Stalin's Mass Deportations

In 1944, with the beginning of the re-occupation of Western Ukraine by the Soviet Union, the practice of using forced evictions of local civilians as a method of repression and combating against anti-Soviet organizations and movements was restored. In fact, the deportation campaign against the "OUN families" was continued, which began on May 22, 1941 and lasted, with a break for the German occupation, until 1952. The deportation campaign included four stages: (1) operation on May 22, 1941, when 3 079 families or 11 329 persons were evicted; (2) campaigns of 1944-1946 - 14 726 families or 36 609 persons; (3) operation "Zapad" ("West") on October 21-26, 1947 - 26,332 families or 77,791 persons; and (4) 1948-1952 campaigns - 22,308 families or 80,209 persons. In total, 205,938 people were deported from Western Ukraine as part of this campaign. Counterinsurgency against the Ukrainian anti-Soviet Resistance movement (primarily the OUN and the UPA) was the main purpose of these measures of the Soviet special services. Initially, the use of mass deportations was aimed at destroying the base of the Ukrainian anti-Soviet resistance movement and focused primarily on the families of the killed, arrested and active members of the underground. With the resumption of the deportation campaign in 1944, the application of the principle of hostility began to become dominant. Initially as a "family hostage" (since August 1944), and soon as civilian hostage - when the principle of collective responsibility of the local civilian population start used. The first detected order of the Soviet special services, which provided the application of the principle of civil hostage, was issued on May 24, 1945 jointly by the NKVD and the NKGB of the Ukrainian SSR. Despite the absence of any direct reference to the principle of hostage in the regulatory acts of operation "Zapad", civilians and members of the anti-Soviet resistance movement perceived it as a "response" to the activity of Ukrainian insurgents. On October 20, 1948, the USSR Order No.00386 was issued, which was based directly on the principles of civil hostage. For more effective implementation of the Chekist "retaliatory actions" a special logistic infrastructure of special assembly points was created. Based on this analysis, it was established that the Stalinist repression system used the principles of joint and several liabilities for the local civilian population of Western Ukraine in 1944-1952. It can be qualified as a violation of the rules of international conventions by the Soviet special services that prohibit the practice of hostage among civilian persons who are not involved in armed conflicts.

Розглянуто використання принципів заручництва в депортаційних практиках на території Західної України у 1944-1952 рр. на основі аналізу нововиявлених нормативних актів радянських спецслужб зазначеного періоду. Здійснено аналіз застосування сталінською репресивною системою принципів солідарної відповідальності до місцевого мирного населення та верифіковано можливість використання терміну "сімейного заручництва" щодо депортацій із Західної України.

У Радянському Союзі депортації були інструментом, який комуністичний режим застосовував для досягнення широкого спектра цілей: від соціальної інженерії, коли влада проводила примусове виселення або переселення задля гомогенізації певної території, до застосування депортацій як методу політичних репресій у межах боротьби з «ворогами народу» чи антирадянським рухом Опору.

Сборник документов и материалов Ответственные редакторы доктор исторических наук Н.Н. Аблажей кандидат исторических наук Г. Харатян НОВОСИБИРСК «НАУКА» 2016 2 УДК 325.254.6(479.25))"1949"(060.53) ББК 63.3(2Арм)631-361я45 Д35 Р е ц е н з е н т ы: доктор исторических наук В.И. Исаев доктор исторических наук Н.М. Маркдорф Публикация подготовлена в рамках поддержанного РГНФ научного проекта № 16-21-200001 Д 35

În perioada ocupaţiei sovietice, Basarabia (în special RSSM) nu a fost ocolită de calvarul deportărilor masive de populaţie. În perioada stalinismului dur (1940-1941, 1944-1951), în RSSM au fost operate trei valuri de deportări în masă şi, zilnic, arestări, deportări singulare, și execuţii.
Obiectivul prezentei lucrări este reconstituirea cât mai fidelă a tabloului istoric al deportărilor staliniste operate pe teritoriul RSSM, ocupat în 1940 şi reocupat în 1944, precum şi dezvăluirea unor aspecte noi ale deportărilor şi ale consecinţelor acestora pentru resursele umane naţionale prin relevarea impactului imediat şi de lungă durată asupra neamului românesc aflat sub dictatura comunistă.
Cadrul cronologic al lucrării este determinat logic de evoluţia istorică a deportărilor staliniste – de la etapa iniţială (1940-1941) la cea finală (anul 1956), când a început revenirea în republică a primilor deportaţi.
Structura lucrării reflectă cadrul cronologic, problematic şi logic al subiectului de cercetare. În introducere am inserat analiza istoriografiei deportărilor din Basarabia, evidenţiind principiile de care s-au condus şi rezultatele la care au ajuns unii savanţi în domeniul de referinţă, dar şi remarcând contribuţia acestora la reabilitarea adevărului istoric. În capitolele lucrării am dat curs propriei investigaţii, în speranţa să îmbogăţim patrimoniul ştiinţific al fondului istoric naţional.

