Sports and politics

The NFL protests are only one of many celebrity-fueled political controversies during the Trump presidency. Why is there such a proliferation of celebrity activism? More importantly, does it amount to anything? What does our knowledge of celebrity influence tell us about the recent NFL controversy?

In 2011 the world of ice hockey in Romania was hit by a scandal: during a match opposing Romania to Hungary, the players of the Romanian national team started singing the Hungarian national anthem and remained silent for the Romanian one. A few weeks later a player of the under-16 Romanian national team was beaten up by his young teammates because he, the sole Romanian ethnic of the team, asked his co-players, Hungarian ethnic Romanian citizens, to speak Romanian and not Hungarian. Some of the Romanian media in Bucharest rushed then on the scandal and the reactions were strong against what was considered an unacceptable evidence of Hungarian chauvinism. In this context the paper proposes a study of the reaction of the Romanian press to the events which launched the scandal. It shows how the inclusion and exclusion of the Hungarian minority is at stake in the discourse of the country's Romanian majority. Following a methodology inspired by Critical Discourse Analysis as proposed by Wodak (1999), the research takes into account articles in four Romanian daily newspapers dealing with the scandals. It demonstrates how an "other" is constructed in the press and how a latent exclusive discourse pervades into these newspapers.

Chapter 1: Introduction 1 Chapter 2: Research Design 4 Definitions 5 Theoretical Review 11 Literature Review 18 Chapter 3: History of the IOC and FIFA 29 Chapter 4: Case Studies 41 Argentina 41 Mexico 50 South Korea 57 China 64 Analysis 74 Conclusion 79

Nations realising the political and developmental possibilities in hosting a mega sport event is a trend that has been increasing in recent decades. To take one example, Qatar is one of the most prolific nations in bidding and hosting sports events as a means of augmenting the nation’s image. Building on Joseph Nye’s conception of soft power, this paper examines how Qatar deliberately uses sport as a tool for global nation branding to promote their political objectives. We set out by explaining how nations can benefit from hosting these mega events and the underlying rationale for Qatar’s investment in them. We then focus on Athletics and explore the links between the International Association of Athletics Federation (IAAF) and Qatar in relation to the bidding process for the World Athletics Championships. We conclude by arguing why the IAAF 2019 World Athletics Championships in Doha backfired on Qatar’s soft power and nation branding strategy. The athletics championships, which were the last key test ahead of the 2022 FIFA World Cup, has created doubt as to whether nations like Qatar, with a questionable human rights record and extreme climatic challenges; heat, should be allowed to host sport mega events.

El objetivo de este artículo es el analizar el papel que representó el deporte en la política exterior del franquismo. Este trabajo realiza un recorrido por las principales etapas de la
dictadura de Franco, analizando cómo los cambios en la estrategia diplomática del dictador
influyeron directamente en las relaciones deportivas durante esos años. Al mismo tiempo, también se demuestra cómo el deporte será utilizado por el propio ministerio de Asuntos
Exteriores de España para favorecer la imagen internacional del país y mejorar las relaciones
diplomáticas. Junto con las fuentes bibliográficas y hemerográficas, cabe destacar la importancia que ha tenido en esta investigación la consulta de los fondos del ministerio de
Asuntos Exteriores

The relationship between the US State’s military propaganda agencies, the entertainment industries, media products, and public opinion is of interest to researchers, and the alliance of the military and the entertainment industries is often conceptualized as a “military-entertainment complex” (MEC). This entry focuses on some relevant concepts for studying the MEC (the military-industrial complex, the military-industrial-communications complex, the military-industrial-media-entertainment network, the media war/virtuous war, and interactive militainment), identifies the political and economic institutions that make up the MEC (the Department of Defense’s public affairs office and US media and entertainment corporations), and highlights synergies between the DoD and specific sectors of the entertainment industries that underlie the production of militainment (the DoD-news complex; the DoD-Hollywood complex; the DoD-sports complex; the DoD-digital games complex; and the DoD-social media complex).

This paper examines online sports betting in Germany and the USA, two countries that differ from the global trend that has been moving toward the legalization and liberalization of the sector. The following research questions are asked: Which joint factors led to the prohibition of online sports wagering in Germany and the USA? In what ways do the cases differ? After explaining the methodology of this research and conducting the case studies, the paper discusses the similarities and differences between the two countries, such as the official and unofficial reasons behind the bans, the administrative responsibilities of the issue, different policy instruments for implementing the bans, exceptions to the prohibition, the important role of courts in the debate, external pressure to change the respective national regulations, and the powerful role of sports governing associations that offer, in both cases, the main reasons for recent policy-making decisions.

