political, cultural, and social values in society. While it is often promoted as a path to economic growth and individual freedom, the effects of neoliberal policies on education, as discussed in this paper, needs a careful consideration. This study has shown that adult education and the distance education that seems to serve it are seemingly captive to the aims of neoliberalism.
Keywords: Adult education, lifelong learning, neoliberalism, distance education, marketization of education

For many of the global companies and also for the corporate oligopolies, the concept of transfer pricing has been very essential. This research paper offers a complete analysis of the concept of transfer pricing research in this case. The study sheds light on some of the top research approaches, empirical gaps, theoretical gaps, and conclusions. The upcoming issue of the transfer pricing research which is over the past nine years is a systematic analysis of around twenty-nine research publications. It is a critical aspect of the International law of tax and the corporate financial strategy which is impacting the multinational companies and the tax authorities worldwide. This practice comprises setting the goods and services prices. The price of tangible and intangible that are transferred between the entities that are related. This ensures there is compliance within the arm's length principle to avoid tax evasion and also profit shifting. Transfer pricing has remained a forceful and vital field that requires constant adaption to the evolving taxation norms and the economic environment. For Multinational companies, an effective transfer Pricing strategy is very important for regulatory compliance and efficiency in finance. For the taxation authorities, strong enforcement is necessary to overcome the situation of tax avoidance and ensure that fair tax revenue is distributed.

Meu objetivo neste artigo é colocar o neoliberalismo em debate, oferecendo pistas teóricas que permitam analisar seus fundamentos a partir dos significados e das intencionalidades que existem por trás de suas mobilizações teóricas. Para tanto, realizo um balanço teórico das principais interpretações que permitem delinear os campos teóricos dos intelectuais que formularam os preceitos do neoliberalismo e dos que teceram críticas a eles, a partir da seguinte estrutura: (i) quais acepções delinearam os fundamentos do neoliberalismo; (ii) que interpretações buscaram examinar tais preceitos, tecendo críticas sobre eles, e a quais aspectos se atêm. Nesse caminho, proponho uma interpretação que se oriente a compreender os elementos constitutivos das neoliberalizações em curso, atentando-se para seus aspectos empíricos concretos.

This editorial introduces this special responsive issue on "platform surveillance." We develop the term platform surveillance to account for the manifold and often insidious ways that digital platforms fundamentally transform social practices and relations, recasting them as surveillant exchanges whose coordination must be technologically mediated and therefore made exploitable as data. In the process, digital platforms become dominant social structures in their own right, subordinating other institutions, conjuring or sedimenting social divisions and inequalities, and setting the terms upon which individuals, organizations, and governments interact. Emergent forms of platform capitalism portend new governmentalities, as they gradually draw existing institutions into alignment or harmonization with the logics of platform surveillance while also engendering subjectivities (e.g., the gig-economy worker) that support those logics. Because surveillance is essential to the operations of digital platforms, because it structures the forms of governance and capital that emerge, the field of surveillance studies is uniquely positioned to investigate and theorize these phenomena.

Der Essay plädiert dafür, die kompensatorische, poltische Ökologie um eine existenzielle Ökologie — ein ökologisches oder "grünes" Ethos — auf individueller und kollektiver Ebene zu erweitern. Dafür untersucht der Essay die Geschichte der ökologischen Erfahrung. Eine der zentralen Herausforderungen der Gegenwart ist es, die ökologische Zukunft unseres Planeten nachhaltig und lebenswert zu gestalten. Dabei geht es zum einen darum, die bereits bestehenden Umweltschäden zu korrigieren und zu kompensieren - zum anderen auch darum, weitere ökologische Beeinträchtigungen erst gar nicht entstehen zu lassen. Dafür müssen wir auf der kollektiven und individuellen Ebene unser Denken und Handeln verändern.

