20th Century Spain

This edited volume examines the historical, political, cultural, and aesthetic implications of re-visiting Restoration Spain (1874-1931) in television costume dramas produced since 2000. Contributors analyze, from different theoretical approaches and disciplinary perspectives, the appeal that the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries hold for twenty-first-century Spanish audiences, as well as for international viewers who consume these programs through new media platforms. Themes and issues explored include: the production of televisual heritage, representations of period technologies, evolving constructions of gender, hybridization of television genres, and television as historian. Expanding the scope of inquiry in Spanish media studies, this collection seeks to bring Spain into wider discussions of media and historical representation and visual and material culture in Europe, the Americas, and beyond.

En lo que se me alcanza, la presencia de autores españoles en el ámbito académico internacional es una realidad consolidada. No es infrecuente encontrar en revistas jurídicas de otros países artículos -en inglés, italiano y alemán, francés y portugués, sobre todo-en los que se da cuenta de aspectos parciales del Derecho eclesiástico español o se ofrece a lectores extranjeros una introducción al sistema español de relación entre el Estado y las religiones presentes en el país. Añádase a este tipo de iniciativas la extensa bibliografía de comparación sectorial en los países de la Unión Europea, que ha promovido a lo largo de los años el European Consortium for Church and State Research, en la que han intervenido destacados profesores de nuestro país, y obtenemos un panorama bastante ajustado a la iniciativa doctrinal dirigida a dar a conocer fuera de nuestras fronteras y en otros idiomas el contenido del Derecho eclesiástico del Estado español.

2021 ausgezeichnet mit dem Hedwig Hintze Preis des Verbandes der Historiker und Historikerinnen Deutschlands (VHD)

Legitimation über wirtschaftlichen Erfolg: Das Francoregime als technokratische Verwaltungs- und Entwicklungsdiktatur.

Die Francodiktatur (1936/39-1975) war sowohl eine der am längsten währenden als auch eine der stabilsten Diktaturen in der europäischen Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts. Anna Catharina Hofmann zeigt, dass sich diese Besonderheit aus der »Neuerfindung« des Regimes als Entwicklungsdiktatur ab den 1950er Jahren erklärt: Am französischen Modell der planification orientiert, sollte das Land in kürzester Zeit ins Industriezeitalter katapultiert werden. Mit dem - wenig bekannten - franquistischen Planungskommissar Laureano López Rodó (1920-2000) rückt die Autorin den Architekten dieser neuen
Legitimationsstrategie in den Mittelpunkt. Er prägte wesentlich den Versuch, das Regime über administrative Effizienz, wirtschaftlichen Erfolg und die Einbindung in den Westen zu stabilisieren. Paradoxerweise legte seine Politik damit zugleich die Grundlagen für die Erosion der Diktatur. Denn sie verschärfte die Machtkämpfe in der franquistischen Herrschaftselite und wurde zum Einfallstor für Regimekritik. Auf diese Weise entwickelt die Autorin eine neue Interpretation der spanischen Diktaturgeschichte.

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Galardonado con el premio "Hedwig Hintze" de la Asociación de Historiadores e Historiadoras Alemanes (VHD) en 2021

Legitimación tecnocrática: El régimen de Franco como dictadura administrativa y desarrollista

El régimen de Franco (1936/39-1975) no sólo fue una de las dictaduras más longevas en la historia europea del siglo XX sino también una de las más estables. Anna Catharina Hofmann demuestra que esta singularidad se explica por la «reinvención» del régimen como dictadura desarrollista a partir de los años 50 con el objetivo de catapultar al país lo antes posible a la era industrial imitando el modelo de la planification francesa. La autora se centra en el principal arquitecto de esta estrategia de legitimación, Laureano López Rodó (1920-2000), quien fuera Comisario del Plan de Desarrollo entre 1962 y 1973. Suyo fue el impulso para intentar estabilizar el régimen a través de  la eficacia administrativa, del éxito económico y de la integración en Occidente. Paradójicamente, su política acabó sentando las bases para la erosión de la dictadura porque contribuyó a agudizar las luchas de poder en la élite franquista y expuso el régimen a la crítica. De esta manera, la autora logra desarrollar una nueva interpretación del segundo franquismo.