Η ελληνική Διασπορά στη Ρωσική Αυτοκρατορία ήταν μεγάλη και  πλήρως διακριτή από τον 18ο αιώνα. Προέρχονταν από κάθε μέρος του παλιού ελληνικού κόσμου: Βαλκάνια, νησιά Ιονίου και Αιγαίου αλλά κυρίως από τη Μικρά Ασία και ειδικότερα από την περιοχή του Πόντου....
.
...Το ιστορικό μεταίχμιο της μετάβασης από την Ρωσική Αυτοκρατορία στο σοβιετικό κράτος  χαρακτηρίστηκε από τον εμφύλιο πόλεμο  στη Ρωσία, στον οποίο συμμετείχαν και οι Έλληνες της Ρωσίας, αλλά και την αναταραχή στις περιοχές της Υπερκαυκασίας  που είχαν ως αποτέλεσμα την οριστική προσφυγοποίηση των Ελλήνων του Καυκάσου (Καρς και Αρνταχάν) εξαιτίας της Συνθήκης του Μπρεστ Λιτόφσκ (Μάρτιος 1918)...

[Εισήγηση σε Διεθνές Συνέδριο στο Ροστοφ επί του Ντον-Νότια Ρωσία
(20-10-2016)]

Отдавна се каня да публикувам някои факти и аргументи в полза на горното твърдение и по този начин да сведа темата до архивите, но удобният момент дойде едва сега, когато значително множество започна да осъзнава, че твърдението ми дето Представителната Демокрация дегенерира в Номенклатурокрация заслужава нов прочит. Трябваше да откажат свобода на словото на Президента на САЩ (!), за да осъзнаят масите колко кухи са всичките сладки приказки на съвременните "демократи"; след което, при все повсеместното удивление и объркване на целия свят от хаоса в Америка, масовите медии продължават да си пеят старата песен, чиито атрибути са известни като fake news, false flags, and rotten propaganda myths. Искрено се надявам, че моите храбри Американски приятели, които досега отхвърляха моите претенции с аргумента, че тяхната Конституция безсъмнено е най-стабилната фортификация, поради което демокрацията им е "имунизирана", ще преразгледат своята позиция... Повече относно горната мотивация ще трябва да опиша другаде. Тук ще разгледаме един случай на огромна, гадна измама, която стана опората на очернящ персонален мит от гигантски пропорции, любим на всички клонове на световната антируска/антисъветска пропагандна машина -производители на fake news от време оно: "Сталин е отговорен за смъртта на милиони съветски граждани" (между "няколко" и "110", в зависимост от разказвача, и около 100 според прочутия Нобелов лауреат, когото ще поразследваме тук). Като ги слуша човек, изглежда, че изпадат в умиление към Съветския съюз и неговите нещастни под Сталинския ботуш граждани, които, след като разгромиха на Западния си фронт армиите на Германия, Италия, Унгария, Хърватия, Словакия, Румъния, Финландия и още "SS" доброволци от около 20 европейски страни (мераклии за чифлик из "новите територии"), скриха шайбата на Америка и съюзниците й в Корея, Виетнам и къде ли не още... Но нека видим какво показват фактите:

The essays in this volume provide a new perspective on the history of convicts and penal colonies. They demonstrate that the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were a critical period in the reconfiguration of empires, imperial govern-mentality, and punishment, including through extensive punitive relocation and associated extractive labour. Ranging across the global contexts of Africa, Asia, Australasia, Japan, the Americas, the Pacific, Russia, and Europe, and exploring issues of criminalization, political repression, and convict management alongside those of race, gender, space, and circulation, this collection offers a perspective from the colonies that radically transforms accepted narratives of the history of empire and the history of punishment. In this introduction, we argue that a colony-centred perspective reveals that, during a critical period in world history, convicts and penal colonies created new spatial hierarchies, enabled the incorporation of territories into

Eric J. Schmaltz.  “Preface” (in English) in Samuel D. Sinner, The Open Wound:  The Genocide of German Ethnic Minorities in Russia and the Soviet Union, 1915-1949 and Beyond/Der Genozid an Russlanddeutschen 1915-1949.  Additional preface (in German) by Dr. Gerd Stricker.  Fargo, ND:  Germans from Russia Heritage Collection, North Dakota State University Libraries, 2000.  Pp. xi-xxiv.

