Pos 213 (Politics in Africa i)

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ISBN: 978-2828-15-7
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ii
Vice-Chancellor’s
Chancellor’s Message
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Foreward
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vi
Table of Contents
About this course manual 1

How this course manual is structured .................................................................................................................... 1
Course Overview 3
Welcome to Politics in Africa I POS213 .................................................................................................................. 3
Course outcomes .............................................................................................................................................................. 3
Timeframe........................................................................................................................................................................... 3
How to be successful in this course ......................................................................................................................... 4
Need help?........................................................................................................................................................................... 5
Academic Support............................................................................................................................................................ 5
Activities .............................................................................................................................................................................. 5
Assessments ....................................................................................................................................................................... 6
Getting around this course manual 8

Margin icons ....................................................................................................................................................................... 8
Study Session 1 9
Conceptualizing Politics in Africa ............................................................................................................................. 9
Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................... 9
1.1 What is Politics? ........................................................................................................................................... 9
1.2 Sources and Peculiarities of Politics in Africa .............................................................................. 10
1.3 European Penetration and the Peculiarities of Politics in Africa......................................... 11
Study Session Summary ............................................................................................................................................. 12
Study Session 2 .............................................................................................................................................................. 13
Transformation of Traditional African Political Systems ............................................................................ 13
Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................... 13
2.1 Need for Political Transformation under Colonialism ............................................................. 13
2.2 Mechanisms for the Transformation of Traditional Political Systems .............................. 14
2.3 Introduction of Colonial Political Economy .................................................................................. 15
2.4 Political Economy of Pre-Colonial Africa ....................................................................................... 16
2.5 Periods in the Development of Pre-Colonial Political Economy and their
Characteristic Features ................................................................................................................................. 17
Study Session 3 20
Penetration Thesis........................................................................................................................................................ 20
Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................... 20
3. 1 Western Capitalist Penetration ......................................................................................................... 20
3.2 Articulation of Penetration Thesis .................................................................................................... 20
3.3 Consequences of Penetration .............................................................................................................. 21
3.4 How the Colonies were Underdeveloped....................................................................................... 22
3.5 Conclusions on Penetration Thesis................................................................................................... 24
Study Session 4 26
Imperialism in Africa ................................................................................................................................................... 26
Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................... 26
4.1 Meaning of Imperialism......................................................................................................................... 26
4.2 Doctrine of Imperialism......................................................................................................................... 28
4.2 Doctrine of power .................................................................................................................................... 29
4.3 Doctrine of Civilization .......................................................................................................................... 30
Study Session5 36
Theories of Imperialism ............................................................................................................................................. 36
Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................... 36
5.1 Hobson’s Theory of Imperialism ....................................................................................................... 36
5.2 Lenin's Theory of Imperialism............................................................................................................ 38
5.3 Joseph Schumpeter’s Theory of Imperialism ............................................................................... 40
5.4 The "Devil's" Theory of Imperialism ................................................................................................ 41
Study Session 6 44
Structural Theories of Imperialism ....................................................................................................................... 44
Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................... 44
6.1 Imperialism in Structural Perspective ............................................................................................ 44
6.2 Mechanisms for Structural Imperialism ......................................................................................... 45
6.3 Types of Imperialism .............................................................................................................................. 47
Study Session 7 49
Relevance of Imperialism to the Study of Politics in Africa ........................................................................ 49
Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................... 49
7.1 Relevance of the Study of Imperialism............................................................................................ 49
7.2 Post-Colonial African State................................................................................................................... 50
7.3 African Economy....................................................................................................................................... 50
7.4 Political Institutions ................................................................................................................................ 51
7.4 Global Political System ........................................................................................................................... 51
References 52
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The course overview
The course overview gives you a general introduction to the course.
Information contained in the course overview will help you determine:
If the course is suitable for you.
What you will already need to know.
What you can expect from the course.
How much time you will need to invest to complete the course.
The overview also provides guidance on:
Study skills.
Where and how to get academic support and technical help.
Course assignments and assessments.
Margin icons.
Study Sessions.
We strongly recommend that you read the overview carefully before

starting your study.
The course content

The course is broken down into Study Sessions. Each Study Session
comprises:
An introduction to the Study Session content.
Study Session outcomes.
Core content of the Study Session with a variety of learning activities.
1
A Study Session summary.
Assignments and/or assessments, as applicable.
Bibliography
Your comments
After completing Error! No text of specified style in document., we
would appreciate it if you would take a few moments to give us your
feedback on any aspect of this course. Your feedback might include
comments on:
Course content and structure.
Course reading materials and resources.
Course assignments.
Course assessments.
Course duration.
Course support (assigned tutors, technical help, etc.)
Your constructive feedback will help us to improve and enhance this
course.
2
Course Overview
Course Overview
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in document.
POS213 is a three unit required course that exposes learners to the
problems of conceptualising African politics and various historical
experiences which have abiding influence on politics in Africa today.
Furthermore, the course will discuss how internal
internal social structures,
especially relations of production, exert influence on political power
distribution and the consequences of external and international division of
labour, in particular, on African politics.
It is important to note that this course - Politics in Africa I, is followed by
Politics in Africa II (POS214).
Course outcomes
Upon completion of Error! No text of specified style in document.
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s in document., you will be able to:
discuss politics in the pre-colonial Africa.

highlight the types of colonial administration in Africa.
analyse the theories and practice of imperialism in Africa.
discuss the consequences of imperialism on African states and
a
Outcomes politics.
Timeframe
This is a 15 week course. It requires a formal study time of 45 hours. The
formal study times are scheduled around online discussions / chats with
your course facilitator / academic advisor to facilitate your learning.
Kindly see course calendar on your course website for scheduled dates.
You will still require independent/personal study time particularly in
How long? studying your course materials.
3
How to be successful in this
course
As an open and distance learner your approach to learning will be
different to that from your school days, where you had onsite education.
You will now choose what you want to study, you will have professional
and/or personal motivation for doing so and you will most likely be
fitting your study
study activities around other professional or domestic
responsibilities.
Essentially you will be taking control of your learning environment. As a
consequence, you will need to consider performance issues related to
time management, goal setting, stress management,
management, etc. Perhaps you will
also need to reacquaint yourself in areas such as essay planning, coping
with exams and using the web as a learning resource.
We recommend that you take time now—before
now before starting your self-
self
study
study—to familiarize yourself with these
se issues. There are a number of
excellent resources on the web. A few suggested links are:
http://www.dlc.ui.edu.ng/resources/studyskill.pdf
This is a resource of the UIDLC pilot course module.
modul You will find
sections on building study skills, time scheduling, basic concentration
techniques, control of the study environment, note taking, how to read
essays for analysis and memory skills (“remembering”).
http://www.ivywise.com/newsletter_march13_how_to_self_study.htm
l
This site provides how to master self-studying,
self studying, with bias to emerging
technologies.
http://www.howtostudy.org/resources.php
Another “How to study” web site with useful links to time
management, efficient reading, questioning/listening/observing skills,
getting the most out of doing (“hands-on”
(“hands on” learning), memory building,
tips for staying motivated, developing a learning plan.
The above links are our suggestions to start you on your way. At the time
of writing these web links were active. If you want to look for more, go to
www.google.com and type “self-study basics”, “self--study tips”, “self-
study skills” or similar phrases.
4
Course Overview
Need help?
As earlier noted, this course manual complements and supplements
Error! No text of specified style in document.at UI Mobile Class as
an online course.
course
Help You may contact any of the following units for information, learning
resources and library services.
Distance Learning Centre (DLC) Head Office
University of Ibadan, Nigeria Morohundiya Complex, Ibadan-
Tel: (+234) 08077593551 – 55 Ilorin Expressway,
Expressway Idi-Ose,
(Student Support Officers)
Offi Ibadan.
Email: ssu@dlc.ui.edu.ng
Information Centre Lagos Office

20 Awolowo Road, Bodija, Speedwriting House, No. 16
Ibadan. Ajanaku Street, Off Salvation
Bus Stop, Awuse Estate, Opebi,
Ikeja, Lagos.
For technical issues (computer problems, web access, and etcetera),

please send mail to webmaster@dlc.ui.edu.ng.
Academic Support
A course facilitator is commissioned for this course. You have also been
assigned an academic advisor to provide learning support. The contacts of
your course facilitator and academic advisor for this course are available
at onlineacademicsupport@dlc.ui.edu.ng
Help
Activities
This manual features “Activities,” which may present material that is
NOT extensively covered in the Study Sessions. s. When completing these
activities, you will demonstrate your understanding of basic material (by
answering questions) before
before you learn more advanced concepts.
concept You will
Activities be provided with answers to every activity question. Therefore, your
emphasis when working
work the activitiess should be on understanding your
answers.
5
Assessments
There are three basic forms of assessment in this course: in-text
in questions
(ITQs) and self assessment questions (SAQs), and tutor marked
assessment (TMAs). This manual is essentially filled
filled with ITQs and
SAQs. Feedbacks to the ITQs are placed immediately after the questions,
Assessments while the feedbacks to SAQs are at the back of manual. You will receive
your TMAs as part of online class activities at the UI Mobile Class.
Feedbacks to TMAs will be provided by your tutor in not more than 2
weeks expected duration.
Schedule dates for submitting assignments and engaging in course / class
activities is available on the course website. Kindly visit your course
website often for updates.
6
Getting around this Error! No text of
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Margin icons
While working through this Error! No text of specified style in
document. you will notice the frequent use of margin icons. These icons
serve to “signpost” a particular piece of text, a new task or change in
activity; they have been included to help you to find your way around this
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document.
A complete icon set is shown below. We suggest that you familiarize
yourself with the icons and
and their meaning before starting your study.
Activity Assessment Assignment Case study
Discussion Group Activity Help Outcomes
Note Reflection Reading Study skills
Summary Terminology Time Tip
8
Study Session 1 Conceptualizing Politics in Africa
Study Session 1
Conceptualizing Politics in Africa

Introduction
In this Study Session, we will discuss politics in African context. We will
also discuss the extent to which the conventional definitions of politics
are applicable to politics in Africa, including certain aspects of politics in
Africa that distinguish it from politics in Europe and North America, for
example.
Learning Outcomes
When you have studied this Study Session, you should be able to:
1.1 define politics.
1.2 explain why those definitions are valid even for politics in Africa.
1.3 discuss the definition of African political region to which our notion of
Africa will always apply throughout this course.
1.4 discuss the peculiarities of African politics.
1.5 describe the various political changes Africa underwent since the
colonization of the continent.
1.1 What is Politics?