We can almost hear the gears turning in Sancho Panza’s head. His immediate reaction is to devise a get-rich scheme: “I renounce henceforth the government of the promised isle.” All he wants now is for Don Quijote to give him the recipe for the magical medicine and tell him how much it costs to produce it.

Artículo que estudia la participación política y asociativa de la derecha femenina durante la Segunda República a través del partido conservador y católico Acción Femenina Leonesa (AFL). Esta agrupación, encuadrada en la CEDA (Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas), fue fundada por la diputada e Inspectora de Primera Enseñanza Francisca Bohigas Gavilanes. Se abordan aspectos como el discurso ideológico y de género, la organización y expansión de la AFL, sus problemáticas internas, así como el pensamiento de su presidenta y lider.

We modern kings are not like those of old; we are the first citizens of our Fatherland and, rather than sit immobile on a Throne, we guide nations along the path of progress 1 At the beginning of the twentieth century the political importance of the Spanish monarchy, like that of others in Europe, revealed itself in two complementary aspects of public life. One was the role of the Crown as a constitutional institution, endowed with key functions in the relations between the different powers of the state and the progress of government. The other was the capacity of the king and his family to embody collective identities and projects for the future, above all nationalistic ones, and it was upon this capacity that a large part of their legitimacy began to rest in the first stages of mass politics. The king not only intervened on a daily basis in political affairs, he also aspired to be the incarnation of the nation, and justified his behaviour by reference to the national interest. These two facets complemented each other, and one cannot understand one without the other. Diverse forces contributed to defining these two sources of power, but the opinions of the monarch himself were nearly always decisive. The long effective reign of Alfonso XIII from 1902 to 1931, highly influenced by developments in other European monarchies, can be divided into two phases separated by the First World War, which despite the country's official neutrality had a huge effect on Spanish society. In each a major nationalist and monarchist project, with accompanying public discourse, was put forward which shaped the king's political activities. Before the war the young monarch was filled with the need to regenerate Spain, to make it a cohesive, developed state that could occupy a significant place in Western Europe, a goal that implied respecting the constitutional framework and encouraging policies considered as liberal, even while the monarchy itself was 'nationalised' in the eyes of the people. The Great War

Na potrzebę pogłębienia badań nad zależnością między pamięcią przeszłości grupy, w szczególności narodu, a jej poczuciem tożsamości wskazuje wielu badaczy. Świadomość wspólnej przeszłości to w przekonaniu Barbary Skargi "świadomość wspólnego istnienia w czasie, wspólnego losu i posiadania wspólnych przodków. To także wspólny repertuar znaków symbolicznych, w które pamięć społeczna przemienia wydarzenia i postacie z przeszłości" 1 . Pamięć i zapomnienie o najbardziej dramatycznych dziejach Hiszpanii w XX w. stanowią dziś ważny element konstytutywny nowej więzi i świadomości historycznej.

This essay reevaluates Natalia/Colometa's experience of motherhood in Mercè Rodoreda's La plaza del Diamante (La plaça del Diamant, 1962). Feminist readings of the novel have consistently claimed that the protagonist rejects motherhood , pointing to the hardship and frustration her children cause and the lack of affection she often expresses toward Toni and Rita. Yet to argue that Colometa rejects maternity by emphasizing her un-motherly attitude not only ignores textual evidence of her concern for her children's welfare but also inadvertently posits a false binary: women either act as mothers should according to patriarchal societal norms or rebel against their maternal duties. By analyzing the protago-nist's relationship with her children through feminist and queer approaches to mothering studies, this essay offers an alternative account of Colometa's experience of motherhood that both highlights and reconciles her conflicting attitudes toward Toni and Rita. Despite the demands of institutionalized motherhood that often leave her frustrated, angry, and guilt-stricken, Colometa does not reject or even remain indifferent to her maternal role. Rather, she consistently engages in the maternal work that mothering entails and endeavors to act in the best interests of her children.