Related links:

https://library.ndsu.edu/grhc/order/general/sinner.html

https://library.ndsu.edu/grhc/order/general/sinnerreview2.html

The article examines the national and socio-political resistance of the North Caucasian highlanders against the Bolshevik invasion embodied with the experiences of the anti-Soviet struggle of Mountain intelligentsia in European capitals during the interwar period, the massacre of thousands of innocent people in the Drau valley in 1945, and the tragic life story of an individual refugee named Tscherim Soobzokov who survived the world war and the extradition to Stalinist execution. In the end, we will ask a simple question to ourselves; Which one was more evil?  Joseph Stalin or Adolf Hitler?  And, in what circumstances their victims can be considered as criminals just because they hoped help from either of them to avoid the danger caused by the other?

Exile which aims at leaving people in limbo by
forcing them out of their homes and homelands, is a type of forced migration. Some of the Turkish and Muslim communities living in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics were unwanted by Stalin and sent to exile as part of the Soviet state’s policy followed to force people out of their homes. At the same time, it was a strategy implemented as a result of the changing Soviet nationalities policy in the 1930s and return to the Russification process.
The Soviet administration sent some of the Turkish and Muslim peoples to exile in 1944. Ahıska Turks (Meskethian Turks) living on the Georgian-Turkish border, were among the exiled peoples. This article is about the Ahıska Turks’ exile. Their narratives are based on in-depth interviews conducted with the ones living in Istanbul, Bursa and Kocaeli provinces
as a part of a qualitative research carried out in 2010-14 period about the Turkish forced migration from Bulgaria in 1989 and the Ahıska Turks’ migration from the ex-Soviet republics. As seen in the narratives, the Ahıska Turks were forced to live a camp life in the Soviet regions
to which they were exiled and were subject to assimilation. But they were not assimilated, instead they strengthened their Turkish identity
and struggled against hardships they faced.

Once a group of people are labelled as outsiders and removed from a given territory forcefully , they become the subject of a deportation practice. Additionally, the experiences during and after the deportation constitute an important component of in-group collective consciousness of deportees. This study is a case study built on the conceptual framework, which is also known as analytical framework. The study first aims to determine the reasons of the deportation of the Ahiska Turks. Then the study intends to connect the traumatic experiences of the Ahiska Turks during and after the process of the deportation and their years in exile to the construction of their collective group identity. At this point, this study argues that although the ideological dichotomisation of the world constituted the essential component of the Soviet identity, this binarised understanding of the world flamed the fear of foreign penetration into the socialist community and triggered the Soviet xenophobia at home. Last but not least, although it is acknowledged that the identity construction is an ongoing process and the Ahiska Turks were subject of discrimination and violence after 1968, this study limits itself by focusing on the experiences of the Ahiska Turks from 1944 to 1968 since 1944 was the year of their deportation was executed and 1968 was the year when their deportation was officially recognised and they were rehabilitated by the Soviet government.

Comparative review of two monographs:

Jon K. Chang, Burnt by the Sun: The Koreans of the Russian Far East. 276 pp. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2016. ISBN-13 978-0824856786. $68.00.

Victor Zatsepine, Beyond the Amur: Frontier Encounters between China and Russia, 1850–1930. 240 pp. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2017. ISBN-13 978-0774834094. $80.00.