Ein neues ökologisches Bewusstsein - ein ökologisches, grünes Ethos - ist nötig. Es geht darum, das bislang dominante anthropozentrische Ethos des homo oeconomicus und seine schrankenlose Welt-Aneignung und Natur-Ausbeutung durch ein «grünes» Ethos abzulösen. Nachhaltigkeit als Form der existentiellen Ökologie in ihren kollektiven und individuellen Dimensionen verlangt deswegen diesen Bewusstseinswechsel. Der Essay untersucht die Entstehung des modernen, anthropozentrischen Ethos, ausgehend vom Paläolithikum und der Bronzezeit, bis zur imperialen Idee des "dominium terrae" der Herrschaft über die Welt, zum Cartesianischen Dualismus und zur modernen Ersatzreligion des neo-liberalen Kapitalismus. Im Ausblick werden die Konturen eines alternativen ökologischen Ethos skizzert.

This study, based on ethnographic fieldwork, explores how spiritual teachers in Ubud, manage self-presentation to be assigned charisma. By understanding contemporary spirituality as a spiritual marketplace, applying Max Weber's apprehension of charismatic authority as received through sociological interaction as well as Erving Goffman's dramaturgical theory of everyday performances, this thesis investigates how the role of the Spiritual Teacher is performed in pursuit of charisma. The research focuses on both the performers and the audience; how the role is performed to give the impression of having superpowers and/or closeness to the divine, and how it is received by the consumers on the spiritual marketplace. The results points to two distinct variations of performing this role: by embodying distance or closeness. Both these variations are constructed to meet the demands of the consumers. Teachers embodying distance understand themselves as enlightened and their performance is characterized by hiding any sign of humanness. Those teachers who have chosen to embodying closeness, highlight themselves as rockstars, showing up with a façade of perfection. The audience on the spiritual marketplace is fast to judge whereas the teachers are only assigned charisma if they adjust and manage their performance to meet the high expectations of the students.

Concerns, arguments, and approaches to sustainability are exposed in both scientific and technical irrigation literature which is based on the priority of food production and water preservation as a basic resource. Different approaches related to sustainable irrigated agriculture are identified beyond the technical considerations of irrigation as dealt with by very specialized scientific literature. These focus on socioeconomic and institutional aspects of irrigation management. In this chapter, four main approaches are discussed: "New institutionalism" is an approach which emphasizes economic and financial issues such as cost recovery and the role of the market in water rights reallocation. A second approach, "Common pool resources management" highlights the role of local organizations and institutions with respect to collective water management, and the possibilities to design "robust institutions" considering the involvement of different stakeholders, not only (state) authorities. A third is identified as the "Empowerment approach". In this approach, topics such as power relations, autonomy, gender relations, as well as water rights and access are considered as key elements configuring water management practices in irrigation systems. Finally, there is the "Post-institutional approach". It outlines concepts such as "institutional bricolage", uncertainty, and legal pluralism used as analytical elements to understand the dynamics and complexities of irrigation development. In conclusion, different levels to analyze sustainability are discussed from an institutional perspective by identifying key knowledge gaps and the need to integrate some of the elements found in the different approaches.

The taste of the pudding is in eating, so is the case of any policy prerogative that is initiated in the name of well being of
millions of tillers, who leave no stone unturned to produce the produce-food grains, of land, which only suffice for their
subsistence and fill the belly of millions more who never care about how was that produced. In the 21st century much fanfare
is made about the tertiary sector but when it comes to access the growth outcomes of policies, policy makers are in a want of
an appropriate explanation, which is most like the same as it was previously but framed in a new way. That is why at one
point of time in the recent past the then Finance Minister was compelled to say that everything is doing well but I do not
know what to do with agriculture. The significance of the primary sector in the national output in the course of development,
plight of the tiller with respect to number, area operated and size of holdings, the composition of agricultural workers,
contribution of agriculture in the State Gross Domestic Product of few selected states vis-à-vis national level average, the
sources of income generation of the people in rural India from different economic activities and the state of indebtedness in
rural India is analytically examined. The economic state of the vulnerable section of our social strata–Scheduled Castes &
Scheduled Tribes, vis-à-vis the state of poverty and the average size of holdings is analyzed. An effort has been made to
analytically examine five tehsils of Faizabad district of eastern Uttar Pradesh regarding their employment in different setupsgovernment,
public and the private, their monthly income of highest earning household members and their income source
with respect to the SC & the ST households in particularand the national and the State level at large is also depicted.
The paper is based on secondary data taken from the budget speeches, economic survey of the government of India, research
papers, journal etc.
Keywords: Agriculture, Agriculturist, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