Why did cycling become professional as early as the late nineteenth century, while other sports (such as rugby) and other sport events (such as the Olympic Games) remained amateur until the 1980s? Why are the organizers of the most important bicycle races private companies, while in other sports such as soccer the main event organizer is a nonprofit organization? To what extent have bicycle races changed since the late nineteenth century? And how does cycling reflect long-term economic changes? The history of professional road cycling helps answer these questions and understand many related phenomena. This chapter provides a long-term, historical perspective on (1) professional road cycling’s economic agents, i.e., the public, race organizers, team sponsors and riders, and the relationships amongst them; (2) cycling’s governing body, the International Cycling Union; and (3) professional cycling’s final product, i.e., the show of bicycle races. More precisely, the chapter mostly focuses on the history of male professional road cycling in Western Europe since the late nineteenth century. It is founded on both an analysis of quantitative time series on the Grand Tours (and, to some extent, the classics) and a review of the existing literature on the history of professional cycling, whether economic history, institutional history, cultural history, or sport history.

RESUMEN
La obra sociológica de Francisco Ayala, prácticamente desconocida, sobrepasa el interés meramente historiográfico. Al estudiar sus obras —algunas de las cuales presentamos en este texto— encontramos ideas, conceptos y teorías que muestran una admirable viveza. Nuestro objetivo ha sido, pues, doble; por un lado ofrecer una interpretación general de Ayala como sociólogo en el marco de la tradición sociológica española; por otro lado, señalar algunas de sus ideas más relevantes, así como atender al juego sociología-literatura que encontramos a lo largo de su obra.

Palabras Clave: Francisco Ayala; Sociología y Literatura; Sociología española; Historia de la sociología; Historia de la
sociología española; Sociología de la sociología.

ABSTRACT
Francisco Ayala’s sociological work, almost unknowed, exceed an hitoriographical interest. Studying his works —we introduce some of them in this text— we find ideas, concepts and theories that are still alive. We have a double objective; by one hand,
we offer a general interpretation of Ayala as a sociologist in the context of the spanish sociological tradition; by other hand, we
remark some of his most importants ideas, and we pay attention to the sociology-literature game that we find in his work.

Key Words: Francisco Ayala; Sociology and Literature; Spanish sociology; History of sociology; History of spanish sociology; Sociology of sociology

Javier Moreno-Luzón y Xosé M. Núñez-Seixas, "Rojigualda y sin letra. Los símbolos oficiales de la nación", en Javier Moreno-Luzón y Xosé M. Núñez-Seixas (eds.), Ser españoles. Imaginarios nacionalistas en el siglo XX, Barcelona, RBA, 2013 (en prensa).

Literary scholars (and tourism boards) have a tendency to foster an idealistic image of “Ernest Hemingway in Spain,” a lens which sometimes causes reflections on the topic to be celebratory in nature and eminently positive in tone. Upon close review of the man’s journalism, letters, and fiction, we find a different milieu—one that is not always a romantic fiesta but a discourse sometimes wrought with rejection, contempt, even mockery. While it is clear Hemingway had a close devotion to things Spanish throughout his life, a pattern of behavior that we might interpret as a test in transnationalization, he was at times ridiculed by Spaniards for pretensions of insider status with bullfighting circles and for what some believed was a poor ability to speak Spanish. José Castillo-Puche, friend and biographer of Hemingway, said that by the end of his life, “Ernesto was no longer a fascinating figure to people in Spain; he had become a sort of joke, in fact” (20). Through scrutiny on Hemingway’s cultural forays into Spanish society—in language and toreo rituals, in particular—this article also aims to reveal a crucial but often neglected aspect of Hemingway’s relationship with the Spanish people.