Politics The processes by Political Scientists have not been able to agree on a common definition
which people and for politics. This is essentially due to the fact that it is not possible for all
institutions exercise and
resist power. of them to see 'politics' from the same angle. As you proceed in your
study of Political Science, you will appreciate why different Political
Scientists view 'politics' from different angles. I shall give you just two
Political Science definitions here. The first one is from Vernon Van Dyke. This is as
The study of and reflection
upon politics. It involves the
follows: “Politics involves the struggle among actors pursuing conflicting
analysis of the state, desires on public issues". The other one is from David Easton and it says,
government and political "Politics is the authoritative allocation of values".
processes used to
formulate policies, influence It should be noted that although those definitions are given by non-
individuals and institutions, Africans as a result of their study of politics in Europe and North
and organize societies.
America, you must know that they are also valid for Africa in the same
measure as they are valid for all geographical areas and human societies.
Therefore, whenever we talk of politics in Africa we mean the totality of
the moves and manoeuvres that are involved in relation process of
authoritative allocation of values in African states. Or, you can use the
9
first definition, i.e. how political actors in African states conduct the
struggle for the pursuit of conflicting desires on public issues among
themselves. By Africa in the context of this definition, we mean the
whole geographical area encompassing continental African states,
Madagascar and all the islands surrounding Africa. This is the definition
given by the Organization of Africa Unity (OAU) to African political
region. (See the Charter of Organization of African Unity - Art. 1(2)).
Although African people are now found not only in Africa but also in
Europe, North America, Latin America and Central America as well as
the Caribbean, our focus as far as this course is concerned is only of the
politics in the states and societies that constitute the African political
region, defined in the OAU-Charter - Art 1 (2). Reference will however
be made to all these political regions as occasion demands.
Whenever we talk of politics in Africa we mean the totality of the

Hint moves and manoeuvres that are involved in relation process of
authoritative allocation of values in African states.
1.2 Sources and Peculiarities of Politics in Africa
Politics in Africa cannot be defined differently from politics in other

political regions of the world. This is because the essence of politics
remains the same all over the world. In like manner, the broad objectives
of politics remain the same, irrespective of creed, race and geographical
location. What makes the difference between, for instance, politics in
Western Europe and politics in Africa is the way politics is conducted in
both places. This involves a lot of factors including structure of society,
prevalent mode of production, external linkages as well as psycho-social
ones whose roots lie in the historical experience of individual political
actors and that of the society as a unit. When two societies do not share
these factors, we should not expect the conduct and the outcome of
politics to be the same for both societies. If we do, we are making the
same mistake as the man who expects his cat to produce a puppy!
10
Study Session 1 Conceptualizing Politics in Africa
Politics in Africa cannot be defined differently from politics in other political

regions of the world. This is because the essence of politics remains the
same all over the world.
Tip
Since
ince the 19th century, the conduct and outcome of politics in Africa
have not been the same as in Europe nor have they been what they used
to be in 17th and 18th century Africa. It is these remarkable differences
that make the study of contemporary African politics a worthwhile
enterprise. Otherwise, one could say he who knows
knows politics in Europe
knows politics in Africa.
1.3 European Penetration and the Peculiarities of

Politics in Africa
Certain things are peculiar to politics in Africa. It will be wrong to say
that all the peculiarities that we observe in African politics today are
directly traceable to the activities of European countries in the 19th
Century, which were directed towards the establishment of dominance
over African societies. Some were already there before the penetration.
Let us take 19th century African politics
politics and societies as an example.
Political Anthropologists tell us that they had very little in common with
their European counterparts. The structure of politics and structure of
power in the polities differed from the prevalent structures in Europe.
This
his was essentially due to the fact that both continents operated different
political economies at the period.
The African student of political science has an additional interest in

African politics because he or she is part of the political society that is
being studied. He/she has the moral obligation to contribute to the
Reflection improvement of his or her political environment where such
improvement is necessary.
The second set of peculiarities came about as a result of dominance

exercised by Europe
Europe on African societies for periods ranging from about
60 years in the case of the peoples that now form the Nigerian society and
about 500 years in the case of Angola! A Political Anthropologist,
Georges Balandier, describes the various political changes which Africa
underwent since European colonization of the continent. The most
important ones are as follows:
i. Creation of artificial boundaries without respect for cultural and
economic similarities of old political units, e.g. the old kingdom of
Congo was divided into two states-- Congo and Angola. The one
(Congo) was administered until 1960 by Belgium while the other
(Angola) was held as an overseas province of Portugal until she was
defeated in a war of liberation by Angolan nationalists in 1975.
ii. Depoliticization of the polity.. In the colonial situation, the colonizer
11
reduced every political problem into a technical one. In this manner,
the pre-colonial
colonial political process was destroyed and political
activities were driven underground. Whatever remained of the pre-pre
colonial political structures of the colony was preserved by the
colonized through skill.
iii. The weakening of the economic position of traditional rulers
resulted in limiting their power while the colonial administration
also encouraged appeal to the colonial administrator against age-
age
long exercise of traditional power. Only inferior chiefs were
eventually
ventually preserved while warrant chiefs were created by the
colonial administration to serve it, where none existed before.
iv. The operation of two incompatible systems of power and
authority. The mere existence of two systems of power and authority
operating
rating within a single polity created political confusion. The
coexistence of tradition and modernity gave rise to the birth of a
hybrid political system, a strange creature.
Basically, the peculiarities of African politics emanate from two sources;

the traditional peculiarities (those that have being existence before
colonization) and those peculiarities that came about through the agency
of colonialism.
Tip
Now that you know the sources of the peculiarities of politics in Africa,
you will agree with me that the study of such a strange political model
will increase our knowledge of politics generally. The African student of
political science has an additional interest in African politics because
b he
or she is part of the political
politica society that is being studied. He/she has the
moral obligation to contribute to the improvement of his or her political
environment where such improvement is necessary.
What is the practice of politics in your home town/village in the pre-colonial

pre era?
Provide response and join your tutor in an online discussion on this topic on Study
Session One forum page on course website
Discussion Activity
Study Session Summary

In this Study Session, we took a cursory look at popular definitions of
politics and why they are valid for the African political region. We
discussed the peculiarities of African politics and the various political
Summary changes Africa underwent since the colonization of the continent.
12
Study Session 1 Transformation of Traditional African Political Systems
Study Session 2
Transformation of Traditional African

Political Systems
Introduction
In the previous Study Session, you learnt about how the features which
define how African politics came about. In this Study Session, we will
explore the transformation of indigenous African political systems and
consequences of the transformation.
Learning Outcomes
2.1 explain the reasons for the political transformation of Africa by
the colonialists.
2.2 discuss the methods or mechanisms for carrying out the transformations.
2.3 explain what political economy is all about
2.4 discuss how and why the colonizers used it on African political and
economic system.
2.5 defend the view that Africa had a strong and distinctive political
economy before the advent of the colonialists.
2.1 Need for Political Transformation under

Colonialism
The colonizer was a total stranger to Africa when he started his
adventure. He was handicapped not only by his lack of the knowledge of
the physical terrain which he sought to annex and rule, but also by his
abysmal ignorance of the political arrangement of the communities he
stumbled upon. What is more, he could not understand any of the
components of the political life of the communities. He was, for instance,
totally ignorant of their political symbols, or how political decisions were
made; what constituted use and abuse of power, as well as how the
systems managed to endure through their crisis management mechanisms.
Since he came to Africa not to learn but to teach and to exploit, he played
down all that he was ignorant of and embarked on teaching what he knew
13
and was familiar with. He circumvented all the components of traditional
political life mentioned above. At first he reduced all political problems
to technical problems and proffered his own solution. Later, he
introduced brand new symbols, politicalpolitical decision-making
decision processes,
political institutions, and all that he needed to rule effectively. The ones
he rejected were called traditional while those ones that he introduced
were referred to as modern. The so-called
so called modem political institutions
were in fact models that were adapted for African colonies. They were
not introduced in their pure forms. If, for instance, he introduced
democracy in its popular form into the colony, the colonial governor
would have no business giving assent to bills before they t became laws.
He was not a representative of the people that he governed.
The colonizers had to clear all the obstacles to dominance, hence it was
necessary to dismantle the main components of traditional African Political
Systems so that they could assemble effective machinery for exploitation.
Tip
2.2 Mechanisms for the Transformation of Traditional

Political Systems
Colonialism A policy in The mechanisms differed from one colonizing state to another. This is
which a country’s due to different colonial policies which they adopted. In other words, the
dominates other nations
and develops trade with British approach was different from the French, the Portuguese, Belgian,
them for its own benefit. It Spanish and the German as long as their their colonial rulership lasted in
is usually achieved through Africa. Again, each colonial power changed her approach from one stage
aggressive, often military,
actions. of colonialism to another. The following approaches were common if we
disregard details of execution.
2.2.1
2.1 Prohibition
By declaration of political structure,
structure, symbol or process is made illegal.
Under Lugardism or Indirect Rule, the traditional ruler who was a
political leader in the community was converted into an administrator,
executing rules handed down by the resident colonial administrator. In
most cases
cases the prohibition is pronounced by the chief on behalf of the
paternalistic colonial administration. As a prelude to the massive assault
on the traditional political system that would follow, spurious treaties of
friendship and protection were signed, in most cases, under pressure by
traditional rulers with the colonial adventures. J.A. Barnes reports that in
the heydays of imperial expansion in Africa, British agents were provided
with printed treaty forms which could be completed with the names of
traditional rulers as they went on their journeys of colonial expedition. As
traditional
the full implication of the treaties unfolded, some traditional rulers put up
resistance to various aspects of colonial rule and were speedily exiled
from their domain. In this manner, Prepeh, King of the Ashantis and King
Jaja of Opobo were exiled.
It is noteworthy that the loss of indigenous sovereignty of the polity
14
usually preceded the attempts at transforming traditional political

systems.
2.2.2 Constitutionalism
Constitution The Through the use of constitutions,, colonial authorities transformed
fundamental system of law, indigenous political systems into adapted forms of Western models. This
written or unwritten, of a
sovereign state, established mechanism was in widespread use in British, French and Belgian
or accepted as a guide for territories. For instance from 1922 to 1960, various constitutions formed
governing the state. the milestones in the transformation process of the modern state. From
the Clifford Constitution of of 1922 through Richards Constitution and
Macpherson Constitution to the Independence Constitution of 1960, the
British incrementally introduced an adapted model of the Westminster
system in Nigeria. The story is the same in all Anglophone, and to a
certain extent, in Francophone African colonies.
It is instructive to note that nationalist activities in the colonies were
directed towards rapid transformation so that political power could pass
into the hands of indigenous politicians. One should add here that in
British colonies where a sizeable population of whites existed, these
minorities were favoured in the distribution of political power as the
colonies went through transformation. Such discriminatory practices,
with racial overtones, were responsible
responsible for the war of liberation which
indigenous Africans had to wage in order to establish majority rule
especially in Rhodesia which is now known as Zimbabwe.
In Portuguese territories of Angola and Mozambique, the story is crassly
different because the colonial
colonial administration simply integrated a small
minority of Africans known as assimiladoes into the mainstream of
Portuguese politics and made very slow progress towards modernization
of the colonies which officially constituted overseas provinces of
metropolitan Portugal. The friction was terminated by African
metropolitan
nationalists through long-drawn
long wars of liberation.
It is instructive to note that nationalist activities in the colonies were directed

towards rapid transformation so that political power could pass into the hands
of indigenous politicians. One should add here that in British colonies where a
sizeable population of whites existed, these minorities were favoured in the
distribution of political power as the colonies went through transformation.
Suchch discriminatory practices, with racial overtones, were responsible for the
Note war of liberation which indigenous Africans had to wage in order to establish
majority rule especially in Rhodesia which is now known as Zimbabwe.
2.3 Introduction of Colonial Political

Political Economy
It is important for you to know that it was necessary for the colonizer to
change the political system and other political activities that related to it
before African indigenous politics could undergo the kind of total,
effective and everlasting
everlasting transformation which the colonizer needed.
Therefore, he had to attack other spheres which make up the socio- socio
political life of the polities. Thus, the material, production, distribution
and exchange processes that were indigenous to African societies
societie were
15
attacked. We can therefore say that the transformation was not just the
transformation of the political sphere, but rather the transformation of the
indigenous political economy.
Government The The Oxford Universal Dictionary (illustrated) defines political economy
machinery of the state; as "the art of managing the resources of a people and of its government".
comprising the individuals
and institutions authorized This definition was first given by Adam Smith, one of the earliest
to formulate public policies scholars in the field of Political Economy which is, "the theoretical
and conduct affairs of state science of the laws of production and distribution of wealth," according
to McCulloch. You must realise that the whole political economy of any
polity must be changed before the politics of the polity can be
transformed, because politics itself is no more than the process of
authoritative allocation of resources. Resources, their production,
distribution and exchange, obviously, belong to the economic sphere of
life of human beings.
This explains why we must pay particular attention to the economy of the
polities and the changes that they underwent in order to understand fully
the transformation which occurred in the colonial era. As you know, the
importance of things like food, shelter and clothing to human beings and
their capacity to handle these basic needs cannot be over emphasized.
Availability or non-availability of these resources including their pattern
of distribution in any society spells social problems. Therefore, a change
in the political economy of a polity registers effect on the social life of
the political society inhabiting the polity.
We can now conclude this argument by saying that the transformation
which occurred in African indigenous polities was not limited to the
political sphere alone. It began in the economic, social and cultural
spheres of life of the peoples living in the polities. It was a pervasive
transformation. It is instructive to note that rather than the changes in the
political sphere, it is the changes in the polity because material resources
stand at the centre of human activities on earth.
Political Economy The Once the most important and most vital aspect (political economy) of the
study of economics and life of the polity had been tampered with, and controlled by the colonizer,
government policy: the
study of ways in which the people lost their economic independence completely. In the process of
economics and government introducing a new political economy, the political economy of
policies interact. colonialism, that is, the colonizer established a teacher-student
relationship between him and the colonized. This relationship, in some
cases, resulted in master-servant relationship. Even today, many years
after political independence, this relationship still persists in various
forms. The dependence that it still engenders marks out Africa as a
political region of weak nations and unstable political economies.
2.4 Political Economy of Pre-Colonial Africa