В настоящее время одной из характеристик «гуманизации» международных отношений является то, что среди некоторых стран появилась тенденция призывать мировое сообщество к соблюдению норм международного права как главного гаранта стабильности. Примером могут послужить страны БРИКС, занимающие особое положение на мировой арене благодаря своему экономическому и политическому потенциалу. Эти страны также используют схожие инструменты для расширения своего влияния и создания позитивного имиджа в мире. Как представляется, одним из таких инструментов является проведение спортивных мега-событий. С момента появления самого объединения БРИКС (с 2001 по 2011 год называемая БРИК) в каждой из этих стран прошло, по крайней мере, по одному спортивному мега-событию. Однако несмотря на наличие возможностей спортивных мега-событий и их успешную реализацию в развитых странах, нельзя упускать из виду внутренние особенности стран БРИКС, которые могут сместить акцент средств массовой информации и мирового сообщества на негативные стороны и внутренние проблемы. Для развивающихся стран проведение спортивных мега-событий является серьезным риском для их репутации, поскольку средства массовой информации освещают не только спортивные мероприятия, но и внутренние вопросы. В связи с этим, данная исследовательская работа посвящена определению возможностей и ограничений использования спортивных мега-событий в странах БРИКС.

The aim of the paper is to investigate ping-pong diplomacy between the Unites States and China, which was used by both countries as a diplomatic tool, aimed at achieving political rapprochement despite ideological dissonance and conflict over Taiwan. Both governments were seeking a way to establish closer relations but the circumstances prevented them from traditional diplomatic contacts. Sports exchange proved to be a convenient solution. In the paper the Author attempts to verify a hypothesis on a subsequent legacy of the ping-pong diplomacy in American foreign policy. The study allowed to determine reasons for the need to employ sport in order to establish closer relations between two hostile actors of international relations. It is an attempt to answer a question concerning the intentional or coincidental character of the analysed sports exchange. The paper is an empirical case study on one of the prime examples of positive sports diplomacy and was conducted with the use of decision-making.

Lo sport è oggi sempre più centrale all’interno della nostra società. Vero e proprio fenomeno di massa, è possibile riconoscerne da una parte il forte ruolo educativo e inclusivo, dall’altra il notevole peso specifico sull’economia mondiale effetto del contemporaneo processo di globalizzazione. Dinamiche che hanno portato lo studioso belga Paul De Knop a parlare di “sportivizzazione della società”. A partire dalle conclusioni tratte da un precedente lavoro di ricerca sull’evoluzione dello storytelling calcistico nei media italiani, l’analisi è stata allargata all’industria mediale argentina in cui il fútbol, centro dell’agenda mediatica e dell’esperienza quotidiana dell’individuo, ha conosciuto un’incredibile proliferazione fino alla creazione del monopolio tematico più potente dello spettacolo locale. Oggetto di studio dell’investigazione condotta presso la Universidad de Buenos Aires è stata in particolare la contrapposizione interna al Paese tra due diversi modelli di racconto. Da una parte la tendenza alla spettacolarizzazione tipica dello sport entertainment, paradigma che attraverso una forte mediatizzazione e la drammatizzazione del racconto consente la produzione di contenuti sempre più coinvolgenti per un’audience eterogenea e che ha incontrato notevole fortuna all’interno di un sistema televisivo dal carattere monopolistico come quello creato in Argentina da Torneos y Competencias. Dall’altra il ricchissimo filone sudamericano del relato radiofonico, pioniere nel mondo per la narrazione dello sport in tempo reale e in grado, grazie alla capacità evocativa della parola, di guidare l’immaginazione dell’ascoltatore attraverso il racconto oracolare di un testimone privilegiato. Polarizzazione perfettamente riassunta nello stile dei due più rappresentativi professionisti della storia del giornalismo sportivo argentino: Marcelo Araujo e Victor Hugo Morales, i due estremi dell’ipotetica linea su cui si muove il racconto calcistico. Il primo plasma in televisione un modello vicino al discorso del tifoso, adottando nelle sue telecronache un registro linguistico totalmente informale e una serie di espedienti con l’obiettivo di intrattenere il pubblico tramite la proposizione di un simulacro del salotto domestico. Il secondo, passato alla storia per l’emozionante monologo con cui accompagna il gol del secolo di Maradona a Messico ’86, ha al contrario il merito di unire in radio calcio e letteratura in una narrazione sportiva basata sulla metafora e la ricerca della perfezione lessicale che trasformerà in modo decisivo il relato nel mondo rioplatense. Un binomio simbolo delle divisioni interne all’industria mediatica dell’Argentina che si sviluppa sullo sfondo di una nazione attraversata da profondi problemi socio-economici e con una cultura fortemente incentrata sul calcio: religione laica, mezzo di evasione e strumento politico a disposizione dei governi, dalla passione popolare come comune denominatore.