Subiectul coeziunii sociale în RM este pe agenda societăți civile și guvernamentale. Pentru soluții eficiente în vederea consolidării coeziunii sociale, este necesar să găsim cauzele care stau la baza lipsei acesteia. Desigur, ele sunt numeroase, complexe și uneori foarte controversate. Proiectul propus abordează doar una din cauze – lipsa comunicării dintre diversele etnii și generații pe marginea experienței de viață trăită acum șase-șapte decenii – deportările staliniste. În ultimii 10 ani, în RM subiectul deportărilor tot mai des apare în spațiul public, din perspectiva victimelor regimului și, spre regret, este folosit de clasa politică pentru a atrage voturi sau a se revanșa cu cei care nu împărtășesc aceleași idei. Din păcate, are loc manipularea alegătorilor și mărirea prăpastiei dintre etnii și generații. Noi, însă, istorici și educatorii/instuctorii de adulți, suntem siguri că prin această experiență dramatică, traumatizantă pe care au trăit-o toate etniile se poate de atins un alt scop – coeziunea socială.
Istoriile de viață care curg printre lacrimi din aceste pagini au fost trăite de copii – de la 2 luni, la 18 ani. Anume așa vârstă aveau interlocutorii mei atunci când au trecut prin grozăvia mașinăriei de represiuni sovietice – deportările staliniste. Iar trei persoane au fost concepute și născute în locurile îndepărtate, unde părinții lor, tineri, frumoși și nevinovați au fost deportați. Cu membrii familiei lor sau singuri, acești copii au trebuit să se acomodeze la condițiile complet diferite și să supraviețuiască, în pofida tuturor intemperiilor. Viața lor, privită de la înălțimea a peste 70 de ani, poate servi ca sursă de inspirație pentru noi, cei care astăzi căutăm valori și strategii să depășim crize și probleme, sau dorim să aflăm adevărul în epoca post-adevărului.
Experiențele lor ne vorbesc despre natura firii umane, de la sacrificiu, până la umilință, de la prietenie, până la lipsa umanului. Totul ce li s-a întâmplat și nu i-a distrus, i-a făcut mai puternici. Ei au învățat anumite lecții și au tras concluzii, astfel încât au ajuns astăzi să fie lucizi, chiar dacă au avut o viață deosebit de grea. Valorile pe care s-au bazat în clipele infernale au fost cele care le-au adus salvarea: dragostea, credința, sacrificiul, hărnicia, perseverența - toate împletite le-au alimentat speranța că vor depăși greutățile.
Vă învit să trăiți alături de acești oameni clipele care pentru dânșii și famiile lor au însemnat lupta dintre viață și moarte. Și ei au ieșit învingători! Să trăim cu semnificație fiecare clipă și să prețuim pacea și cerul senin! Prin dragoste putem deveni puternici, căci dragostea e unicul lucru pe care împărtășindu-l, îl înmulțim! Prin credință, putem atinge culmi, căci ea ne înnalță! Prin sacrificiu pentru adevăr, hărnicie și perseverență rămanem oameni! Prin toleranță și empatie, putem construi coeziunea socială de care toți avem nevoie!

The article deals with the origins of the deportation operation “Zapad” (“West”) in 1947. In particular, the author analyzed the practice of forced evictions of the population of Western Ukraine, which supported the Ukrainian liberation movement, both in the format of conducting a separate operation (May 22, 1941), and in the form of everyday Chekist work in 1944-1947. The deportation campaign was an important element of the counterinsurgency and was regulated by a number of normative acts both at the Soviet Union and at the Republican levels. The analysis of the decisions of the communist special services gives an opportunity to show how Chekists used their previous experience of such actions in the operation “Zapad”. Also, it shows the peculiarities of the struggle of the communist regime against the Ukrainian liberation movement. The relationship between the deportation operation “Zapad” and the eviction action “Wisła” is analyzed.

The analysis of new archival records from the "KGB archives" in Ukraine, made it possible to further study the deportation policy of the USSR in occupied Western Ukraine in 1940-1952. Along with campaigns and operations, there is a need to single out such a method of persecution by the Soviet special services as day-today deportations. It can be verified that there were three such deportation campaigns carried out in Western Ukraine. The first and third campaigns were carried out to clear the territory from "hostile elements" of the Polish population and the local elites of the Second Polish Republic, as well as the class enemies of the communist regime-the kulaks (well-to-do farmers). The second campaign was launched in response to the activity of the OUN resistance. During 1941 and 1944-1952, two deportation operations were carried out (22 May 1941, and Operation "Zapad" ("West"), 21-23 October 1947), and two campaigns of deportation in the format of the day-today activity of the Soviet special services (1944-1946 and 1948-1952). During the deportation campaign against the OUN family members, 66,448 families (or 205,938 persons) were exiled from Western Ukraine. The main purpose of the forced expulsion was the complete elimination of the Ukrainian anti-Soviet insurgency.