Part of the reason why scholars began to dig into African past was the
allegation by the West that Africa had no past worthy of mention and
systematic study and that the history of Africa began with her contact
with the west. In other words, that Africans began meaningful existence
16
as Homo sapiens with their colonization by Europe. Research into pre-

colonial political economy of the continent has proved this allegation
wrong. Instead, it is now known that before the heydays of colonialism
there was already in place a political economy with distinct features.
2.5 Periods in the Development of Pre-Colonial

Political Economy and their Characteristic
Features
In order to help your understanding of the development of African
political economy before colonialism took over, it is important to
examine the various stages that are identifiable. Each stage is linked up
with a period. Thus, the following periods are identified:
1. The communal mode of production
2. The slave mode of production
3. The feudal mode of production.
2.5.1 Communal Mode of Production

At the beginning of the emergence of African political societies, the clan
represented the unit of social organizations and in terms of social
production the family was the basic unit. It was the clans, in their
clusters, that built up the traditional polities which also developed into
kingdoms and empires.
At this stage of production, agricultural and pastoral activities were
undertaken. Agricultural activities were limited to the tropical rain forest
areas as well as to other climatic belts with sufficient rainfall to support
the cultivation of tree and root-crops. Pastoral activities dominated
production efforts in areas with little rains. Ownership of land was
communal while its use was regulated and managed by the chief and
individual families.
Land and labour formed the major means of production while in addition,
agricultural implements and herds of animals were important to the
agriculturalists and the pastoralists respectively. It is important to note
that at this stage of production there was equal access to land, the
regulation of which was conditioned by egalitarian principles and proven
need. Both land and animals were transferable but in the case of land, an
inheritor must also demonstrate ability to continue to farm the land
otherwise it reverts to the community for fresh allocation.
An essential feature of this mode of production was co-operation at all
levels. There was cooperation in form of pooling of labour and material
resources, mutual assistance and deep sense of responsibility to the
community in all economic matters were also important ingredients. The
community frowned at cheating and bad practices. Laziness was visited
with profound social sanctions.
Another feature of this period is the absence of social classes. Relations
17
among people and social roles were dictated by age and status and not by
social classes. Political participation of the individual was determined by
the generation to which he or she belonged. The exercise of power and
authority was vested in elders who were initially elected but as such
authority
exercise became institutionalized, it also became hereditary; thus losing
its initial democratic content. In the exercise of power and authority,
checks and balances did exist. A chief could be removed if such checks
and balances were not recognised by him.
Despite the crude mode of production, enough was produced to cover the
need of the community and some surpluses were also recorded. Such
surpluses served as objects of barter with neighbouring
neighbour communities
based strictly on need.
Despite the crude mode of production, enough was produced to cover the
need of the community and some surpluses were also recorded. Such
surpluses served as objects of barter with neighbouring communities based
strictly on need.
Note
2.5.2 Slavocratic Mode of Production

As interaction among various communities increased, so also conflicts
increased among them. Expansionist impulses in some cases gave rise to
feuds over land. In some other cases, inordinate ambition to expropriate
the wealth of another community caused conflicts that were carried out in
form of organized raids on weaker communities. Such raids ended with
the capture of animals, land and people. Human beings thus became
slaves. When a mode of production
production is based, essentially, on slave labour,
like the one that we shall discuss shortly, we say it is slavocratic.
Since slave-labour
slave labour was crucial to this mode of production, the
organization of communities and their activities were dictated by sources
of slaves
slaves from wars, raid and other conflictual activities, and defence of
territories and prevention of enslavement. In other words, military
activities perpetuated this mode of production.
This development brought in other changes in social relations and the
exercise
ercise of political power. For instance, decentralization was occasioned
by the emergence of feudal lords whose source of wealth and power was
war--mongering.
mongering. This coincided with the emergence of the military class
and war-lords.
war The polities themselves became
ame 'military democracies'.
This development was observed in Africa around the 10th century.
Aside from slave labour, other means of production in Slavocratic mode

were land and arms. Communal ownership of these resources could not
Hint
persist as individual war-lords
war lords developed ranting ambitions. Land
cultivation and construction of infrastructures (roads, bridges and so on.)
were left for the slaves to do. They also
also formed the bulk of the army. Free-
Free
18
men also farmed but employed slave labour.

Elders served as political advisers and logisticians. It is noteworthy that the
status of a slave was not a perpetual one under this mode of production. A
slave got integrated into
into the family of the captor with time. In some cases,
they are known to have become rulers of their captors, courtiers and
ambassadors.
Slavocratic mode of production threw up more surpluses than the

preceding mode of production. Private appropriation
appropriation of such surpluses by
chiefs, elders and free men came into existence. This is therefore the first
class society, and the first exploitative society. Slaves were exploited by
the free men.
2.5.3 Feudal Mode of Production

This mode of production is defined by two main actors. These are a fief
and a serf. The fief is land-holding,
land serf-owning,
owning, possessed distinct
political power and authority in a decentralized administrative system and
a tested member of the military and therefore ruling class. The serf is
economically
conomically just a step away from slavery because he enjoyed some
measure of economic freedom no matter how small. But for all practical
purposes, the serf stood in a personal bond of dependence upon the feudal
lord. They were peasant producers for the expropriation
expropriation of the land-lords.
land
The social relations were exploitative as surpluses flowed into the coffers
of the land-lord
land lord in form of tribute. The amount of tribute payable is
entirely dependent on the consumption need of the land-lord.
land His need
must be covered
co by the sweat of the serf.
Ownership of land defined social classes under this mode of production.
Thus, the landowning
landowning chiefs and their vassals constituted the ruling class.
Class divisions were clear and unmistakable. By the 17th century a group
of artisans, skilled in various arts emerged as the economy called for such
specialized skills. Thus, black-smiths,
black gold-smiths,
smiths, carpenters and
sculptors emerged.
It is instructive to note that all the periods identified in the development of pre-
pre
colonial political economy of Africa and described above paid particular
attention to culture. Surpluses were allocated to the promotion of culture as
evidenced today by highly
highly intricate works of art and artifacts that now do us
proud as a people with a glorious past.
Note

In this Study Session, we discussed the reasons for the political
transformation of Africa by the colonialists and how the colonizer
transform indigenous political systems into adapted Western models to
facilitate his understanding of the political environment
environment in which he had
Summary to operate. The political economy of African state before colonization
was also examine.
examine
19
Study Session 3
Penetration Thesis
Introduction
This Study Session explores the penetration of western capitalist on
African societies. We shall examine the impact of this on African polity
and consequently African politics as we know it today.
Learning Outcomes
3.1 discuss the penetration thesis.
3.2 write a discourse on the underdevelopment of Africa by the
colonizers.
3.3 draw up your own conclusion to the penetration thesis in
addition to that of the proponents.
3. 1 Western Capitalist Penetration

Capitalism An economic A simple way of defining western capitalist penetration is to see it as the
system in which private totality of processes and procedures, structures and linkages which were
individuals and business
firms carry on the put in place by the colonizer in order to effectively accomplish the self-
production and exchange of serving transformation of pre-colonial political economy into a form of
goods and services through capitalist one. It can also be seen as the process by which pre-colonial
a complex network of prices
and markets. political economy lost its internal dynamics and independence. It seeks
to explain how African societies were turned away from self-directed
development and made appendages of western capitalist societies. It is an
Independence State of account of how pre-colonial African mode of production had the
having political freedom capitalist mode forcibly super-imposed upon it.
and being free from control
or dependence on another
state.
3.2 Articulation of Penetration Thesis
The penetration thesis seeks to explain the root of African situation today.
In this attempt it takes stock of or evaluates pre-colonial political and
social conditions as well as the state of the economy. In a nutshell, an
assessment of the totality of African existence in the pre-colonial era is
considered and the following conclusions are reached:
i. That African states and societies had developed, in most parts of
20
Study Session 3 Penetration Thesis
the continent, political order and economic systems that provided

adequately for their members without reliance on external
assistance. Testimonies from early European explorers represent
objective evidences in support of this fact.
ii. That each African polity and political society represented an
organic and homogeneous unit economically and culturally.
iii. That African societies had, on the eve of European penetration,
developed an impressive technological standard that well served
their needs in the productive process as well as in the fabrication
of works
orks of art and artifacts compared with the achievement of
other societies in that period.
iv. That the pattern of exchange among pre-colonial
colonial societies was
dictated by real needs of the people. Exchange across borders
was equal or symmetric.
v. That African states and societies of pre-colonial
colonial era, like other
human societies, had possessed internal dynamics which was
capable of generating self-directed auto development.
Penetration thesis then proceeds to examine the colonial situation in
Africa and what
what transformation had taken place. The conclusion is drawn
that the whole colonization process and the colonial order, in its entirety,
represents, from the point of view of the African, a mal-development
mal
which is a far-cry
far cry from natural course of movement of o pre-colonial
situation
situation.
The whole colonization process and the colonial order, in its entirety,
represents, from the point of view of the African, a mal-development
mal which
is a far-cry
far from natural course of movement of pre-colonial
colonial situation
situatio
Reflection
Finally, the state of affairs in Africa after "flag independence", in view of

the African experience in the colonial situation and the deplorable state of
affairs in the post-colonial
post colonial state and society, is traced to the abiding
features of colonialism and imperialist enterprise that put colonialism in
place in the first instance. Hence, this period is referred to as the neo-
neo
colonial stage of western capitalist penetration. The foregoing represents
the premises on which the proponents of penetration thesis the base their
argument.
3.3 Consequences of Penetration

In their argument in support of the penetration thesis, its proponents
examined first and foremost the consequences of penetration of one
society by another as an act by itself and concluded as follows:
foll
A penetrated society cannot be said to retain all its characteristic features
once the business of penetration is in full swing. This is because certain
discontinuities are bound to occur since the penetrator or penetrating
agent is at the same time a transformer with a set of objectives in mind.
These objectives are subjectively defined and cannot be executed unless
21
the transformer or prime-mover
prime mover stops aspects of the indigenous order or
the entire indigenous order. Thus, the interruption of indigenous order
followed by the introduction of new things into the society further
complicates the matter and ultimately causes distortion of the original but
now penetrated society.
Since the external prime-mover
prime mover has now taken charge of the entire
society by exercising
exercising multipurpose dominance, the internal dynamics of
the penetrated society is now externalized. Henceforth, the penetrated
society would depend on the external prime-mover
prime mover for vital activities
including the direction, rate and character of development in the society.
A penetrated society becomes the shadow of its former self.
3.4 How the Colonies were Underdeveloped

1. Once the colonizer seized initiative of vital activities in the
penetrated society, he embarked on a massive satellization of the
economy of the colony and its culture to metropolitan economy and
culture. As the metropoles developed themselves through the
resources found in the colonies and unleashed further resources by
means of their own technology, the colony was systematically
systemati
underdeveloped in the same process. In the early part of western
capitalist penetration, emphasis was on labour as a resource. Thus,
millions of Africans were shipped to Europe and North America
during the trans-Atlantic slave trade.
The introduction of money nexus consolidated the satellization of the

colonies. Taxation systems further completed the economic pressure on
the African. The resources lost to Europe through the various methods
of exploitation enriched the western capitalist
capitalist metropoles while
Reflection African societies were impoverished. In its crude colonial form, this
exploitation lasted between 100 and 500 years.
Later, it was mineral resources, agricultural produce and other goods

of value.. The introduction of money nexus consolidated the
satellization of the colonies. Taxation systems further completed the
economic pressure on the African. The resources lost to Europe
through the various methods of exploitation enriched the western
capitalist
ist metropoles while African societies were impoverished. In
its crude colonial form, this exploitation lasted between 100 and 500
years. You should imagine the amount of resources carted off over
this long period of time.
2. Indigenous technology was 'killed'lled' in order to eliminate possible
competition between the imported technology and the indigenous
one. This is particularly the case in areas where indigenous
technology has demonstrated superiority. The case of textile
technology and distillation of alcoholic
oholic drinks readily come to mind
in this respect. Prohibition and importation were employed by the
colonizer to affect the policy of technological dominance.
The first and most widely used was prohibition. In such cases, the
22
use of technology to produce certain goods is simply prohibited.