The growing literature on sports in Lebanon tends to portray football as often implicated in the production of sectarian belonging and national disintegration. This article lays out key features of the complex politicization of sports in Lebanon vis-à-vis the discourse of national unity. It shows how the ruling elite uses sports to reaffirm its position as custodian of the hegemonic discourse of
national unity that revolves around religious communities living together. It further demonstrates how normal citizens through everyday practices, and when not under the dominion of the elites, tend to ‘imagine from below’ a country that is not only powerful and defiant but also able to compete with the very countries that reputedly interfere in its domestic politics.

Debates and discourses over the influence of sport to politics and vice versa dominated various platforms and conferences over the 20 th and 21 st century. Scholars peripherally and in principle seem to agree that sport and politics can no longer be separated, even as autonomy of sport become prevalent in some sectors of the Olympic movement as rubber stamped by the United Nations. African nations went through systematic colonialism, apartheid and oppression in various forms as white settlers predominantly from Europe dominated the African continent in a manner causing unrest and revolution in the continent. Due to the fact that sport had the capacity to bring different races together, in some circles, it would mean that it had an effect towards African politics and vice versa. In Southern Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia and South Africa had similar stories to tell in terms of the relationship between sport and politics. Of paramount importance is the readmission of South Africa and Zimbabwe to the Olympic Games respectively. What is interesting is the solidarity of the African countries and how they perceived unity of purpose as panacea to achieving independence and equality. The purpose of this paper is to critically analyze the relationship between sport and political diplomacy in the modern Olympic Games and international games from the lenses of the Africans. Background of Colonialism and apartheid in Southern Africa.

Автор рассматривает эволюцию теоретических подходов к изучению спорта в науке о международных отношениях. В теории международных отношений спорт рассматривается как отдельный институт, участвующий в мировой политике, международные спортивные организации выступают в качестве акторов международных отношений, а спортивные мега-события и спортивная дипломатия становятся инструментами внешней политики. 
Ключевые слова: спорт, международные отношения, международные спортивные организации, «спортизация», спортивные мега-события.

2011 yılında Gençlik ve Spor Bakanlığı’nın kuruluşu ve sonrasında gerçekleşen
spora ilişkin düzenlemeler, alınan kararlar ve uygulamaların neoliberal politikaları
hangi açılardan içerdiğine cevap arayan bu çalışmanın amacı, Türk spor yönetiminin
geçirdiği neoliberal dönüşümü analiz etmektir. Çoklu veri toplama ve analiz yöntemleri
kullanılan çalışmanın bulgularından, spor politikalarında futbolun baskın olduğu, kitle
sporuna yönelik tesislerden ziyade futbol stadyumlarına yatırım yapıldığı, Dünya Kupası,
Olimpiyat Oyunları gibi dev spor organizasyonlarına ev sahipliği yapılırsa kullanı-
lacak kamu kaynaklarıyla yerel ve küresel sermaye için yeni değerlenme alanlarının harekete
geçirilebileceği görülmektedir. Bütün bunlar sporun ticarileştirildiğine ve neoliberal
bir anlayışla ekonomik bir olgu olarak görüldüğüne işaret etmektedir.

Neoliberal Transformation of Sport Management in Turkey
Abstract: In 2011, the Ministry of Youth and Sport, which is the main governing organization
of the Turkish sports, replaced the former General Directorate of Youth and
Sports. This study queries the possible involvement of neoliberal policies in the regulations,
decisions, and implementation regarding sport after the establishment of the Ministry.
The aim of the study is to analyze the neoliberal transformation of the Turkish
sports management. In the study, multiple data collection and analysis methods, such as
document analysis, discourse analysis, and interviews were used. The findings have indicated
that the football is the predominant policy area in the sports, and that investment
is mainly made in football stadiums, rather than in public sports facilities. Moreover,
it is argued that if mega sport events like the 2013 World Cup and 2020 Olympic
Games are hosted, public money to be used will increase local and global capital flow.
All these point out that sports is commercialized with a neoliberal approach, and is seen
as an economic commodity.
Key Words: Sports, sports management, neoliberalism, football, olympic games

For the first time in nearly 30 years, 2013 has seen increasing public awareness of calls for a comprehensive boycott of and sanctions on a state based on questions of an “entrenched system of racial discrimination”. The call to boycott South African sport emerged in the 1950s as the apartheid state was developing and refining its comprehensive and systematic legal form amid growing international pressure for decolonisation. This is a different social and political context than the call 50 years later by Palestinian civil society for boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel (BDS). This paper draws on analyses of international anti-apartheid movements’ campaigns against sporting contact with South Africa and the BDS call for the isolation of the Israeli state to propose a theory of sports boycotts. It looks at the anti-apartheid campaigns, especially those in the early 1960s, to consider ways in which the BDS campaign has an impact on existing historical understandings of cultural boycotts as a tactical and strategic campaign tool.