Die Zeitschrift RGOW wird vom Institut G2W, Ökumenisches Forum für Glauben, Religion und Gesellschaft herausgegeben, das vom gleichnamigen Verein getragen wird. © Nachdruck von Texten und Übernahme von Bildern nur mit Genehmigung der Redaktion. Liebe Leserin Lieber Leser "Der Kaukasus ist kein Ballast, sondern eine Perle Russlands", bekräftigte Vladimir Putin, damals Ministerpräsident Russlands, in einer Diskussionsrunde mit Jugendlichen in Stavropol im Jahr 2011. Dabei betonte er das menschliche Potential, die vielschichtige Kultur und die geopolitische Bedeutung der Region. Der Zweite Tschetschenienkrieg wurde offiziell zwar vor zehn Jahren, im April 2009, beendet. Doch der Nordkaukasus gilt nach wie vor als einer der größten Unruheherde im postsowjetischen Raum. Korruption im Staatsapparat, Klientelpolitik, Clan-Wesen und systematische Menschenrechtsverletzungen konzentrieren sich hier stärker als in anderen Teilen Russlands. Der Nordkaukasus ist der achte und jüngste Föderationskreis Russlands. Er wurde Anfang 2010 aus dem Föderationskreis Südrussland ausgegliedert, um eine gezielte Entwicklungsstrategie für die krisengeschüttelte Region zu ermöglichen. Ihr widmen wir in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Center for Eastern European Studies (CEES) der Universität Zürich die vorliegende Ausgabe. Zum Föderationskreis Nordkaukasus zählen die Republiken Dagestan, Inguschetien, Kabardino-Balkarien, Karatschai-Tscherkessien, Nordossetien-Alanien, Tschetschenien und die Region Stavropol. Nicht dazu gehört die westlich angrenzende Region Krasnodar, die mit der "Riviera Russlands" am Schwarzen Meer und Kurorten wie Sotschi zu den bestentwickelten Regionen Russlands zählt. Der Nordkaukasus hingegen ist trotz einer Beruhigung im letzten Jahrzehnt ein Sorgenkind Russlands geblieben. Erst im Februar hat der Oppositionspolitiker Alexej Navalnyj ein Enthüllungsvideo über das Machtgefüge der Clans in Karatschai-Tscherkessien veröffentlicht und damit den Eindruck untermauert, dass der Nordkaukasus nach eigenen Regeln funktioniert und die föderale Regierung nicht hinschauen will oder kann. Das gilt besonders für Tschetschenien, dessen Präsident Ramsan Kadyrov heute präzedenzlose Autonomie genießt, wie Ekaterina Sokirianskaia in dieser Ausgabe beschreibt. Obwohl die Region seit zehn Jahren als "befriedet" gilt, bleibt Gewalt ein verbreitetes Phänomen. Die Gefahr, die von radikalislamistischen Gruppierungen für die Stabilität der Region ausgeht, beschreibt Sufian N. Zhemukhov in seinem Beitrag. Cécile Druey erklärt, warum die Inguschen seit letztem Herbst gegen einen "Landtausch" zugunsten Tschetscheniens demonstrieren. Es ist nicht der einzige strittige Territorialkonflikt im Nordkaukasus. Die Region ist durch ein vielfältiges historisches und religiöses Erbe geprägt. Inguschen, Tschetschenen, Karatschaier und Balkaren teilen zudem das Trauma der Deportation 1943/44 nach Zentralasien. Diese Erfahrung und die Rückkehr ab 1957 haben die Völker unterschiedlich verarbeitet, wie Jeronim Perović und Ian Lanzillotti aufzeigen. Neben erstarkenden muslimischen Traditionen und Bewegungen sind im Nordkaukasus seit der Wende auch die Russische Orthodoxe Kirche und evangelische Freikirchen aktiv. Was Frauenrechte betrifft, beobachtet Svetlana Anokhina eine zunehmend konservative Haltung. Eine wahre Perle Russlands ist das Weltnaturerbe "Westkaukasus", das allerdings aufgrund des Ausbaus der Tourismusinfrastruktur gefährdet ist.

The aim of this text is to present a review on Domenico Losurdo´s book: "Stalin: história crítica de uma lenda negra".

O objetivo deste texto é apresentar uma resenha sobre o livro de Domenico Losurdo: Stalin: história crítica de uma lenda negra".

In the Soviet Union, during World War Two the patriotic resurgence and exaltation of the Russian nation went along with a process of purification of the social body. Thus, a wave of repression targeted the Karachays, the Kalmyks, the Chechens, the Ingushians, the Balkars, and the Crimean Tatars, all of whom were deported to the fringes of the Empire. The majority of the Tatars exiled to Central Asia where they lived under the regime of special colonies. When Stalin died, the penitentiary system was reformed. With the softening of the regime of special colonies, the fortune of those peoples improved. In 1956, after the XXth Congress of the CPSU, they were liberated and soon given back their former lands, with the exception of the Soviet Germans, the Meskhetian Turks and the Crimean Tatars who began a struggle to obtain the right to return. The decision's purpose was to highlight the Tatar community's uniqueness and loyalty and to create a pedagogy of national belonging that would enable the different actors of the movement to unite in the necessity to return to the Crimea. This article revisits the Tatars' decision to speak up in order to gain reparation for what they considered an injustice. It will describe their mobilization through moments that will present the life conditions of the exiled, the intentions of the authorities, the forms of the Tatars' struggle and their argumentation that underlined three points: a nation was natural; national policies had to state the respect of the national rights; Crimean Tatars could be helpful to construct socialism on the Crimea.