Thus the indigenous gin became' illicit gin' in colonial Nigeria
because distillation of alcohol was prohibited. The reason for this act
was economic. It was designed to give various drinks imported into
the colony monopoly of liqueur market.
Indigenous technology for the production of arms and ammunition was
Hint also prohibited. The reason for this was military. The colonizer wanted to
ensure that he enjoyed monopoly of force in case of a military show-down
show
between his administration and the nationalists.
Such an attack on indigenous technology served as precursor for the

dumping of inferior goods from the metropole which later served as
the alternative to the product of indigenous technology especially
clothing and materials for the construction of shelter as well as food
items. This is the root of technological dependence that African
societies are now experiencing.
3. Exportation of capital into the colonies in form of investment as well
as capital for running financial institutions like banks and insurance
companies by metropolitan-basedbased companies. Such investments
which were backed by the political dominance of the colonizer
yielded bumper interests which were repatriated at regular intervals
to swell the stock of capital available in the metropole while the
colony was, by the same amount repatriated, impoverished. Imagine
the huge amount of capital siphoned off over scores of years. And
this old process continues in new forms today.
In the assessment of the proponents of the penetration thesis, politics in

Africa today has its origin in western imperialist intrusion in the continent
over a long period of time.
Tip
4. The superimposition of alien values, perspectives, beliefs,

superstitions and idiosyncrasies to the neglect of indigenous ones did
not help cultural advancement of the colonies. Thus, the colonial
society was forced to learn new ways. A new language
la had to be
learnt, a new religion and mode of worship were introduced, while
the colonized spent all his energy learning the new ways, his own
culture was not promoted. The imposed mimicry and catching-up
catching
mentality dealt severe blows to the confidencee of the colonized. This
psychological problem sometimes resulted in self-rejection.
self This is
reflected in the African's love of goods and services of foreign
origin. It is also observable, even in post-colonial
colonial Africa, in the
choice of socio-economic and political
olitical models and ways of doing
things. The ruling classes in the continent are particularly guilty of
this self-rejection.
rejection. The situation is so bad that some post-colonial
post
African states mounted massive campaigns for self-reliance
self as a
development strategy because pervasive self-rejection
rejection of the African
has been identified as a source of under-development.
development.
23
The colonial society was forced to learn new ways. A new language had to
be learnt, a new religion and mode of worship were introduced, while the
colonized spent all his energy learning the new ways, his own culture was
Hint not promoted. The imposed mimicry and catching-up mentality dealt
severe blows to the confidence of the colonized. This psychological
problem sometimes resulted in self-rejection. This is reflected in the
African's love of goods and services of foreign origin.
3.5 Conclusions on Penetration Thesis

After an intense analysis of the discontinuities and distortions that have
been brought about in African societies through western capitalist
penetration, a number of conclusions are drawn by the proponents of the
penetration thesis. For easy understanding these conclusions are outlined
below.
1. That the seed of development of every society inheres in the
culture and economic activities of the society. Therefore African
societies would have achieved a level of development compatible
with their effort and endowment if left alone and without intrusion
from outside.
2. The externalization of dynamics of development which occurred in
the process of penetration deprived the societies of the opportunity
to employ their productive efforts and endowment for their own use.
The satellization which this process brought about extinguished the
independence of the states and societies. Therefore, the degree of
development achieved by penetrated societies reflected the degree
allowed by the external prime-mover, the colonizer.
3. Western capitalist penetration was not designed to benefit
Africans but Europeans; therefore, the whole relationship between
the colonies and the metropoles was exploitative, leading to
impoverishment of Africans. Little wonder, therefore, that the
political economy of Africa is that of underdevelopment.
4. The present economic backwardness, social disarticulation,
political instability and failure of Western-type democratic practice,
ignorance and disease are the outcrops of the multifarious ways in
which western capitalist penetration and its structures shaped the
course and content of development in Africa.
The first groups of people to articulate the penetration thesis were the
westernized early African nationalists. Their early writings about the
plight of Africa reflected this. This is particularly the case with the works
of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo, Jomo Kenyatta, Ahmed,
Sekou Towre, Kwame Nkrumah, Modibo Keita, Leopold Senghor,
Patrice Lumumba, Julius Nyerere and a host of others.
They were joined by Africans in Diaspora to articulate the thesis. Most
outstanding among these were W.E.B. Dubois, George Padmore and C.R.
James who identified with the African struggle as young people in the
Pan-African movement.
24
African scholars in search of explanation for Africa's underdevelopment

have now delivered incontrovertible evidence for the role which western
capitalist penetration has played in conditioning African
capitalist
underdevelopment which is reflected in its economy and politics boldly.
The most outstanding of such scholars is Samir Amin. Others are Franz
Fanon and Walter Rodney. They all condemn imperialism for the African
Af
predicament.
The colonies were underdeveloped by satellization of their economies to the

metropolitan ones coupled with the following mechanisms: Introduction of
money nexus and taxation in cash and kind, arrest of the development of
indigenous technology, pillage, slave trade and unequal exchange.
Note
Review Walter Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa.

Africa
Post your response on Study Session Four forum page on course website.
Reading
Activity

In this Study Session, we discussed the penetration thesis. Penetration
thesis traces the root of African political, economic and social situation
to western capitalism.. We noted that Western capitalist penetration of
Africa entails the multipurpose way in which the West W eroded the
Summary independence of African societies.
societies They did that by taking control of
their political economy and stopping their self-directed
self directed development.
We discover that even after the so-called
so called independence, the African
states and societies are unable to shake off the features of the colonial
state which made the mal development possible.
25
Study Session 4
Imperialism in Africa
Introduction
In the previous study session, we explored how Western European
metropolis completely took over African territories, administration and
political economies. In this Study Session you will be exposed to the
mechanics of imperialism in Africa.
Learning Outcomes
4.1 discuss the concept of imperialism in relation to African experience.
4.2 argue for or against the doctrines of imperialism.
4.3 discuss the assumptions on which the doctrine of civilization is based.
4.1 Meaning of Imperialism

Imperialism has been defined in various ways depending on the interest
of the writer, and the aspect or aspects of the concept the writer wants to
emphasize. But let us examine just two of such definitions. In the
Chambers's Encyclopaedia we find imperialism defined as follows:
"In its broadest sense imperialism means the political organization
which we call an empire. An empire always implies the role of one
nation, race or community over another. It is a social organism or
state in which the political status of the peoples inhabiting the
geographical area within the state is not equal; one community is
dominant and the other subject. Political inequality is the essence
of empire".
This definition, as you will observe, emphasizes the power relations
between two peoples or two states. The two peoples or states relate to
each other on the basis of inequality because there is a disparity of
political power between them. This power disparity is, according to this
definition, the source of imperial dominance of one people or state over
another people or state. As you will also observe, this broad definition of
imperialism emphasizes political aspect of imperialism. The strength of
this definition lies in the fact that political dominance of the imperial
power which it emphasizes can, in fact, be deployed to achieve a number
of ends depending at various times on the need of the imperial or
imperialist power. This explains why some writers, especially Hans
26
Study Session 4 Imperialism in Africa
Morgenthau in Politics Among Nations, argues that imperialism is about

power; power to dominate. Once that power has been achieved it can be
used to pursue other ends that may be economic, cultural or military. In
this sense the definition which we have just discussed contains the seeds
of the next one.
"In its broadest sense imperialism means the political organization which
we call an empire. An empire always implies the role of one nation, race or
Hint community over another. It is a social organism or state in which the
political status of the peoples inhabiting the geographical area within the
state is not equal; one community is dominant and the other subject.
Political inequality is the essence of empire
The second definition to be considered is by Barratt Brown in his book,

The Economics of Imperialism. Brown defined imperialism as: "the
outward drive of certain peoples... to build empires - both formal colonies
and privileged positions in markets, protected sources of materials and
extended opportunities for profitable employment of labour. The concept
has thus been associated with an economic relationship between states,
not simply the inequality of large and small, rich and poor trading
partners, but the inequality of political and economic dependence of the
latter on the former". This second definition differs a little bit from the
first one in terms of its own focus. Its focus is essentially economic.
Barratt posits that imperialism is a set of economic relationships. This set
of economic relationships of inequality gives rise to political as well as
economic subordination and dependence. Compared with the first
definition, the second reverses the sequence of occurrence between
political dominance and economic inequality. What you have seen here is
the result of difference in the approaches used by the two writers. The
weakness of Barratt's economic definition lies in the fact that it fails to
point out the relationship between imperialism and capitalism.
If we relate both definitions to Africa's experience we find that each
explains imperialist enterprise on the continent at different times. Claude
Ake in A Political Economy of Africa confirms this by stating that,
"Western imperialism in Africa took many forms at different stages - the
pillage of Africa's natural resources, trade, and colonisation".
It is not appropriate to equate colonialism alone to imperialism.
Experience has shown that imperialism can pre-date colonialism as it did
in Africa. Imperialist activities in forms of pillage, a semblance of trading
which involved outrageous under-pricing of African commodities came
before colonization which formally put political structures of dominance
in place and carved out areas of exclusive exploitation. Many people take
colonialism as the only form that imperialism can take because most of
the transformation accompanying western capitalist penetration in Africa
took place under colonialism. As you will know later in this course,
imperialism is highly adaptable. History of post-colonial Africa has also
pointed out to us that the end of colonialism does not put an end to
imperialism.
27
It is not appropriate to equate colonialism alone to imperialism. Experience
has shown that imperialism can pre-date
pre date colonialism as it did in Africa ...
before colonization which formally put political structures of dominance in
place and carved out areas of exclusive exploitation. Many people take
colonialism as the only form that imperialism can take because most of the
transformation accompanying western capitalist penetration in Africa took
place under colonialism.
colonialism Imperialism is highly adaptable. History of post-
post
Note colonial Africa has also pointed out to us that the end of colonialism does not
put an end to imperialism.
4.2 Doctrine of Imperialism

While there is a minimum of agreement among writers on the definition
of imperialism
imperialism as a concept (as a phenomenon) there have been different
views on the nature and character as well as the causes of imperialism.
The use of the word has been open to abuse by opposing ideological
groups as well as social classes both in imperialist countries
coun and in
imperialised societies. Shifts in global structure of power have also
influenced our views on the phenomenon.
The doctrines of imperialism are therefore the theoretical opinions

canvassed by the advocates of imperialism to justify their activities in order
to escape moral condemnation at home and abroad.
Tip
In the hey-days
hey days of European expansionism and imperialist adventure,
especially between the 1850's and the second half of the 19th century,
there were some dominant views held by three groups of people in
Western Europe. Such views were also "sold" to the rest of the world as
explanations for imperialism in Africa, Asia and Latin America. These
explanations which are also subjective are what I refer to in this Study
Session as doctrines of imperialism. Now, what is a doctrine?
The Oxford Universal Dictionary defines doctrine as, "that which is laid
down as true concerning a particular department of knowledge as
religion, politics, science and so on, a theoretical opinion".
The doctrines of imperialism are therefore the theoretical opinions
canvassed by the advocates of imperialism to justify their activities in
order to escape moral condemnation at home and abroad. Three groups of
people were involved in canvassing the opinions. They are:
1. Politicians and statesmen in imperialist nations,
nations e.g. Chamberlain,
Lord Salisbury, for Britain, Bismark, the Eisen-Kanzler for Germany
and Richeleu for France.
2. The ideologues of imperialism such as P.T. Moon, D. Landes and the
British dramatist and Fabian Socialist, Bernard Shaw, who opined
that through illiberal colonialism the poor should be ruthlessly
abolished by raising their standard of life while the rich was
preserved.
28
3. Imperialist agent’s especially colonial officers or field workers who

served in various colonies over time in different capacities. Among
these are people like Rudyang Kipling and Lord Lugard who had to
commit their views into writing.
4. Cooperative natives:: These are westernized indigenous Africans
who, some sincerely, held the view that colonialism was the best
thing that ever happened
appened to Africa and Africans.
4.2 Doctrine of power