[English]

The development of contentious collective action in Egypt has encouraged the emergence of new spaces of protest, but also the development of new strategies of opposition. This article aims to investigate the mobilization of the Cairo Ultras groups by examining their use of space, first within the stadium grounds, and particularly through their use of graffiti art. Through an analysis primarily centred on their graffiti, we wish to account for the evolution in their mobilization, as well as understand the development and transformation of their messages. The present study is, for the most part, based on a thorough analysis of graffiti and street art collected during a series of field trips conducted between 2012 and the beginning of 2015. The majority of the data was gathered around Tahrir Square and Mohammed Mahmoud Street, as well as around the Ahly and Zamalek stadia. Graffiti are of particular interest in the Egyptian case, most notably because they allow for expression of a specific social and/or political reality using precise graphic and discursive rules.

[French]

Le développement de l’action collective en Egypte a favorisé l’émergence de nouveaux espaces de contestation mais aussi le développement de nouvelles stratégies d’opposition. Cet article a pour but d’examiner la mobilisation des groupes Ultras au Caire en procédant à une analyse de leur utilisation de l’espace, d’abord à l’intérieur des stades, et ensuite à travers leur utilisation de l’art du graffiti. Par le biais d’une analyse centrée principalement sur leur graffiti, nous souhaitons rendre compte de l’évolution de leur mobilisation, ainsi que comprendre le développement et la transformation de leurs messages. La présente étude se base pour l’essentiel sur une analyse approfondie de graffitis et de fresques collectés lors d’une série de terrains conduits entre 2012 et le début de l’année 2015. La majorité des données ont été recueillies autour de la place Tahrir et de la rue Mohammed Mahmoud ainsi que dans les rues entourant les stades d’al-Ahly et de Zamalek. Les graffitis sont particulièrement intéressants dans le cas égyptien, notamment parce qu’ils sont capables d’exprimer une réalité sociale et / ou politique spécifique en utilisant des règles graphiques et discursives précises.

China is a country that has been using sport in order to reach political goals for many years. Lately such political exploitation of sport is directed at shaping the desirable international image of this country. This is done most of all through hosting sports events, but also through sports victories. The last aspect is the subject of this research. The aim of the article is therefore to investigate the issue of utilization of performance in international sport in order to enhance international image of a China. The research presented in the article is a case study concerning sport as a tool of nation-branding. Its main objective is to analyse motivation of China's decision-makers to use sports performance in order to enhance the country's international perception, and to observe how this goals is executed. The main hypothesis to be tested states that China perceives sports performance as an important tool of enhancing its international image.