В данной книге, посвященной 70-летию выселения армян 1949г., публикуется 97 архивных документов, анализируется общий фон в Закавказье в преддверии депортации армян и вопрос,  кого и по каким критериям советский КГБ мог считать лицами, соответствующими терминологическим формулировкам подконтингентных групп «дашнаков» и «турок» в решениях, постановлениях и приказах о депортации, сколько армян на самом деле было депортировано в Алтайский край и в Томскую область. Книга может быть интересна для историков и других исследователей-аналитиков советского периода.

Das geheime Zusatzprotokoll des Hitler-Stalin-Pakts gab der Sowjetunion freie Hand, sich Bessarabien und die Nordbukowina einzugliedern. Mit der militärischen Besetzung begannen die Sowjetisierung und der Terror gegen die Bevölkerung. Zehntausende wurden verfolgt, inhaftiert und in sowjetische Lager deportiert.

En mars 1953, la mort de Staline ouvre une période d'aggiornamento du système politique et social en URSS, sur fond de luttes de succession entre les membres de son entourage, Viatcheslav Molotov, Lavrenti Beria, Gueorgui Malenkov et Nikita Khrouchtchev. L'un des aspects les plus spectaculaires des transformations qui suivent son décès est la libération de millions de prisonniers du Goulag. Celle-ci s'appuie sur des tentatives avortées de refonte du système pénitentiaire et trouve un prolongement dans l'assouplissement du régime des colonies spéciales qui intervient dès 1954. Pour les « peuples punis », ces mesures sont le premier pas vers la restitution de leur ancien territoire, qui a finalement lieu en janvier 1957 pour la plupart d'entre eux. Les Tatars de Crimée, eux, sont exclus de ce processus. Leur déception est assortie d'incompréhension. Le but de ce chapitre est de faire le récit du démembrement progressif des colonies spéciales, des premières réformes à l'élargissement des exilés méridionaux puis au rétablissement, pour certains d'entre eux, de leurs droits nationaux : est-ce une politique habilement orchestrée, ou plutôt un cheminement erratique répondant, peut-être, à une (des) situation(s) de crise ? Quelles sont les intentions des successeurs de Staline quand ils démantèlent le système des colonies spéciales ? Pour comprendre le démantèlement, il est nécessaire de signifier les enjeux et les contraintes qui conditionnent les initiatives des autorités. Il faut porter attention à la situation sociale des colons spéciaux et aux représentations qui leur sont attachées dans la société soviétique. Cela permettra d'éclairer leurs réactions aux mesures du gouvernement et, en retour, la façon dont ce dernier les prend, ou non, en compte lors du processus de décision. Cette histoire sociale du politique montrera les ambiguïtés de cette période dite du Dégel au cours de laquelle les successeurs de Staline cherchent à amender le système politique soviétique, tout en composant avec un héritage lourd de tensions 2 .

Victoria Kim, in looking into her own history, dives into the story of how Koreans came to Uzbekistan.

This is the first in a three-part presentation of Victoria Kim’s multimedia report, created in memory of her Korean grandfather Kim Da Gir (1930-2007), which details the history and personal narratives of ethnic Koreans in Uzbekistan. It was originally published in November 2015 and is republished here with kind permission. Make sure to read part two and part three.


https://thediplomat.com/2016/06/lost-and-found-in-uzbekistan-the-korean-story-part-1/

"When looking back at the early history of photography, one is reminded that its protagonists made work that took on all of the long-established genres then found in painting: istoria, or edifying narrative, genre, or scenes from daily life, portraiture, still-life, and landscape. Furthermore, once established, photography swiftly took over one of the tasks that was traditionally reserved for painting, drawing, and sculpture, namely seizing the likeness of a person. Additionally, photography helped bring about the death of what was lauded -since the Early Renaissance- as the highest mission of the painter: the rendering of istoria. 

As if that were not enough, photography soon sought to take over the very look of paintings. I am thinking of the Pictorialist tradition circa 1900, which sought to evoke the softness of painting -a counterpart to Leonardesque sfumato, the atmospheric qualities in, say, Turner or Innes, and Impressionist brushwork. Additionally, photography could recreate scenes from the past, in emulation of painting, theatre, prose writing, or poetry -as in F. Holland Day’s The Seven Words (platinum prints, 1898, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York)".