This explains imperialism as the logical outcrop of power disparity
between two interacting nations or peoples. It is, according to this
doctrine,
trine, the exercise of right of the stronger over the weaker.
The substance of the argument has been stated by Daniel Landes as
follows: "Imperialism is a multi-farious
multi farious response to a common
opportunity that consists simply in disparity of power". Luthy holds ho
corroboratively that the passive capacity of the non-European
non European world to be
colonized was a basic factor in European world power as the European
drive for expansion itself because virtually, nowhere did the colonizers
come across political entitles and social
social structures possessing an inherent
capacity to resist external onslaught or people who lived in liberty, and
independence worth defending and under rulers worth preserving.
It is further argued by the apostles of power doctrine that power naturally
does
es not allow power-vacuum.
power vacuum. It flows to a situation of powerlessness.
Europe, in the heyday of imperialist expansion, was a region of powerful
nations. Africa on the other hand, was inhabited by relatively weaker
nations. Therefore, European incursion into Africa obeys perfectly the
law of nature.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe in one of his early books, Renascent Africa,
Africa referred
to this doctrine as the doctrine of exploitation because the same right of
the stronger over the weaker is involved to forcibly take over the people
of colonized territories and their resources.
Peoples that were once sovereign and who basked in an age long freedom
suddenly became subject peoples under a new administration and new
laws. Their labour could be commandeered at will so were their valuable
resources including the source of their livelihood-land,
livelihood land, which had now
Reflection become Crown Land.
The argument of imperialists in this regard was that the human and
material resources were being developed on behalf of the native people.
In fact, it was the metropolitan states that were thus developed while the
colonies were underdeveloped. It was through this process that large
stocks of capital were accumulated in Western Europe and in North
America.
The doctrine of power also informed the style of colonial administration
which relied at first on direct coercion and later after the "pacification"
stage, on draconian legal sanctions.
29
4.2.1 Primary Resistance and the Doctrine of Power
It is necessary to point out the fallacies in the doctrine
doctrin of power,
especially the aspect of it which gives the impression that indigenous
peoples of Africa did nothing to preserve their independence or ward off
external aggression mounted in the wake of imperialist campaign in
Africa. This is a wrong impression.
impression. The truth is that all African
communities put up resistance led by their rulers or traditional war-lords.
war
This is often referred to as primary resistance.. We find ample evidence of
such resistance among West African ethnic groups leading to the exile of
notable rulers like Prempeh of the old Gold Coast, King Jaja of Opobo,
and others. In East, Central and Southern Africa, the Kikuyus, Luo,
Massai, Matabeles, Mashonas, Dinuzulus, Bakongos, etc rose up at
various times to resist English, French, Belgian and
and German imperialists.
At the battle of Adowa, the Ethiopians defeated the Italians. The film,
The Zulu,
Zulu, documents the amount of blood of resisting Zulus that Britain
had to let before she could take over Zululand which has now become
part of apartheid Republic
Rep of South Africa.
Treaty A formal contract The second impression that needs correction is that the colonization
or agreement negotiated process was entirely by conquest. This is also false. Military campaigns
ca
between countries or other
political entities. against indigenous rulers and their people, followed only in cases where
the ruler resisted overtures by colonial agents. Such overtures, as I have
mentioned in earlier study sessions, were in the form of the so-called
so
“treaties
treaties of friendship”. Each colonial agent was supplied with copies of
such spurious treaties to be signed and concluded with native rulers
whenever opportunities presented themselves. You will recall that this
fact has been mentioned before.
Regarding the quality of governance and the state of order on the eve of
colonial incursion into African polities, colonial anthropologists, in spite
of the biases of their research methodology were more objective than the
advocates of colonialism. Most of them testified to the high standard of
administration which manifested itself in the governance of pre-colonial
pre
African polities.
The
he doctrine of power is no more than a rationalization of predatory
activities of imperialism since the main plank in its argument reduces to
glorification of the employment of brute force to kill, destroy and
exterminate cultures in the process of demonstrating superiority of power,
but the doctrine has failed to tell us the prime-
prime-motive behind this
Reflection demonstration of power. What did the so-called
so d superior power want to
achieve by exercising dominance in African territories? This question
remains unanswered. Now, let us examine another doctrine of imperialism.
4.3 Doctrine of Civilization

Imperialism is also explained in terms of civilizing mission. The essence
of this doctrine was expressed in a poem written by a former British
colonial Governor in India - Rudyan Kipling. Consider the first stanza of
the poem:
30
Take up the Whiteman’s burden

Send forth the best ye breed
Go bid your sons to exile
To serve your captive's needs
To wait in heavy harness
One fluttered fold and wild
Your new caught sullen people’s half devil half child.
Thus imperialism is conceived as the "white-man's
"white man's burden" gladly carried
in order to civilize black, brown and yellow peoples in all nooks and
corners of the world. An onerous task accepted in the interest of
humanity. This is what we are supposed to believe. We are also supposed
to believe that whatever is done in the process of this "civilizing mission"
is essentially for the good of the black, brown and yellow peoples. This
explains President W. Mckinley's stance when U.S. annexed the
Philippines. He said:
“There is nothing for us to do but to take them, all of them
and to educate the Philipinos and uplift and civilise and
christianize them as our own fellow men for whom Christ
also died.”
Such an explanation of imperialism is not limited to raving politicians
and statesmen alone; several serious-minded
serious minded writers with Eurocentric
biases rigorously engage in such unscholarly enterprise. Take for
instance, Griffiths, in his book British Impact Inn India,
India holds the view
that, "a condemnation action of the colonization is tantamount to a
condemnation of the main process by which civilization has been
diffused". To Griffiths, colonialism is the vehicle for the dispersal of
civilization across the world. Even younger generations of European and
North American writers have not abandoned this subjective
rationalization for a predatory phenomenon. Writing in the 1960's, Rupert
Emerson, in Nation and the Empire,, believes that "there remain good
reasons to doubt that non-European
European peoples could have been induced
without compulsion to undertake, in any comparable space of time, the
revolutionizing of their societies which involved abandonment of their
established way of life". This is a refined way of saying
sayin the same thing
expressed by P.T. Moon in a book that was written in 1927 and titled,
Imperialism and World Politics.
Politics. P.T. Moon, very bluntly put it as
follows: "This is altruism, an aggressive altruism, because it means using
brutal force to impose on unwilling
unwilling native peoples the blessing of French
or German or British or American civilisation. Indeed this altruism goes
to such length that the civilizing nations are willing not only to shoot the
Hindus or the Zulus or the Philippinos or the Mexicans into culture but to
undergo the hardship of war with equally zealous civilizing nations..."
Colonialism is the vehicle for the dispersal of civilization across the world.
Even younger generations of European and North American writers have
not abandoned this
this subjective rationalization for a predatory phenomenon
Tip
31
The term "dual mandate" coined by one of the most successful colonial
governors- Lord Lugard is supposed to summarize the ultimate objective
of the civilizing mission of European imperialism. The notion of dual
mandate views the black, brown and yellow peoples of the world as the
trust of western civilization. They are to be civilized and developed not
only in their own interest but also in the interest of mankind.
Comments on the Doctrine of Civilization
The doctrine of civilization reveals the following assumptions at a second
look
1. Absence of any kind of civilization worthy of recognition in Africa,
Asia and Latin America. This eurocentric cultural arrogance explains
the wanton destruction of civilization by Europeans as they came in
contact with other societies. Thus the Spaniards destroyed superior
Inka Culture in Mexico and various African cultures in the wake of
their expansionist efforts. If culture is truly "the complex of the
distinctive beliefs, attainments and traditions of a particular society
which in action assert themselves under the name of a civilization" it
cannot be validly proved that the black, brown and yellow peoples
that imperialism claims to be civilizing, have no cultures of their own
because a society without beliefs, attainments or traditions, no
matter how lowly or exotic, is unthinkable. Therefore, explaining the
imperialist enterprise in terms of civilizing mission is less than honest
about the real purpose of European imperialism in Africa, Asia and
Latin America.
2. Assumption of racial superiority of white people deriving from the
superiority of caucasian culture over those of other peoples of the
world. This forms the root of white racism. For, if you allocate a
subordinate class to other people as the doctrine does, you will
develop contempt for them and consequently discriminate against
them on the basis of their race Marcus Garvey sees the root of white
racism not in the colour of the skin but in the Whiteman’s claim of
superior culture - "because as a race to them we have accomplished
nothing, we have built no nation, no government and because we
are dependent for our economic and political existence."
The racist underpinnings of the doctrine of civilization which held sway

among western imperialist nations in the heyday of their incursion into
Africa, as a convenient rationalization for a deeply economic
phenomenon, finally surface at the end of World War I, and found
documentation in the League of Nations Covenant and the provisions on
the League's Mandate system. Now, it is pertinent to discuss this
important document because of the implication which its implementation
had unleashed on existing international society.
4.3.1 The Civilizing Mission and the League of Nations'

Mandate System
The influence of the USA and President Woodrow Wilson on the affairs
of Europe after the First World War, 1914-1918 cannot be over-
emphasized. Paris Peace Treaty was concluded, essentially, on the basis
of President Wilson's 14-Point Programme for peace to return to Europe
and the rest of the world after the defeat of Germany and the Turkish
Ottoman Empire.
32
Paris Peace Treaty recognised the right of non-German

non German speaking peoples
p
of Austro-Hungarian
Austro Empire to self-determination.
determination. To this extent, new
nations emerged from the ashes of Hapsburg's old domain. Serbian,
Csechs, Slovaks, Bulgarians and other minorities in the Balkan
Peninsular joined others to forge federated states
states or maintain individual
existence. The First World War, in this fashion, put an end to the
existence of formal political dominance among European peoples in form
of imperial subjugation. But the situation was different for the peoples of
the Middle East, Asia and Africa, Instead of the liquidation of both
German and Ottoman Empires in these regions; the territories under both
German and Ottoman Empires were parcelled out afresh to other
established colonial powers. The arrangement was incorporated into the
League of Nations Covenant and called the Mandate System.
The First World War put an end to the existence of formal political dominance
among European peoples in form of imperial subjugation. But the situation
was different for the peoples of the Middle East, Asia and Africa, Instead of
the liquidation of both German and Ottoman Empires in these regions; the
territories under both German and Ottoman Empires were parcelled out
Note afresh to other established colonial powers.
The provisions of Article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant regulated

the mandate system. First, the territories in the German and Ottoman
Turkish empires were categorised into 3 classes - A,B,C. The Near
Eastern territories (now called Middle-East)
Middle East) were in the A category -
these were, Syria, Iraq and Palestine. These Arab lands were handed over
these
to the British and the French. Syria went to the French while Iraq and
Palestine went to the British. African territories of the two Empires were
either in the B or C categories; because the classification corresponded
"to the degree of development of the peoples who were placed under
them." Rene Albrecht-Carrie,
Albrecht in A Diplomatic History of Europe hinted
that "the British and the French had planned a partition between
themselves of the existing
existing German colonies in Africa".
The result of their manoeuvres was a division of German Cameroon and
Togoland between Britain and France. These were B mandate territories.
German Southwest Africa was assigned to the Union of South Africa as a
C mandate because
because it was "sparsely populated and highly undeveloped."
Southwest Africa was to be administered as an integral part of the Union
of South Africa. I shall return to the problem which South African
administration of the territory now poses for African and world affairs
later in this study session. Further, a portion of German East Africa called
Rwanda
Rwanda-Burundi became a Belgian mandate.
In theory, "the mandatory power was to be responsible to the League for
the administration of his mandate, and his role was to be that of educating
the mandate area to the point where it would be prepared for
independence". German possessions in the Far East were taken over by
Japan while Australia and small New Zealand shared German Pacific
possessions.
The mandate system of the
the League was a glaring documentation of the
civilizing mission syndrome. It was not only eurocentric and racialist; it
33
was fraught with racial and interstate conflict which in the ripeness of
time has generated indigenous nationalism that, in turn, is currently
cur
clashing with the nationalism of the mandatory power as in the case of
the Namibian people and their racist South African oppressor. It has also
become a continual source of conflict between those who benefitted from
the rulership of the mandatory powerpower and the indigenes who are
outplayed like the case is between the Palestinians and the Israelis in the
Middle East today.
Palestinian Refugee Camp