E' uscito alla vigilia delle Olimpiadi 2008 il volume Olimpiadi e politica  il cui sottotitolo. L’ambito di trattazione, che potrebbe risultare assai specifico, è invece una efficace quanto insostituibile chiave d’accesso all’interpretazione e alla comprensione delle relazioni internazionali nel contemporaneo. La fondazione del CIO, nel 1894, contribuisce in maniera decisiva alla creazione di un vero e proprio sistema sportivo internazionale, composto da soggetti determinati e riconosciuti, norme precise, un calendario di manifestazioni, un impegno promozionale rivolto ad un sempre maggior coinvolgimento popolare su scala mondiale. Il CIO in origine sposa l’utopia decoubertiana di contribuire alla creazione di un mondo migliore e più pacifico, per assumere oggi un ruolo chiave nel favorire e condizionare l’equilibrio delle relazioni internazionali.
L’autrice nel ripercorrere l’evoluzione, gli obiettivi e i valori fondanti del Comitato Olimpico Internazionale, estrapola e focalizza l’attenzione su momenti che ne hanno segnato in modo decisivo il divenire e sono entrati di diritto nella storia mondiale. E non ci si riferisce solo ai fatti planetari, agli eventi cioé che hanno goduto di forte mediatizzazione, ma anche a quelli meno esposti, seppur significativi, come il caso di Radio Liberty e di Radio Free Europe del 1976 (Giochi invernali di Innsbruck) o la messa in crisi di alcune candidature nazionali. Chiarendo le motivazioni delle prese di posizione interne e delle influenze politiche esterne al CIO, si svela il ruolo fondamentale del Movimento Olimpico nell’ambito del sistema delle relazioni internazionali.
La comprensione delle dinamiche interne svela l’origine e l’orientamento delle decisioni che hanno inevitabilmente effetti diretti nella percezione degli Stati e dei popoli. Non solo, il CIO si configura come organizzazione internazionale non governativa (OING) riconosciuta dalle altre organizzazioni mondiali. Vengono esaminate le caratteristiche del CIO nel confronto con quelle della Croce Rossa Internazionale, organismo affine per membership, valori e longevità. Non viene tralasciato un capitolo ancor più intrigante e complesso: il collegamento con la Chiesa Cattolica e l’apostolato fino all’analisi delle dichiarazioni papali degli ultimi anni e dell’attuale Benedetto XVI, laddove <E’ importante notare come lo sport sia entrato indirettamente nella marcia di avvicinamento tra le due diplomazie: la Santa Sede impegnata a recuperare una relazione con i cattolici cinesi, la Cina ora impegnata come non mai a migliorare la propria immagine internazionale>.
La Stelitano utilizza fonti dirette del CIO attingendo dall’archivio personale di Giorgio de’ Stefani, con il quale ha collaborato direttamente, e avvalendosi direttamente del contatto con i dirigenti del CIO e non si accontenta. Consulta David Kanin, Senior political analist della CIA, analista che per un ventennio ha raccolto indagini con scrupolo politico. Conoscere altresì quali siano i canali di finanziamento e il fine economico della gestione, aiuta la comprensione delle dinamiche relazionali internazionali.
Il lettore viene abilmente guidato nell’analizzare l’organigramma e le principali funzioni interne al CIO, i suoi organi, le fasi dei processi decisionali interni, i rapporti con gli Stati e le organizzazioni internazionali governative e non. Da studiosa e appassionata di relazioni internazionali, non tralascia di esaminare i rapporti tra CIO e ONU, tra il primo e l’Unesco e con le altre organizzazioni internazionali, il WIPO (World Intellectual Property Organization) e l’Organizzazione Mondiale della Sanità.
Con queste pagine la Stelitano dimostra che lo sport e l’interesse mediatico attorno ad esso, giocano un ruolo chiave come agent of human understanding. Seppur in un quadro internazionale e profondamente globalizzante, il ruolo del singolo sportivo, o meglio del singolo uomo, sono considerati riferimenti imprescindibili nel perseguire la visione decoubertiana che offre un modello di relazione che dall’uomo è trasferito al rapporto tra individui, stati e comunità internazionale dimostrando, in oltre un secolo di vita la sua efficacia.

A "Riválisok a pályán – barátok a mindennapokban" c. kiállításhoz készült katalógus.

A rendkívül gazdag magyar–lengyel történelmi kapcsolatok egy kevéssé ismert fejezete a sport. Kevesen tudják ma, hogy az első magyar hivatásos birkózó edző a lengyel Władysław Pytlasiński volt még a XIX. század végén, hogy Stanisław Marusarz lengyel síugróbajnok tanította a magyarokat síelni, és az ő nevéhez fűződik az első magyar ugrósánc építése, hogy a magyar Kevey János teremtette meg a lengyel vívást, vagy hogy a magyar edzők kétszer is feltámasztották a lengyel futballt: először 1918, majd 1945 után. Összesen 15 bajnokcsapatnak volt magyar edzője Lengyelországban. Arra talán többen emlékeznek, hogy Papp Lászlót olimpiai bajnokként éppen egy lengyel győzte le, miközben a két sportoló között rendkívül jó kapcsolat alakult ki.

Az újabb történetek már jobban ismertek. Az anyai ágról lengyel Kozák Danuta kajakos magyar színekben lett ötszörös olimpiai bajnok, illetve az anyai ágról magyar Nikolics Nemanja az elmúlt évtized legsikeresebb légiós futballistája lett a lengyel bajnokságban.

Lengyelország 2018-ban ünnepli a függetlensége visszaszerzésének 100. évfordulóját. E kiállítás bemutatja az elmúlt 100 év magyar–lengyel sportkapcsolatait: hogyan hatott egymásra a két nemzet a sportban, hogyan segítették egymást a különböző területeken, miben járultak hozzá egymás sikereihez? A tablókon megjelennek a legnagyobb riválisok, legendás meccsek és természetesen a történelem. Hiszen tudjuk, régiónkban a sport és a politika sokszor elválaszthatatlanul összekapcsolódott.