The article examines the changes in demographic indicators of Chechens and Ingush through the prism of the deportation of 1944-1957. It analyzes the exile's impact on the evolution of previously critical trends for both ethnic groups, such as compact residence on the territory of their national-state education and lack of inclination to leave it. Paper tracks gender disparities that appeared as a result of the years of deportation that were devastating for ethnic groups. It also enlightens the main trends of demographic development of Chechens and Ingush, with which ethnic groups came to the beginning of the post-Soviet period.

Наприкінці березня 1944 р. у західних областях УРСР, практично відразу після того, як територіями, де діяла УПА, а ОУН мала розгалужену мережу осередків, пройшла лінія фронту, радянські органи держбезпеки відновили проведення депортацій. Упродовж кількох років звідси було примусово виселено 14 729 сімей (36 609 осіб), члени яких перебували в підпіллі, відзначалися антирадянськими настроями або ж уже були заарештовані. Метою статті став аналіз особливостей, динаміки та головних цілей депортаційних заходів органів держбезпеки в 1944–1946 рр. Дослідницькі завдання фокусуються на розгляді нововиявлених документів НКВС, НКДБ, МВС, МДБ, які реґламентували проведення виселення, а також зіставлення їх зі статистичними показниками результатів «чекістсько-військових» заходів. Методологія дослідження ґрунтується на загальноісторичному компаративному підході із залученням елементів історико-правового аналізу. Наукова новизна полягає в уведенні до наукового обігу виявлених актів репресивних органів як союзного, так і республіканського рівнів, а також у детальному аналізі особливостей застосування репресій проти місцевого населення шляхом депортування родичів учасників антирадянського руху. Порівняльний аналіз 29 наказів, директив, указівок «чекістського» керівництва з наслідками їх реалізації засвідчує важливість застосування методу примусового виселення в антиповстанській боротьбі. Висновки. Кампанія примусового виселення 1944–1946 рр. стала одним з елементів боротьби проти українського визвольного руху. Попри низку вад та прорахунків, керівництво партії й органів держбезпеки визнавали ефективність і результативність таких заходів у справі деморалізації націоналістичного підпілля. Примусове виселення передувало проведеній у жовтні 1947 р. масовій депортаційній операції «Захід».

The resumption of deportation practices by the Soviet special services in Western Ukraine began in late March 1944, almost immediately after the front line had penetrated the territories where the UIA operated and the OUN had an extensive network. Over the course of three years, 14 729 families (36 609 people), whose members were in underground, had anti-Soviet views, or had already been arrested, were forcibly evicted. The purpose of the article is to analyze the features, dynamics and main goals of the deportation practices of the Soviet special services during 1944–1946. The research tasks are focused on the analysis of the newly discovered normative acts of the state security agencies, which regulated the conduct of deportations of the population of Western Ukraine, and also comparison of this documents with the statistical data of the results of chekist military measures. The research methodology is based on a general historical comparative approach involving elements of historical and legal analysis. The scientific novelty lies in the introduction into scientific circulation of the newly-discovered normative acts of the state security agencies of both the All-Union and Republican levels, which were issued for the resumption and continuation deportation of the local population in Western Ukraine. The article also provides a detailed analysis of the peculiarities of repression against the local population through deportation of relatives of participants of the Ukrainian anti-Soviet resistance movement. A comparative analysis of 29 orders, directives and other instructions of the chekist’s headquarters with the consequences of their implementation shows the importance of using the forced eviction method as one of the methods of counterinsurgency. Conclusions. The resumption of control of the Soviet Union over the territory of Western Ukraine also meant the resumption of deportation practices for the local population. The three-year forced eviction campaign in 1944–1946 was one of the elements of the fight against the Ukrainian liberation movement. Despite a number of disadvantage, the effectiveness and efficiency of deportation was recognized by the leadership of the Communist Party and Soviet state security agencies as an effective way of counterinsurgency, and became one of the prerequisites for the massive deportation Operation "West" ("Zapad") in October 1947.