Hayek kendi tercihlerini yasama sansi olan ozgur bireyin ozgur bir piyasada , spontane olusan bir duzende toplumu arzu edilen refah duzeyine tasiyacagini savunmaktadir. Buna karsit olarak esitlikci olmasi umulan, devletin planlamaci ekonomik faaliyetleri, totaliter bir guc olarak ozgur bireyi yok sayan yozlasmis bir kolelik sisteminin olusmasina yol acmaktadir. Hayek’e gore bireylerin tercihleri, davranislari ve amaclari merkezi bir otorite tarafindan belirlenmemeli, kisilerin kendilerini gerceklestirme sansi taninmali. Cunku toplumun iliskiler agi ve yapisi insan akli ile cozulemeyecek kadar karmasiktir ve matematiksel hesaplar etkin bir ya pi olusturmakta yetersiz kalmaktadir. Bunun yani sira merkezi otoriter kendilerini denetleyecek bir yapi olusturma konusunda isteksiz davranarak piyasa mekanizmasi icin zaruri olan adalet sistemi onunde set olusturmaktadirlar.

Women leaders are frequently treated as one class-a homogenised group with essentialised skills and competencies in binary relationship to male leaders. We explore how feminist ways of knowing gender and leadership, and circulations of affects, shape women´s diverse leadership practices and identities within the neoliberal, and neuroliberal academy in Finland-a Nordic country with a sophisticated gender equality policy architecture. We debate the (re)production of social and material inequalities through epistemic injustice by exploring what possibilities are emerging from the assemblages and relational potential of policy interventions, global speaking back to patriarchal power, the revisioning of gender, and the inclusion of women in higher education leadership. Theoretically, the study intersects feminist affect notions, neoliberalism, neuroliberalism, and epistemic inclusion/injustice. We conducted ten interviews with middle-classed women university leaders in five universities. They described how, in the absence of possibilities to facilitate major structural changes, they applied their feminist knowledge and invested affective labour in the mediation of neoliberal and neuroliberal cultures. The politics of representation-counting more women into neoliberal universities, as one class, is not, we conclude, a counter-normative force. We need to consider how to apply feminist knowledge for leading post-gender universities and imagining alternative futurities.

Europe faces new challenges as the Middle East's role in international relations grows in importance. The second volume of Bound to Cooperate explores democratization trends in the Middle East and avenues for an external management of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Contemporary security issues regarding future relations with Iraq and Iran are examined in depth, as are the opportunities for cultural exchange between Europe and the Middle East.

In this paper the impact of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) on Food and Nutrition Security (FNS) indicators in Sub-Saharan (SSA) is explored, in which both the CAP in the past, the present and the future is taken into account. FNS is approached by indicators on agricultural production, food consumption, world market prices, agricultural exports, agricultural imports and calorie intake per capita. The analysis of the impact of the past and current CAP on FNS is based on literature review; for exploring impacts of the future CAP 2020-2030 on FNS three policy scenarios are developed – a baseline scenario, a CAP Eliminating scenario and a CAP Greening scenario - which are simulated with the MAGNET model. Our findings show that the impact of the CAP on FNS in Sub Sahara Africa (SSA) is mainly channelled via the impact of the CAP on the level of world market prices. Due to the exports of surplus production (at least partly facilitated by export subsidies) and a low import demand of t...