Bővebben: http://www.ekstraklasa.hu/a-lengyel-magyar-sportparbajok-100-eve-kiallitasmegnyito-es-kozos-meccsnezes/

A könyv beszerezhető a budapesti Lengyel Intézetben.

Das Bundesinstitut für Sportwissenschaft erstellt für sportpolitische Entscheidungsträger des Bundes werktäglich die „Pressedokumentation Sport“, um tagesaktuell den Diskurs über die Rolle des Sports in Politik und Gesellschaft zu reflektieren. Dieser Beitrag bietet einen Überblick über einige der im Jahr 2015 dominierenden Themen in der ausgewerteten sportbezogenen Presse: Mindestlohn im Sport, Reform der Spitzensportförderung, Gesetz zur Bekämpfung von Doping im Sport, Europäische Makkabi-Spiele in Berlin, Sport und Flüchtlinge. (Aus dem Sportinformationsportal SURF - https:\\www.bisp-surf.de )

This articles addresses the neglected problem of elite sport in classical Athens. Democracy may have opened up politics to every citizen but it had no impact on sporting participation. Athenian sportsmen continued to be drawn from the elite. Thus it comes as a surprise that non-elite citizens judged sport to be a very good thing and created an unrivalled program of local sporting festivals on which they spent a staggering sum. They also shielded sportsmen from the public criticism that was otherwise normally directed towards the elite and its exclusive pastimes. The work of social scientists suggests that the explanation of this problem can be found in the close relationship that non-elite Athenians perceived between sporting contests and their own waging of war. The article's striking conclusion is that it was the democracy's opening up of war to non-elite citizens that legitimised elite sport. Zusammenfassung: Die athenische Demokratie hat zwar die Politik jedem Bürger zugänglich gemacht, hatte aber kaum eine Auswirkung auf die Teilnahme am Sport. Während nahezu der gesamten klassischen Zeit, blieb Sport ein Zeitvertreib für die Oberschicht. Daher scheint es zunächst paradox zu sein, dass Sport bei der Unterschicht hoch angesehen war und auch unterstützt wurde; der athenische dēmos (Volk) war sogar der Meinung, Sport sei eine gute Sache. Die politische Macht, die sie besaßen, ermöglichte es, dieses hohe Ansehen des Sports auch durch eine Politik, die Sport förderte, zum Ausdruck zu bringen. Und so wurde in den ersten fünfzig Jahren der Demokratie eine unvergleichbare Reihe von lokalen Sportfesten begründet, für die große Geldbeträge ausgegeben wurden. Sie verwalteten gewissenhaft die Infrastruktur, die die Sportfeste mit sich brachten, und beschützten die Athleten vor der öffentlichen Kritik, die normalerweise der Oberschicht und ihrem exklusiven Zeitvertreib entgegengebracht wurde. Sozialwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen legen nahe, dass die kulturelle Überschneidung zwischen Sport und Krieg diese Paradoxie erklären könnte. Im klassischen Athen wurden Spiele und Schlachten auf gleiche Weise beschrieben: Sie waren agōnes (Wettkämpfe), die ponoi (Mühen) und kindunoi (Gefahren) mit sich brachten; der Sieg hing in beiden agōn-Arten von der aretē (Mut) der Wettkämpfer ab. Im sechsten Jahrhundert, noch vor der Entstehung der athenischen Demokratie, war Krieg größtenteils eine Angelegenheit der Oberschicht, während im nächsten Jahrhundert der Krieg eine umfassende Demokratisierung erfuhr. Dies führte dazu, dass die kulturelle Überschneidung von Sport und Krieg eine zweifache Wirkung auf die Stellung des Sportes in der Gesellschaft hatte. Mit der Schaffung eines staatlichen Hoplitenheeres und einer großen staatlichen Flotte wurde der Kriegsdienst auf alle sozialen Schichten ausgedehnt. In der athenischen Demokratie entschied