During the Six-Day
Six Day War of 1967, Israel captured territory from surrounding Arab nations.
Thousands of Palestinian Arabs living in those areas fled to refugee camps administered
by the United Nations, like the Baquar refugee camp in Jordan. The Palestinians remain
the largest refugee population in the world.
Both cases gulp a tremendous amount of resources from the peoples of

the regions who are locked in the clash of nationalisms. South African
mandate and the intransigence of the apartheid state to give up the
administration of Namibia in spite of a ruling of
of the International Court in
the Hague and UN resolutions terminating the mandate of South Africa
over the territory as the successor to the League of Nations has created
conflict situation in Southern Africa as the conflicts between the SWAPO
and South Africa
Africa has now become a feature of the politics in the Southern
African region and a continental problem.
The presence of the United Nations Peace Keeping Force in the Middle
East since two decades ago illustrates the recognition accorded Arab- Arab
Israeli conflict
conflict as a threat to international peace and security. Today, the
League of Nations' Mandate System has been recognised for what it was -
"a mere hypocritical cloak for the operation of traditional imperialism,
adapting itself to the climate and verbiage of the day".
34

In this Study Session, we examined imperialism as an established
political dominance exercised by the imperial power over a subject race,
nation or community. Advocates of imperialism - statesmen, politicians
Summary and intellectuals
intellectuals in Europe and North America have canvassed
theoretical doctrines for explaining imperialism: the doctrine of power
and the doctrine of civilisation.
35
Study Session5
Theories of Imperialism
Introduction
In this Study Session, we shall explore the “evil” called imperialism. This
we will do by examining the various theories that have been advanced by
scholars on the subject.
Learning Outcomes
5.1 discuss Hobson's view of imperialism and why it is referred to
as economic theory of imperialism.
5.2 contrast Hobson's and Lenin's theories of imperialism.
5.3 discuss the reasons why Schumpeter's theory of imperialism is considered
to be of low utilitarian value.
5.4 discuss why the Devil's and Schumpeter's theory are considered inferior
to Hobson's and Lenin's.
5.1 Hobson’s Theory of Imperialism

In 1902, J. A. Hobson wrote a book titled: Imperialism: A Study. By
publishing this book, Hobson started a series of theoretical discussions on
imperialism as serious-minded scholars were not satisfied with the
explanations presented by imperialist statesmen, their field-workers and
intellectual supporters.
John Atkinson Hobson was born in 1858 and "bred in the middle stratum
of the middle class of a middle-sized industrial town of the Mid-lands."
His theory was not only the first systematically articulated and
scientifically researched study; it was also the first economic theory of
imperialism.
Hobson sees imperialism as the consequence of maladjustment in the
capitalist mode of production which brings in its wake a grossly unfair
Hint income distribution pattern among the different social classes that make up
the civil society. This in turn results in 'under consumption on one hand
and over savings on the other.
Progressively, excess goods pile up within the economy as well as excess
36
Study Session5 Theories of Imperialism
capital. He puts it as follows:

“Everywhere appear excessive powers of production,
excessive capital in search of investment. It is admitted
by all businessmen that the growth of the powers of
production in their country exceeds the growth in
consumption, that more goods can be produced than can
be sold at a profit, and the more capital exists that can
find/remunerative
ve investment. It is this economic
condition of affairs that forms the taproot tap of
imperialism.”
It is important to pay attention to the above quotation as it explains why

Hobson's theory of imperialism is referred to as an economic theory of
imperialism. The last sentence is particularly worthy of note for it leaves no
one in doubt as to what Hobson believed to be the main cause of imperialism
or, in his own words, "the tap-root
tap of imperialism".
Note
Much as Hobson traced the "tap-root

"tap root of imperialism"
imperial to a particular
“economic condition of affairs", he recognised the role which the use of
political power plays in implementing an imperialist policy. It can even
be said that Hobson recognized the limitations of the economic actors in
achie
achieving their ends. Now, hear him:
“As
As one nation after another enters the machine economy
and adopts advanced industrial methods, it becomes more
difficult for its manufacturers, merchants and financiers to
dispose profitably of their economic resources and they are
tempted
mpted more and more to use their governments in order to
secure for their particular use some distant undeveloped
country by annexation and protection...”
From this quotation it does appear that the imperialist enterprise is meant
to find solutions to identified
identified economic problems. This solution,
according to Hobson, is recommended by economic actors -
"manufacturers, merchants and financiers". The politician or statesman,
who commands political power, deploys it to achieve the objective. But,
of course, he has to give a national interest - related explanation for the
deployment of state power since there are more groups in the state than
merchants, manufacturers, and financiers. For instance, what would
peasants, workers and the unemployed say if they knew that t their
government has committed so much of their human and material
resources in order to secure the annexation of a distant territory on behalf
of or for the benefit of manufacturers, merchants and financiers only?
This explains why politicians and statesmen
statesmen do not tell the truth about
why they engage in imperialist enterprise!
5.1.1 Mechanisms of Hobson’s Theory

Hobson also identified two mechanisms for achieving imperialist
objectives. These are a reversion to mercantilism and war or militarism.
The choice
choice of these mechanisms relates directly to the primary objective
37
Mercantilism An of imperialism in the 19th century.
economic policy in which
governmental control is This was to annex foreign territories under various pretexts. It was the
exercised over industry and colonial stage of imperialism. Imperialist countries at this stage had to
trade in accordance with
the theory that national fight colonial
colonial wars because all peoples resisted the colonization bid.
strength is increased by a Unless such resistance was broken, by force of arms, colonisation could
preponderance of exports not proceed.
over imports.
Again imperialism in the 19th century had to be relevant because of the
nature of economic state of affairs which gave rise to imperialism. Market
had to be found for dumping goods and raw materials had to flow to the
colonial metropole and to the industries. It should be borne in mind that
these mechanisms later became obsolete as imperialism changed its form.
5.1.2 Prevention of the Rise of Imperialism

Hobson saw imperialism as an undesirable phenomenon. He therefore
made policy recommendations to prevent the rise of imperialism. As far
as he was concerned, imperialism does not constitute an inevitable stage
inn the development. The following are some of the public policies
recommended in order to prevent the rise of imperialism under
capitalism:
1. Rapid and important structural changes in the material and social
environment.
2. Public planning.
3. The use of taxation to eliminate material inequalities among the
social classes.
It must be stated here that although his recommendations conflict with the
social consequences of capitalism, Hobson upheld liberal economic traditions
by rejecting both class struggle and Marx's labour theory of value. For these
and other reasons Hobson's is also known as the liberal theory of
imperialism.
Note
5.2 Lenin's Theory of Imperialism

When Hobson's book, Imperialism: A Study was published in 1902, it
generated a lot of controversy among the intellectuals in Europe and
North America. The Marxists were most vocal in their criticism of his
theory and its conclusions. The most outstanding of the disciples of Marx
who engaged in this
this theoretical controversy were Lenin, Karl Kautsky,
Rosa Luxembourg and Hilferding. Each of these Marxist theoreticians, in
the process of disputation and polemics, threw more light on the nature
and essence of imperialism.
Lenin's theory was and still remains
remains the most popular contribution
because it combined the best in the contributions of these people. So,
strictly speaking, Lenin's theory is not original to Lenin because various
aspects of it have been articulated more or less by his fellow Marxists.
For instance, the concept of “finance-capital” which means the merger of
industrial and bank capital was originated by Hilferding who wrote a
38
Study Session5 Theories of Imperialism
book titled Finance-capital before Lenin's book was published. V.I.

Lenin's book which bears the title Imperialism:: the Highest Stage of
Capitalism was published in 1916. It was written, not in Russia, as you
might think, but in Zurich in the spring of that year. In the preface to the
Russian edition of the book where Lenin was lamenting paucity of
literature on the subject,
subject, he declared: "1 made use of the principal English
work Imperialism, J. A. Hobson's book, with all the care that, in my
opinion, that work deserves" This leaves no one in doubt that he was
reacting to Hobson's theory.
Lenin's theory was and still

still remains the most popular contribution because it
combined the best in the contributions of these people. So, strictly speaking,
Lenin's theory is not original to Lenin because various aspects of it have been
articulated more or less by his fellow Marxists.
Marxi
Note
In the presentation of his theory, Lenin first of all identifies five features
which define imperialism. The features are as follows:
1. The concentration of production and capital developed to such a
stage that it creates monopolies which plays a decisive role in
economic life.
2. A merger of bank capital with industrial capital giving rise to
finance-capital"
capital" and consequently to a financial oligarchy.
3. Exportation of capital as distinguished from commodity exportation.
4. The existence of international capitalist
apitalist monopoly combines which
divide up the world.
5. Complete territorial division of the world among the greatest
capitalist powers.
The synthesis of these features form the centre-piece
centre piece of Lenin’s theory
which he articulates as follows:
“Imperialism iss capitalist in that stage of development in
which the domination of monopolies and finance capital has
established itself; in which the export of capital has acquired
pronounced importance, in which the division of the world
among the international trusts has begun; in which the
partition of all territories of the globe among the great
capitalist powers has been completed.”
You will agree with me that this main body of Lenin's theory is purely
economic in character and content. But there is also a minor hi
historical
aspect to the theory.
This historical portion of the theory attempts to explain that imperialism,
as a phenomenon, surfaces at a particular stage in the development of
capitalism. Which stage'? The highest stage of capitalism. Lenin
disagreed with Hobson over the possibility of a rational and humane
domestic economic and social policy curing or eliminating imperialist
tendency in capitalism.
39
Lenin argues that "uneven development and wretched conditions of the
masses are fundamental and inevitable conditions and promises of this
mode of production". (p. 63). He further asserts that surplus capital
Hint would not be used to the purpose of raising the standard of living of
the masses in a given country as long as capitalism behaves true to
type, instead such surplus capital would be exported abroad to
backward countries where they will attract high interest rates.
5.2.1 Mechanisms of Lenin’s Theory on Imperialism

The mechanisms employed by imperialism which Lenin identified are
similar to those of Hobson but with some modifications. To Lenin,
militarism is a natural ally of imperialism as direct violence in form of
wars is needed, at various levels, to achieve imperialist ends. First,
military operations are necessary to subdue the indigenous peoples of the
territory to be annexed and the subjugation has to be maintained by force
of arms on a continuous basis.
Furthermore, arms race among imperialist powers is inevitable because
each power wants to eliminate the other in order to take over her colony
or sphere of influence so that all the economic and political advantages
may accrue to her. He states that "politically, imperialism is, in general, a
striving towards violence and reaction". On the question of cartelization,
while Hobson sees it as a means to imperialist end, Lenin views the same
phenomenon as a precondition for imperialism.
5.3 Joseph Schumpeter’s Theory of Imperialism