The neo-liberal transformation of India was aided by the restructuring processes launched by the SAP in 1991 and brought the open market to the centre of economic imagination for new India. As the Indian economy opened up to the global financial capital systems and the private sector expanded, a large proportion of labour was relocated to the private, unorganized sector in India. This sector swallowed a majority of the migrant population that was flowing into the urban centers of India. The "middle class aspirations" that the migrants to the cities harbored materialize as a part of the larger neo-liberal aspiration of being upwardly mobile and living a 'good life'. Based on an ethnographic study conducted in two phases, this paper accounts the narratives of men and women migrants who are employed in the various service sector units of two shopping malls in the city of New Delhi. This paper maps the diversity in the migrant experience by comparing the experiences of two distinct groups of migrants employed in these sectors in India-the indigenous migrants from North East India and the migrants from the rural hinterlands of North India. By comparing the narratives of two groups of migrants my paper tries to argue that in addition to education and credentials, classifications of caste, community and ethnicity play an important role in determining 'life chances' and employment opportunities for migrants in urban India.

Fokus artikel penelitian ini yaitu mengenai perjanjian kerjasama perdagangan bebas antara negaranegara di Kawasan Eurasia dengan negara Indonesia yang semakin meningkat dari tahun ke tahun periode 2020 hingga 2023. Penulisan penelitian ini menggunakan penalaran deskriftif analitis untuk memaparkan kerjasama perdagangan bebas berupa ekspor daan investasi negara-negara Eurasia dengan negara Indonesia, serta memiliki ketersediaan berbagai data penelitian baik yang bersumber dari buku, jurnal, skripsi, tesis, maupun berita online resmi dari pemerintahan kedua belah pihak. Negara-negara di Kawasan Eurasia merupakan mitra perdagangan internasional negara Indonesia yang memiliki potensi yang besar karena Kawasan tersebut mempunyai wilayah yang sangat strategis bagi pasar ekspor dunia. Kawasan Eurasia merupakan mitra dagang internasional negara Indonesia yang sangat potensial karena memiliki tempat strategis dengan jalur perdagangan yang menghubungkan benua Asia dan Eropa.

A possible new book...; Obs...so what does addicted habitual TV watching do to the strength of the self and ego? And to the abilities to actually think, as opposed to "react?" Obs....that the Economist of March 16, 2024(p.18) notes that last year (4 th quarter) there was a surge in workers' productivity. They attribute this to better technology. But the surge may also be due to a more mutually supportive relationship between managers and workers! (Reflected in a more generous wage allocation policy! Note the Economic Policy Institute recently suggested that bottom quartile income levels increased by 12% over the last quarter or year. But that those increases still were not adequate to deal with rising prices.) Obs....sometimes it seems as if positivist social science seeks to empirically establish it's theoretical parameters and premises through the accumulation of data and statistical analyses! That is instead of establishing theoretical premises through observations combined with with structural functional generated inferences! 032124 Obs...that the inability to interact with (the better) professors, who usually are not adjunct, leads to the atrophy or failure to develop critical thinking skills. Because those skills rarely come into play in many higher educational processes. (This is an allegation by this writer, who is currently functioning as an outsider to academia. It needs to be investigated, researched or fact checked.) So no wonder the affected populations are tending to opt for authoritarian leaders who, in fact too often, punish and seek to prohibit, criticisms! Obs...most of the medical and food aid heading toward Gaza, it now turns out, according to the NYTimes, is entering the area through the Egyptian port of El Arish. Apparently the Israelis are subsequently screening all of it, since Gaza is, perhaps, technically Israeli territory? But this screening process seems fraught with draconian compulsive needs to double search any truck in which questionable items were found to be contained-like medical scissors, for example. The Israeli delaying and interdiction of food and medical aid is leading to widespread immanently approaching famine in Gaza. (See for example: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/04/world/middleeast/gaza-famine-mccain-israel.html .) If this trend is not reversed, the deaths of tens or hundreds of thousands of Gazans will be on Israeli and Bibi Netanyahu's hands. And Israel will become considerably more of a pariah nation than she already is, in some quarters. And unless the US begins to withhold military assistance to Israel; like withholding the further delivery of 2000 bombs, the US reputation in the world will also be besmirched. (Note that Steve Walt, in a published article, recently questioned exactly how much leverage the US currently enjoys over Israeli policies in Gaza.) Obs....TV watching and Internet browsing, involve the "suspension of disbelief" in one or more depictions of an alleged reality. The sexual or charisma of TV spokespersons or anchors conveying these views of reality essentially may convince audience member/citizens that their messages are true, or not-that they do not need to be fact checked! Obs....constructions or "ideal types" such as used by Max Weber, may occur through deductions from structural/ functional considerations. These may be complemented with consultative researches into contemporary artistic products which can serve to focus the theorist's consciousness including, at least, music, novels and short story fiction, poetry, paintings and movies. Thanks to Monica Bell for some inspiration of this idea.