die Reaktion der nicht elitären Bürger das Ergebnis sowohl bei politischen Debatten als auch bei dramatischen Wettkämpfen. Daher waren Redner und Dramatiker großem Druck ausgesetzt, die neuen Erfahrungen der Hopliten und der Schiffsbesatzung, die nicht aus der Oberschicht kamen, mit Hilfe von traditionellen moralischen Erklärungen für Siege im Sport und im Krieg darzustellen. Die erste Auswirkung dieses Demokratisierungsprozesses war, dass die Bürger der Unterschicht den Oberschichtensport eng mit der normalen und allgemein sehr hoch angesehenen Betätigung im Krieg verbanden. Die zweite Auswirkung war, dass der dēmos nun Erfahrung in etwas hatte, das dem sportlichen Wettkampf sehr ähnlich war. Das Ergebnis war, dass sie sich viel einfacher mit der Tätigkeit der Athleten identifizieren konnten. Zusammengenommen erklären diese beiden Entwicklungen die Paradoxie des Elitensports während der athenischen Demokratie. Résumé: Si la démocratie athénienne a ouvert la politique à tous ses citoyens, tel n'était pas le cas des activités sportives. En effet, dans l'Athènes classique, l'athlétisme demeurait le privilège des classes supérieures, et il est par conséquent paradoxal que le sport ait été tenu en si haute estime et soutenu par les classes populaires. En fait, le dēmos (« peuple ») athénien voyait l'athlétisme d'un oeil positif, et le pouvoir dont il disposait lui a permis d'instaurer des politiques favorisant l'activité physique. Ainsi, les 50 premières années de la démocratie ont vu naître un programme de festivals sportifs locaux sans précédent, nécessitant des dépenses importantes. De plus, les Athéniens géraient soigneusement leurs infrastructures sportives et protégeaient l'athlétisme de la critique publique généralement dirigée contre les classes supérieures et leurs passe-temps élitistes. Les recherches en sciences sociales suggèrent que les points communs entre le sport et la guerre pourraient expliquer ce paradoxe. En effet, les Athéniens de l'époque classique concevaient les jeux et les batailles de la même manière : il s'agissait d'agōnes (« concours ») impliquant des ponoi (« labeurs ») et des kindunoi (« dangers »). Pour eux, la victoire dans les deux types d'agōn dépendait de l'aretē (« courage ») des concurrents. Au sixième siècle, avant la démocratie athénienne, la guerre était majoritairement une activité réservée à l'élite. C'est au cours du siècle suivant qu'elle a connu une profonde transformation, phénomène à l'impact doublement positif sur le statut de l'athlétisme. La création d'une armée d'hoplites et d'une vaste flotte publiques ont étendu le service militaire à toutes les classes sociales. Sous la démocratie athénienne, c'est la réaction des citoyens n'appartenant pas à l'élite qui déterminait les résultats, non seulement des débats publics, mais également des compétitions d'art dramatique. Par conséquent, les orateurs, comme les dramaturges, étaient soumis à d'importantes contraintes: il leur fallait concilier les nouvelles expériences des hoplites et des marins issus du peuple, et les explications morales traditionnelles de la victoire, dans les domaines du sport et de la guerre. Le premier effet de cette démocratisation a été l'association étroite par les classes populaires de l'activité sportive des classes supérieures à l'activité plus générale et hautement valorisée de la guerre; le second effet a été d'apporter au dēmos une expérience personnelle se rapprochant de l'athlétisme, permettant à la population de s'identifier aux athlètes et à leurs activités; enfin, l'association de ces deux phénomènes a donné naissance au paradoxe du sport d'élite sous la démocratie athénienne.