JosephSchumpeter, was an economist born in 1883. He lived and worked
as a professor of economics in his native Austria before he migrated to
Germany and USA where be died in 1950.
Schumpeter's explanation of imperialism is sociological in nature. This
explanation was articulated in his essay, "Zur Soziologie der
Imperialismus", which was published in 1919. Through Heinz Nordon's
translation, it became available in English Language under the title
‘Imperialism and Social Classes’.
Schumpeter explains imperialism as social atavism. It cannot be
explained in terms of special interests, economic, political or any other,
he argues. Imperialism is a non-rational phenomenon which consists in
aggressive expansionism without a specific objective in mind. It is
thrown up by impulses which characterize the aggressive behaviour of
individuals and social classes whenever they are under pressure.
Imperialism is therefore the manifestation of the vestiges of the
Psychological structural outcome of such pressure and effort to survive
after the pressure has gone.
He argues further that far from being the cause of imperialism, capitalism
is antithetical to it. This is because the large capacity for innovation and
invention which capitalism calls for demands in turn, rationality at every
turn. Therefore, it is unlikely that capitalism will predispose people to the
40
Study Session5 Theories
heories of Imperialism
risks involved in the

the imperialist enterprise. In his own words:
“Imperialism
Imperialism is atavistic in character. It falls into large groups
of surviving features from earlier ages that play such an
important part in every concrete social situation. In other
words, it is an element thatt stems from the living conditions not
of the present but of the past... since the vital needs that created
it have passed away for good, it too must gradually disappear.”
disappear.
Quite a number of writers have criticized Schumpeter's theory for
imperialism. Some have even suggested that his is not a theory of
imperialism. Let us examine some of the things which Claude Ake has to
say about Schumpeter's theory of imperialism.
Ake's first quarrel with the theory is its definition of imperialism.
Imperialism defined as as "expansionism pursued specifically by military
force" he finds grossly inadequate, because military subjugation of
foreign lands is not the only method of subjugation possible. In fact, the
same results have been accomplished through economic means. Then
Ake argues that the notion of imperialism as a purposeless impulse
without the realization of a concrete objective in mind in spite of its
aggression and risks recognized by Schumpeter himself cannot be taken
too seriously. Furthermore, to trace such an irrational
irrational behaviour to some
historically acquired disposition is, to say the least, a source of confusion.
Finally, Ake critically examined Schumpeter's dissociation of
imperialism from capitalism on the score that capitalism is rational while
imperialism is irrational and concludes that "one of the interesting things
about capitalism is that it looks so rational from the perspective of the
individual competitor but quite irrational from the point of view of the
whole system. The multiplicity of centres of economic decision-making,
decision
necessarily a feature of capitalism, leads to a waste of resources,
competition and anarchy, and the gearing of production to effective
demand means that production is often dissociated from want". (Ake, p.
24).
You will observe

obs from the fore-going
going that the central message in
Schumpeter's theory is nebulous and of low utilitarian value, especially
when compared with the theories that we examined before it. But
Schumpeter's is not the only theory of imperialism that lacks elegance
eleg
Tip and rigour. Shortly, we shall examine another one with identical
features.
5.4 The "Devil's" Theory of Imperialism

Unlike the theories that we have discussed so far, the "devil's" theory of
imperialism is no handiwork of a single person or the perfection of a
theory propounded by a school of thought. Compared with Lenin's and
Hobson's theories of imperialism, this theory
theory is a rather facile statement.
It was propounded by the Nye Committee of the US Senate which
investigated between 1934 - 1936, the influence of financial and
41
industrial interests on the U.S intervention in the First World War. This
theory is sometimes referred to as the "devil's" theory of war.
Terrorists Destroy World Trade
Center
A fireball erupts from the south
tower of the World Trade Center in
New York City after a hijacked
passenger jet crashed into it on
September 11, 2001. Another
hijacked jet had crashed into the
north tower about 15 minutes
earlier. Both of the 110-story
skyscrapers soon collapsed
completely. Hijackers crashed a
third plane into the Pentagon in
Arlington, Virginia, and a fourth
hijacked plane crashed in
Pennsylvania. The terrorist
attacks, which killed about 3,000
people, were the deadliest in
United States history.
The theory which, in effect, was the report of that Committee, identifies
the class of people that benefit from war directly. These are the
ammunition makers and financial barons as well as international bankers
in Wall Street. The theory then proceeds to draw the conclusion that these
categories of people, since they profit by war-mongering, exert pressure
on governments to wage wars and engage in expansionist and predatory
policies. In this way, the devil's theory attempts to explain imperialism as
a conspiracy of the capitalist class, emphasising the militarist aspect of
imperialism like Schumpeter. In certain circles today, the United States
global engagement and involvement in declared and undeclared wars in
different parts of the Third World are still explained in terms of the
influence of "military-industrial complex" on American foreign policy.
The general theory that can be teased out of the fore-going is that
imperialism, as a phenomenon, appears under capitalism with
industrialists and financiers performing vanguard roles in its enterprise.
War is identified as the mechanism for achieving imperialist goals.
As was said at the beginning of this study session, both Schumpeter's as
well as the "Devil's" theories of imperialism lack the sophistication of
both Hobson's and Lenin's theories. You must also have observed that
both overly emphasize the use of military power to achieve imperialist
objectives. The problem with this aspect of their theory is not that they
identify militarism as a mechanism, after all both Hobson and Lenin in
various ways also identify this mechanism but they do not over-
emphasize it in order to avoid the impression that this is the only
mechanism applicable.
42
Theories of Imperialism
What are the weaknesses in the theories advanced

advanced in support of
imperialism?
Discussion Activity Post your findings on Study Session Six forum page on course website.

In this Study session, we focused on four theories of imperialism.
Hobson’s theory of imperialism attributed the rise of imperialism to
maladjustment in the capitalist mode of production. Lenin identified
imperialism as essentially an economic phenomenon with
w socio-political
Summary outgrowths. Schumpeter's theory of imperialism represents a
psychological explanation for the phenomenon. The "Devil's" theory,
which was propounded by the Nye Committee of US Senate was also
discussed
discussed.
43
Study Session 6
Structural Theories of Imperialism

Introduction
In this Study Session, we shall examine the structural theories of
imperialism. This theories illustrates how structural relationships among
human collectivities can precipitate over time into dominance.
Learning Outcomes
6.1 explain how the structural theory of imperialism differs from
the general theories.
6.2 discuss the mechanisms of structural theory of imperialism.
6.3 present a discourse on the five forms of imperialism.
6.1 Imperialism in Structural Perspective

From structural perspective, imperialism is a dominance relation between
collectivities, particularly between nations. It is a sophisticated type of
dominance relation which cuts across nations, basing itself on a bridge-
head. This bridge-head is established by the Centre nation in the
Periphery nation for the joint benefit of both of them. This definition, as
you will observe, is different from the ones we have discussed in this
course. Firstly, it does not talk about any economic system in relation to
the cause of imperialism. You will recall that Hobson, Lenin and the
Devil's Theory all nominated capitalism as the socio-economic system
that throws up imperialism. This definition is concerned with relations
between nations - a Centre nation and a Periphery nation.
A Centre nation is an industrialized nation which controls a large stock
of capital and has achieved an appreciably high level of technology.
A Periphery nation is an agrarian - primary goods producing nation,
with very low capital stock whose technological achievement is
abysmally low.
The author of this theory is Johan Galtung. He is a Norwegian social
scientist. He is currently the Rector of United Nations University and the
fore-most European peace researcher. His structural theory of
imperialism first appeared in the Journal of Peace Research published in
1971.
44
Study Session 6 Structural Theories of Imperialism
A Centre nation is an industrialized nation which controls a large stock of

capital and has achieved an appreciably high level of technology. In
contrast, a Periphery nation is an agrarian - primary goods producing
nation, with very low capital stock whose technological achievement
ach is
Tip abysmally low.
6.2 Mechanisms for Structural Imperialism

Galtung identified two mechanisms for bringing about imperialistic
relations between two nations. These are:
i. Vertical interaction relations
ii. Feudal interaction relations.
6.2.1
2.1 Vertical interaction relations
Vertical interaction relations are defined by the nature of exchange
pattern between the Centre nation and its Periphery counterpart. Vertical
interaction relations constitute the major source of inequality among
nations. This inequality
inequality is in turn traceable to the unequal (asymmetric)
nature of the exchange between the two nations. We say that a particular
exchange is unequal (asymmetric) if the two exchanging parties do not
benefit equally from the deal. This means that one party derives
de more
advantages or qualitatively better advantages from the transaction than
the other. The particular case of exchange between the Centre and the
Periphery is characterised by primary (unprocessed) goods in exchange
for processed goods. More and qualitatively
qualitatively better advantages accrue to
the Centre nation which exchanges its processed goods (e.g. fertilizer) for
unprocessed goods (e.g. cocoa beans) from the Periphery nation.
Vertical interaction relations constitute the major source of inequality
among nations. This inequality is in turn traceable to the unequal
(asymmetric) nature of the exchange between the two nations. We say
Hint that a particular exchange is unequal (asymmetric) if the two exchanging
parties do not benefit equally from the deal. This
This means that one party
derives more advantages or qualitatively better advantages from the
transaction than the other.
Effects of Unequal Exchange

Two types of effects become noticeable when two nations engage in
unequal exchange. These are:
A. Inter-actor effect
B. Intra-actor effects
Inter
Inter-actor effects
When two nations (e.g. C & P) are engaged in unequal exchange over
time a gap develops between them. As the exchange is prolonged so does
the gap (in terms of material welfare and power of each nation)
nat widen
until it becomes obvious to everybody. This gap makes itself noticeable
in various aspects of national life cast in comparative mould. These
effects are known as inter-actor
inter actor effects of unequal exchange.
45
Intra
Intra-actor effects
These are the effects of unequal exchange that manifest themselves
within the domestic environment of the two nations engaged in the
transaction. They are essentially social, economic and political in nature.
Usually they are negative in Periphery nations while they are, of course
cou
positive in centre-nations
centre nations to the extent that their domestic environment is
strengthened through the exchange. The relation is exploitative. It is
important to note that the inequality in cocoa beans - fertilizer exchange
pattern is traceable to the gapgap in the processing level of the things
exchanged.
6.2.2
.2.2 Feudal Interaction Structure
This is the mechanism that is employed to maintain and reinforce the
inequality between nations through vertical interaction relations. It does
one more thing. It protects
protects the gains of the Centre nation and perpetually
holds down the Periphery nation through the operation of certain rules to
wit;
i. There is only vertical interaction between Periphery and Centre
nations
ii. There is no interaction between the Periphery nations.
iii. Multilateral interaction involving a Centre and any two,
independent Peripheries is missing.
iv. Centre monopolizes interaction with the outside world.
In this manner Periphery nations become exclusive spheres of interest
and satellites of individual Centre nations.
nations. In other words, through this
mechanism, free interaction of the Periphery with other nations of the
world is restricted. This casts grave doubts on the sovereignty of P, in the
face of impaired capacity, to relate to its counterparts on rational andan
mutually beneficial basis. The consequence of this situation for the
development of P is grave as we look into its effects in many ways.
It reduces the possibility of multiple trading partners and therefore
exposes P to the blackmail
black of C in whose hands the bulk of P's trading is
concentrated. Politically, C makes crucial decisions for P as it virtually
holds the purse-string.
purse string. This political power is exercised either directly or
through its surrogates who constitute the bridgehead.The deployment of
these two mechanisms spells dependency of P on C.
Periphery nations become exclusive spheres of interest and satellites of

individual Centre nations. In other words, through this mechanism, free
interaction of the Periphery with other nations of the world is
restricted. This casts grave doubts on the sovereignty of P, in the face
Reflection of impaired capacity, to relate to its counterparts on rational and
mutually beneficial basis. The consequence of this situation for the
development of P is grave.
grave
46
Study Session 6 Structural Theories of Imperialism
6.3 Types of Imperialism

The two mechanisms explained above eliminate the use of direct violence
by imperialism unless they do not work as perfectly as they should. Thus,
we can say that at its mature or sophisticated stage, militarism ceases to
be an inevitable mechanism for imperialism as the older theories do
assert.
Now, five well developed types of imperialism are identifiable. These
are:
i. Economic imperialism
ii. Cultural imperialism
iii. Communication imperialism
iv. Political imperialism
v. Military imperialism
6.3.1 Economic Imperialism

As I have explained under vertical interaction structure, it is this
structure that engenders economic imperialism. This consists in the
satellization of the economy of P. to the extent that it becomes a service-
economy to that of C. P is totally dependent on C for its capital,
processed goods, managerial skill as well as technology. Whenever C's
economy catches cold, that of P must start sneezing. This relationship
impedes the economic development of P. Therefore, economic stagnation
occurs whose consequences are manifested in both political and social
spheres of the life of the imperialized society.
6.3.2 Cultural Imperialism