Turkish television series have become increasingly popular in India, particularly since the telecast of the dubbed version of Adını Feriha Koydum in 2015. While India has a strong market of regional language TV series or serials, as they are known locally, international shows, except for syndicated television content from the United States, have hardly been popular in traditional television broadcasting. However, the rising popularity of Turkish television series and their circulation through digital media in India have opened up a rich site for exploring changing practices of audience engagement with transnational television content. This paper draws from ethnographic fieldwork among audiences of Turkish television series in India. Presently, there are hardly any Turkish series available on Indian cable television channels, barring a few on video on demand (VoD) platforms. However, social media platforms, such as Facebook, video-sharing sites, like YouTube, and file-sharing torrent sites, have continued the circulation of Turkish television series in India. These alternative modes of distribution compel us to rethink the notions of technology, medium, and emerging viewing practices and underline the parallel, often illegitimate circuits of distribution and access to international television content. Hence, this paper broadly addresses how Turkish TV series become an emblematic instance of understanding transnational media flow through alternative digital channels in a neoliberal, developing country like India.

In this article I seek to discuss the changing nature of media in India and attempt to outline the ways emerging communication technology reshape the public sphere, particularly in this present period of rapid globalization, when the instant interconnections of the world has ensured that the existing nation-states find itself ever more constrained and contested by transnational forces which frequently compel it to be subservient to international treaties, multinational corporations and global media institutions. However, in this essay, I primarily discuss the emerging social media in India, which hold the promise to create an alternative, perhaps more democratic, public sphere. In this essay, I revisit Luis Althusser's theorizations on state apparatuses to make sense of the complex relationship among social media, democracy and the nation-state amidst the neo-liberal public sphere and in the process, I wish to suggest the notion of Ideological Network Apparatus to identify the position of social media "networks" within the category of emerging non-state elements.

In this article I seek to discuss the changing nature of media in India and attempt to outline the ways emerging communication technology reshape the public sphere, particularly in this present period of rapid globalization, when the instant interconnections of the world has ensured that the existing nation-states find itself ever more constrained and contested by transnational forces which frequently compel it to be subservient to international treaties, multinational corporations and global media institutions. However, in this essay, I primarily discuss the emerging social media in India, which hold the promise to create an alternative, perhaps more democratic, public sphere. In this essay, I revisit Luis Althusser's theorizations on state apparatuses to make sense of the complex relationship among social media, democracy and the nation-state amidst the neo-liberal public sphere and in the process, I wish to suggest the notion of Ideological Network Apparatus to identify the position of social media "networks" within the category of emerging non-state elements.

في النصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر سيطرت على المناخ الفكري والأكاديمي الغربي نزعات فردية Individualism و نفعية Utilitarianism  ، وكان أبرز ممثلي هذه النزعات جيريمي بنتام و جون ستيوارت ميل في النظرية السياسية و الاقتصاد السياسي، و سبنسر في علم الاجتماع، و فونت في علم النفس. و كانت نفس هذه الفترة هي فترة ظهور علم الاجتماع و سعي رواده نحو تأسيسه كعلم. و قد وجد كثير من هؤلاء الرواد أن علم الاجتماع لن يستطيع التواجد على الساحة الأكاديمية ما لم يقدم نقدا للنزعات الفردية و النفعية و يحل محلها، ذلك لأن هذه النزعات تنظر إلى الفرد على أنه هو الحقيقة الأولى والأخيرة وهو الموضوع الوحيد الجدير بالبحث العلمي،  وترد جميع الظواهر الاجتماعية إلى وقائع فردية؛ و بذلك لا تعترف باستقلالية للمجتمع عن أفراده، و تكون العلوم الاجتماعية الحاصلة على شرعية وفق هذه النزعات هي علم النفس و الاقتصاد السياسي والتاريخ فقط. لم يكن لعلم الاجتماع إذن دور في ظل النزعة الفردية لليبرالية القرن التاسع عشر، ولهذا السبب نجد لدى أغلب رواد علم الاجتماع مواجهة و نقدا وأحيانا صراعا فكريا مع الليبرالية، و أبرز هؤلاء ماركس و تونيز و دوركايم.
    يتشابه الوضع الفكري و الأكاديمي في العقدين الأخيرين من القرن العشرين مع ذلك الوضع الذي وصفناه للنصف الثاني من القرن التاسع عشر. فالنزعات الفردية عادت إلى الظهور حتى في مجال علم الاجتماع نفسه، و أبرز مثال على ذلك اتجاه نظرية الاختيار العقلاني Rational Choice Theory  والاتجاهات الفينومينولوجية و الإثنوميثودولوجية و التفاعلية الرمزية Symbolic Interactionism، بالإضافة إلى نظرية الفعل لدى بارسونز Action Theory و مدرسته و المستمرة حتى الآن؛ و هي كلها اتجاهات تحاول استخلاص كل المجتمع ببنائاته و نظمه من أفعال الأفراد و توجهاتهم المعيارية. هذا الوضع الحالي المتمثل في الصعود الجديد للنزعة الفردية يصاحبه صعود آخر للنزعة النفعية التي تتجسد في سيطرة المنظور الاقتصادي، بل والاستهلاكي، على العلوم الاجتماعية، و طغيان الاقتصاد السياسي النيوكلاسيكي على علم الاجتماع وتراثه النظري. فأصبحنا نرى الآن تزايدا في الاهتمام بنظريات اجتماعية و سياسية من صنع الاقتصاديين أمثال فون ميسز Von Mises  و فريدريك هايك Hayek  وميلتون فريدمان Friedman  ، و ذلك في ظل انسحاب رواد علم الاجتماع ونظرياتهم إلى الظل. و هذا ما أدى إلى حلول الليبرالية الاقتصادية محل المنظور السوسيولوجي الأصيل.
    إن هذا الوضع يدفعنا نحو إعادة قراءة التراث السوسيولوجي عند لحظة تأسيس علم الاجتماع، فهذا التراث، و عند لحظة تأسيسه بالذات، واجه النزعات الفردية والنفعية بنجاح، و كذلك واجه الليبرالية الاقتصادية و أسس علم الاجتماع في مواجهة الاقتصاد السياسي. وأبرز مؤسسي علم الاجتماع الذين يتضح في أعمالهم هذا الجانب الناقد للفردية و النفعية هو دوركايم. ونظرا لتشابه الوضع الفكري والأكاديمي بين عصر دوركايم وعصرنا نستطيع القول أن دوركايم لا يزال معاصرا لنا، بمعنى أن نظريته السوسيولوجية لا تزال قادرة على إلهامنا بأفكار ومواقف نستطيع بها الوقوف أمام الصياغات العلمية المعاصرة للنزعات الفردية والنفعية وأمام طغيان المنظور الاقتصادي على العلم الاجتماعي.