Arviolta 30 000 inkerinsuomalaista pakkosiirrettiin vuonna 1942 Leningradin saartorenkaasta eri puolille Siperiaa. Artikkelini tavoite on tutkia inkerinsuomalaisen muistitietoa omasta ja ryhmänsä pakkosiirrosta Leningradin piirityksestä toisen maailmansodan aikana. Kysyn, millaisia olivat muistitiedon kertomukset pakkosiirrosta. Aineistonani käytän kahdenkymmenen vuosina 1941 ja 1942 piirityksestä karkotetun inkerinsuomalaisen henkilö-historiallista haastattelua. Analysoin kertomuksia vastakertomuksen käsitteen avulla. Esitän ensiksi, että pakkosiirrettyjen inkerinsuomalaisten kertomukset pakkosiirrosta olivat tyypillisesti vastakertomuksia neuvostovallalle, joka leimasi suomalaiset vihollisiksi ja toteutti epäinhimillisellä tavalla kansallisuuteen perustuvat pakkosiirrot kaukaisiin erikoissiirtoloihin alkeellisiin oloihin. Karkotetut kärsivät syrjinnästä, nälästä, sairauksista, pakkotyöstä ja surkeista elinoloista kuolleisuuden ollessa korkea. Toiseksi esitän, että inkerinsuomalaisten muistitieto sisälsi myös myönteisiä kertomuksia Siperiassa eletystä ajasta vastoin inkerinsuo-malaisten hallitsevaa kärsimyskertomusta tai tutkijoiden luomaa kuvaa siitä. Paikallisten ihmisten apu ja paikoin parempi ruokatilanne pelastivat monen hengen. Muistitieto nosti esille neuvostoarjen kohenemisen monissa karkotuspaikoissa 1940-ja 1950-lukujen kuluessa, mutta samalla haastateltavat kuvasivat totalitaristisen neuvostojärjestelmän edelleen ongelmalliseksi.

The Memory Expeditions is a project aiming to recover the memory and reconstruct the Stalinist deportations following the path of the people deported from the Bessarabia occupied by soviets towards the special sites from Kazakhstan and Siberia. The project objectives are of academic, educational, and civic nature. The visionary mission of the Memory Expeditions is to develop a trend among the youth to discover the places holding thousands of graves belonging to their grandparents and great-grandparents.
The following is my travel journal (diary) highlighted with challenges and findings, pages 1 to 22.

The story continues as the Koreans transition through life in forced labor camps to building new lives in Uzbekistan.

This is the second in a three-part presentation of Victoria Kim’s multimedia report, created in memory of her Korean grandfather Kim Da Gir (1930-2007), which details the history and personal narratives of ethnic Koreans in Uzbekistan. It was originally published in November 2015 and is republished here with kind permission. Part one is here and part three here.


https://thediplomat.com/2016/06/lost-and-found-in-uzbekistan-the-korean-story-part-2/

Статья посвящена проблеме составления баз данных и подготовке на их основе Книг памяти депортированных. Затрагиваются вопросы выявления и обработки массовых персональных источников на эту категорию репрессированных. Приводятся предварительные результаты работы российско-армянского коллектива, работающего над подготовкой мартиролога на 16 тыс. этнических армян, высланных в ходе депортации 14 июня 1949 г. Ключевые слова: база данных; книга памяти; спецпереселенцы.

Korean communities have lived in the territory of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, and successor states for over 150 years. The history of the post-Soviet Koreans has been shaped by multiple transnational mobilities, including a dispersal across a wide territory. As of 2021, two-thirds of approximately half a million post-Soviet Koreans are settled in Central Asia, primarily in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan; one-third is in Russia, and a growing community of several tens of thousands is working and residing in South Korea.

The ethnonym subsumes three distinct sets of sub-ethnic communities. The largest group includes the Koryo Saram (i.e., the descendants of those who migrated from the northern part of the Korean Peninsula to the Russian Empire from the second half of the 19th century onward). Most were deported to Central Asia in 1937. The second much smaller group includes the Sakhalin Koreans. Originally from the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, they had migrated to the southern part of Sakhalin Island (then under Japanese colonial rule) between 1939 and 1945. In addition, some students and contract workers from North Korea decided to remain on Soviet territory, where they had moved between 1946 and 1949, instead of returning to their country of origin.

Despite some commonalities across these groups, the notion of Soviet and post-Soviet Koreans bundles together peoples of different origins, patterns of settlement, identities, and even the type and density of links to the Korean Peninsula. The collapse of the Soviet Union and greater engagement by South Korea in the following decades ushered in an era of significant challenges and opportunities for post-Soviet Koreans. It also brought about new mobilities and revealed growing inter-generational differences in terms of language and broader cultural loss, maintenance or erosion of group boundaries, and degrees of integration into local societies. Traditionally, scholarship has focused on the 1937 deportations, the different historical geographies of the group, and evolving conceptions of home and homeland. In the opening decades of the 21st century, scholars have also explored issues of status, citizenship, and subjecthood in the evolving imperial formations straddling the 19th and 20th centuries, and have highlighted intra-group heterogeneity and the hyphenization of identities in the contemporary period.