This is sometimes referred to as scientific imperialism because it has to
do with the processing of African data in Europe and North Africa and
the subsequent exportation of theories derived there from back to Africa.
In this manner the dominance of Centre nations in science and technology
is illustrated. On the general, plain cultural imperialism means the
pervasive dominance of western cultural values and goods in Periphery
nations some of which had had more glorious cultural past than some of
the nations that now dominate them culturally. The mimicking mentality
of the ruling class in Periphery nations has engendered cultural
imperialism more than any other factor.
6.3.3Communication Imperialism
This type relates to the dominance of the Centre nations in matters
relating to communication media as well as transportation. Specifically, it
has to do with Mass media communication, and all forms of
transportation vehicles (land, space and water). All of these are
dominated by the Centre nations while Periphery nations enjoy
communication technology by their grace. There is total dependence on
Centre nations for supply and maintenance of almost all types of
47
communication media. Through this form of imperialism it is easy for
Centre nations to control the minds of people in Periphery nations.
6.3.4 Political Imperialism

Political imperialism is related to the dominance exercised
e by Centre
nations over Periphery ones in matters relating to decision-making
decision as
well as model lending. Through it, the so-called
so called foreign experts enhance
the effectiveness of political imperialism in Periphery nations and reduce
the actual sovereignty
sovereig of the states.
6.3.5 Military Imperialism

Military imperialism is the dominance of Centre nations in military
matters. This includes the supply of military hardware and the provision
of training facilities and logistics. This is illustrated by the fact that all
Third World nations rely on Europe and North America for their supply
of military hardware and training. In times of conflict, military advisers
are also sent to troubled areas in the Third World ostensibly to help the
friendly nation but infact to protect the interest of the Centre nation.
nation
Discuss the most prominent type of imperialism on the African continent.

continent
Post your findings on Study Session Six forum page on course website.
Discussion Activity

In this Study Session, you learnt that Structural Theory of imperialism
imperia is
based on two mechanisms: vertical
vertical interaction structure and feudal
interaction structure. The proper
roper functioning of these mechanisms
Summary eliminate the use of overt violence in establishing multi-purpose
eliminates multi
dominance.
Without the cooperation of the ruling class in the Periphery nations,
structural imperialism by Centre nations is not possible. It serves as the
bridge
bridge-head.
Five types of imperialism are also identified. These are economic,
cultural, communication, political and military.
48
Study Session 7 Relevance of Imperialism to the Study of Politics in Africa
Study Session 7
Relevance of Imperialism to the Study of

Politics in Africa
Introduction
In this previous study session, we shall summarize why we have gone this
length to study imperialism in a course of Politics in Africa.
Learning Outcomes
7.1 make a strong case on your own for the study of imperialism.
7.1 Relevance of the Study of Imperialism

You will wonder why so much time and energy has been devoted to the
study of imperialism in a course on Politics in Africa. We have to do this
if you should understand the roots of the realities which define African
politics today. Unless we do, you have no way of knowing why the post-
colonial African state behaves the way it does and therefore have insight
into its problems. Furthermore, a student of African politics with a flair
for in-depth knowledge of the economic predicament of African societies
in post-colonial era will continue to chase the shadow unless the problem
is situated within the historical context to which it belongs.
We would be unable to say much about the institutions of the post-colonial
Hint state and society and their behaviour unless we unravel the problem of
their roots and therefore the rationale for introducing them in the colonial
situation.
Therefore, unless we look closely into the roots and the course of
imperialism, we will not only be unable to explain, with appreciable
degree of credibility, the nature and character of African politics, but we
would also fail to realize why African states operate under what Julius
Nyerere calls "hostile external environment". Now let us examine some
essential components of African politics in order to assess the relevance
of imperialism to its study.
49
7.2 Post-Colonial
Colonial African State
The post-colonial
post African
an state that represents both the physical as well
as the juridical terrain of African politics owes its birth to imperialism.
How? The post-colonial
post colonial state is a successor state to the colonial state. The
colonial state was put together by colonial fiat arbitrarily
arb and to suit
imperialist objectives. The way the borders are drawn illustrates the
arbitrariness that I am talking about and the dismemberment of a single
ethnic group (a nation) into three or more parts in three or more states is a
demonstration ofo this arbitrariness.
On the theoretical plain, it is impossible to explain the emergence of the
colonial state and therefore, that of the post-colonial
post colonial state, in terms of any
of the well established theories of the state. For example, the colonial
state did
did not emerge as antagonistic class interests became irreconcilable
as Marxists say. Nor does the Lockean social contract theory apply. The
colonial state was an artificial state created by force of arms and
therefore, welded culturally disparate peoples together
together in an involuntary
political arrangement, so much so that decades after the existence of the
colonial state, its nation has not arrived. This constitutes an intractable
political problem which manifests itself in quite a number of ways. So
many political
political problems have been traced to the nature and character of
the post-colonial
post colonial state that political scientists are now agreed that a theory
of the post-colonial
post colonial state has become necessary. A number of such
theories are now available. In this regard, the contributions of Hamza
Alavi and Leys should be mentioned, although the debate is still
inconclusive.
The colonial state did not emerge as antagonistic class interests became
irreconcilable as Marxists say. Nor does the Lockean social contract theory
apply. The colonial state was an artificial state created by force of arms and
therefore, welded culturally disparate peoples together in an involuntary
political arrangement, so much so that decades after the existence of the
Note colon state, its nation has not arrived
colonial
7.3 African Economy

You will recall that early in this course, we took a look at the
characteristic features of pre-colonial
pre colonial political economy. You will
observe that these features are not shared by the postcolonial
post Africa.
There has been a tremendous change since colonialism. You will also
recall that the presence of European powers in Africa during the scramble
has been explained in economic terms. The structural theory of
imperialism attempts to explain the the relationship between the economies
of African states (Periphery nations) with those of industrialized Europe,
N. America and Japan (Centre nations). The consequences of the
exchange interaction between Africa and Europe, N. America and Japan
for internal material situation in those African states have also been made
clear by that theory. You will now see how ignorant of the roots of
Africa's economic situation we would have been without a good grasp of
50
Study Session 7 Relevance of Imperialism to the Study of Politics in Africa
what imperialism is all about. Our knowledge of politics

polit in Africa would,
in turn, have been superficial without a good understanding of the nature
and character of the economy of African states.
7.4 Political Institutions

African political institutions whose study is inevitable in a meaningful
discussion of African politics are essentially those that emerged during
colonization and nurtured in, the colonial situation.
Although political institutions like the judiciary and the legislature did exist in
traditional African political systems, their structure
structure and function were different.
Other political institutions like the political party and official opposition were
totally unknown to the traditional political system.
Note
The vestiges of traditional political system have, to all intents and

purposes, lost power
power and punch to the modern western-type
western ones that
came with colonialism. Wherever a clash occurs between these vestiges
of the old and the new, it is often settled in favour of the new. Our study
of imperialism explains to us why these political institutions
institut were not
introduced in their original forms but had to be adapted to serve
subjectively defined objectives.
7.4 Global Political System

It is not possible for a student of African politics to understand Africa's
external relations and linkages as well as patterns of Africa's trade flows
and other international economic relations without situating all of those
within the right historical perspective.
Drawing on our knowledge of imperialism and its contemporary forms,
the position of African states within
within the global power structure is made
clear. It also sets limit on the extent to which these states can rely on this
global power structure
str to solve their problems.

In this Study Session, you learnt that knowledge of imperialism is
crucial to our study of politics in Africa because the African State
(colonial and post-colonial)
post colonial) is a product of imperialist enterprise.
Summary Furthermore, political institutions of African states as well as their
economies took their
their content and form from the colonial situation. And
with the transformation of the traditional African polity to a modem
African state we need an in-depth
in depth knowledge of the forces and impulses
that forged the relationship between Africa and Europe as well as North
America which continue to have influence on the politics, economy and
the social structures in African societies.
51
References
Ali A, Mazrui (1980): The African Condition: A Political Diagnosis (The
Reith Study sessions) (London: Heinneman).
Basil Davidson, (1973): Which Way Africa (penguin Books).
_______ (1969): The Liberation of Guine (Penguin Books).
Cosmas Desmond (1971): The Discarded People (Penguin Bks.).
Donald Rotchild and Victor Olorunsola (eds.) (1983): State Versus Ethnic
Claims: African Policy Dilemmas (Boulder, Westview Press).
E. Mondlane( 1968): The Struggle for Mozambique (Penguin Books).
Frantz Fanon (1963): Studies in a DyingColonialism (New York).
_______ (1963): The Wrethced of the Earth (New York)
Helen Kitchen (ed). (1976): Africa: From Mystery to Maze, (Lexington'
Lexington Books
J.S. Coleman (1963): Nigeria. Background to Nationalism (Berkely and
Los Angeles University of California Press).
Kees Maxey, (1975): The Fight For Zimbabwe (London, Rex Collins).
Kwame Nkrumah, (1973): The Struggle Continues, (Panaf)
_______ (1962): Towards Colonial Freedom (London, Heinemann).
_______ (1973): I Speak of Freedom (Panaf,)
_______ Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare (Panaf). Editors of The
Spark (Accra) and Panaf Books (1975): Some Essential Features of
Nkrumaism (Panaf, London).
K.W. Deutsch and W.J. Foltz (ed.) (1966): Nation Building (Chicago,
N.Y., Aldine Atherton)
P.C LIoyd (1972): Africa in Social Change (Penguin Books)
P. F. Willmot, Ideology and National Consciousness (Lantern Books,
1980)
R. Gibson, (1972): African Liberation Movements (London, O.V.P.).
R.H. Green and A. Sidman, (1968): Unity or Poverty (penguin Books) 63
Richard Sklar, (1979): "The Nature of Class Domination in Africa"
Journal of Modern African Studies 18, 4 531-552.
Ruth First, (1970): The Barrel of a Gun (London)
Robert Rotberg and Ali A. Mazrui (eds.) (1979): Protest and Power in
Black Africa (New York: Oxford University Press).
Samuel Decalo, (1976): Coups and Army Rule in Africa (New Haven:
52
References
Yale University Press).

Thomas Hodkin (1957): Nationalism in Colonial Africa (London).
W. Rodney, (/972): How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (London, Bogle-
L'Ouvertun Publications).
Yolamu Barongo (ed.) (1983): Political Science in Africa: A Critical
Review(London: Zed Press).
53

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Professor Bayo Okunade

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About this course manual 1

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We strongly recommend that you read the overview carefully before

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discuss politics in the pre-colonial Africa.

Information Centre Lagos Office

For technical issues (computer problems, web access, and etcetera),

Activity Assessment Assignment Case study

Discussion Group Activity Help Outcomes

Note Reflection Reading Study skills

Summary Terminology Time Tip

Conceptualizing Politics in Africa

1.1 What is Politics?

Whenever we talk of politics in Africa we mean the totality of the

1.2 Sources and Peculiarities of Politics in Africa

Politics in Africa cannot be defined differently from politics in other

Politics in Africa cannot be defined differently from politics in other political

1.3 European Penetration and the Peculiarities of

The African student of political science has an additional interest in

The second set of peculiarities came about as a result of dominance

Basically, the peculiarities of African politics emanate from two sources;

What is the practice of politics in your home town/village in the pre-colonial

Study Session Summary

Transformation of Traditional African

2.1 Need for Political Transformation under

2.2 Mechanisms for the Transformation of Traditional

usually preceded the attempts at transforming traditional political

It is instructive to note that nationalist activities in the colonies were directed

2.3 Introduction of Colonial Political

2.4 Political Economy of Pre-Colonial Africa

as Homo sapiens with their colonization by Europe. Research into pre-

2.5 Periods in the Development of Pre-Colonial

2.5.1 Communal Mode of Production

2.5.2 Slavocratic Mode of Production

Aside from slave labour, other means of production in Slavocratic mode

men also farmed but employed slave labour.

Slavocratic mode of production threw up more surpluses than the

2.5.3 Feudal Mode of Production

Study Session Summary

3. 1 Western Capitalist Penetration

the continent, political order and economic systems that provided

Finally, the state of affairs in Africa after "flag independence", in view of

3.3 Consequences of Penetration

3.4 How the Colonies were Underdeveloped

The introduction of money nexus consolidated the satellization of the

Later, it was mineral resources, agricultural produce and other goods

use of technology to produce certain goods is simply prohibited.

Such an attack on indigenous technology served as precursor for the

In the assessment of the proponents of the penetration thesis, politics in

4. The superimposition of alien values, perspectives, beliefs,