A paradox lies at the heart of the biennial Southeast Asian (SEA) Games. On the one hand, the region's premier sporting event has consistently celebrated themes of regional friendship and cooperation; on the other, the SEA Games are synonymous with controversy and poor sportsmanship, especially over the strategic selection of sports by host nations. Yet the Games go on – every second year – just as they have done since 1959. In introducing sport to existing debates on regional community in Southeast Asia, this article seeks to understand the key features of the sporting community of the Southeast Asian Games, particularly the emergence and development of the institutions and norms that help this event to thrive in the face of national self-interest. Through this analysis, the article argues for a distinctive approach to regional community in Southeast Asia, based not on notions of unity but principles of reciprocity and exchange.

The Southeast Asian Games has been negatively politicised since the 1950s. It has sported a complex interplay of colonialism, decolonisation, nationalism, geopolitics, patronage and capitalism. Repurposing it for the well-being of individual athletes and the regional sporting culture is long overdue. Yet, to depoliticise sports toward positive purpose necessitates collective political action.

The aim of the article is to investigate the issue
of hockey diplomacy between Canada and the
Soviet Union, which was held in 1970s. It encompassed
a series of exhibition matches in ice
hockey, which were directly aimed to improve
relations between the two states belonging to
different Cold War alliances.
In the article an attempt to verify a number
of hypotheses was made. According to the
main one, the hockey exchanges were in fact
a fusion of positive and negative sports diplomacy.
The second hypothesis states that hockey
diplomacy was at the same time an effect and
a tool of Canadian and Soviet desire to better
their bilateral relations, while according to the
last one, selection of ice hockey was adequate
concerning the diplomatic

올림픽의 역사는 언제나 평화, 경쟁, 결속력, 그리고 공정한 경기(play)들과 밀접한 관계로 뒤얽혀 있다. 페르시아의 패배를 알리기 위해 페이디피데스(Pheidippides)가 마라톤(Marathon)에서 아테네(Athens)로 처음 뛰었던 기원전 490년부터 지금까지 올 림픽이라는 스포츠 경쟁은 국가적, 국제적 차원의 국정과 불가분의 관계라 하겠다. 개최도시 선정, 올림픽 개최, 각 도시에서 서로 경쟁하는 국가들이 그 관계를 보여준 다 할 수 있으며, 또한 선수들이 나타내어 보여주는 현수막(banners)까지 모두 정치적 의미를 지니고 있음에서도 볼 수 있다. 올림픽은 종종 올림픽이라는 행사 자체가 정 치적 변화를 촉진하고, 올림픽이 아니었다면 포착하기 어려웠을 민심을 좌우하는데 사용되곤 한다. 본 연구는 우선 이전의 올림픽과 그 올림픽들의 영향력 분석을 통하 여 올림픽과 정치 분야의 관계를 상징하기에 이른 몇 개의 중요한 역사적 사건을 간 략히 기술하고자 한다. 또한 본 연구는 서울에서 개최된 1988년 하계올림픽을 조사하 여 스포츠와 국무 영역간의 관계를 더욱 명확하고 구체적으로 파악하고자 한다. 본 연구의 중요한 시사점은 1988년 하계 올림픽 사례 연구뿐만 아니라 역사적 사례들을 통해 배우고, 나아가 평창과 강릉시가 공동 주최 하는 평창 동계 올림픽과 장애인 올 림픽을 고대해 본다는 것이다. 이러한 이벤트들의 정치적 의미는 국제적 관계에 있어 서 국가, 국가간, 그리고 국제적 수준으로 분류된다. 본 연구 결과는 특별히 한국의 사 례연구에 대하여 정책 제안 및 보다 넓은 정치적 영역에 기여한다.

The aim of the article is to theoretically analyse the issue of sports diplomacy from the perspective of its utility
in easing international tensions. The research encompass clarification of the term sports diplomacy and
investigation of two ways of using it in order to ease international tensions: changing perception of hostile
states within particular societies and creating opportunities for political leaders from antagonistic countries
to meet, which have been described with the use of actual historical cases.

The aim of the article is to investigate sports diplomacy between Iran and the United States, which is an example of sports diplomacy directed at bringing unfriendly states closer. The two countries do not have diplomatic relations and their mutual attitude can be described as hostile. At the end of the XXth Century they started to establish sports exchanges aimed at supporting political rapprochement.
The article is aimed to verify a hypothesis stating that the significance of sports diplomacy between Iran and the United States was secondary and it would not be possible without the political will. Also an attempt to analyze the selection of sports disciplines used for sports diplomacy between the two states concerning their positive or negative effect on its efficiency has been made.

Football Fandom, Protest and Democracy offers an in-depth and inside approach to the socio-political history of football in Turkey, where fandom is often revered as part of the national identity, presenting the historical context for football events in the country.

Based on original research, the book explores the complex political processes at play in modern Turkey and deepens our understanding of fandom, fan activism and protest movements, questioning all presuppositions about the society and football fandom in Turkey. In particular, it examines the role of football fans in the pro-democracy Gezi Protests of 2013, the history of football in Turkey, the sociology of middle-classes and the transformation of football in the country.

Interdisciplinary in nature, this book is a valuable resource for scholars and students of sports sociology, popular culture studies, Turkish studies and media studies.

This article aims to investigate positive sports diplomacy directed at
building political alliances, which is a relatively new field of research.
The subject will be analysed in the light of a case study concerning
the Games of New Emerging Forces. This sports event is usually seen
as an example of resistance by some countries to the domination of
the International Olympic Committee over international sport, but this
research examines the issue from the perspective of establishing and
strengthening the political alliance between the non-aligned countries.
The Games of New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) were the result
of an idea to use sport to create a forum of cooperation and draw nations closer together. There are also views that the initiative was
designed to shape the alliance between China and Indonesia, or that
it was a Chinese attempt to strengthen its sphere of influence in the
developing world.
The research aims to establish whether the GANEFO were in fact
an attempt to create a political alliance, and possibly to define the
leading country in that alliance. An attempt to assess this initiative in
regards to its objectives will also be made. The investigation will also
test the hypothesis that the GANEFO were the simultaneous result of
independent sports diplomacies pursued by Beijing and Jakarta.