Ernst Robert Curtius is well known as an advocate of European literature, which transcends national boundaries. Most importantly, he is recognized as a literary historian, who wrote European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter, 1948). Nevertheless, Curtius published a lot of critical works during the inter-war years and after World War II. In order to consider the processes through which he developed a European spirit, I would like to focus on his literary critics concerning contemporary writers like Romain Rolland, André Gide, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, and José Ortega y Gasset. I pay particular attention to Curtius' network of friendships with these writers and try to reconsider the relation between his journalistic works and European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages.

Usando la prensa como fuente histórica se reconstruye la actividad del grupo «Tradiciones Leonesas» en el periodo de 1931 a 1936. Esta asociación, vinculada a sectores conservadores y católicos, nace para mantener una serie de costumbres que vinculan al ayuntamiento legionense con distintas instituciones cristianas de la ciudad como los cabildos catedralicio e isidoriano. Algunas de estas "tradiciones" (y otras de sus iniciativas) están impregnadas de leonesismo y/o "legionismo".

Using the press as a historical source is reconstructed activity group "Tradiciones Leonesas" in its peak period (1931-1936). This association, linked to conservatives and Catholics, was created to maintain a set of customs that link the León's municipality with various Christian institutions such as chapters the Saint Isidoro and rhe Catedral. Sorne of these "traditions" (and its other initiatives) are impregnated with Ieonesism and/or "Iegionism".

Once the Spanish Civil War was over, the defeated political forces began to question the reasons for failure. In the libertarian movement, these discussions were linked with other wartime debates about how to reinvigorate the war and the social revolution that the anarchists were organizing in the form of industrial and agrarian collectivization, and about how to manage to engage in both at the same time. In both the proceedings of meetings organized during wartime and the letters written by militants in postwar exile, we can identify the con-

El trabajo enmarca la edificación del Estado de Bienestar en la teoría sociológica de la modernización, que implica, entre otras cosas, un proceso de diferenciación, complejización y especialización de sistemas y estructuras sociales, lo que plantea al mismo tiempo el problema de la congruencia en su diseño y funcionamiento, como ya señalaran los fundadores de la sociología. El Estado europeo de Bienestar se contempla como la aparición de una estructura social especializada precisamente en el objetivo de coherencia y cohesión social, y se examinan sus relaciones con los otros grandes subsistemas sociales, adoptando la topología clásica de Parsons y Smelser. Este modelo se emplea para contrastar el éxito de los modelos de primera modernización aplicados en Gran Bretaña y Alemania con el fracaso del primer intento español. El libro analiza las causas de este fracaso  durante los tres primeros cuartos del siglo XX y estudia en profundidad el  éxito del segundo intento de modernización realizado por España durante el último cuarto del siglo XX y comienzos del XXI, explicándolo precisamente en términos de una combinación adecuada entre autonomía de los grandes subsistemas sociales y una considerable capacidad de reintegración, a lo que  contribuyó poderosamente la edificación del nuevo Estado de bienestar en un contexto de diálogo social.

Publicado en Cahiers de civilisation espagnole contemporaine [En ligne], 8 | 2012. URL : http://ccec.revues.org/3779 ; DOI : 10.4000/ccec.3779 Me pide Santos Juliá que relate, en unas cuantas páginas, mi experiencia como biógrafo. Como biógrafo de Álvaro de Figueroa y Torres, conde de Romanones , el político al que dediqué primero mi tesis doctoral, dirigida por el profesor Juliá y presentada en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid en 1996; y luego el libro que salió de ella, Romanones. Caciquismo y política liberal, publicado por Alianza Editorial en 1998. Una investigación que, de acuerdo con las costumbres arraigadas en las universidades españolas, ocupó todo mi tiempo durante algo más de cinco años y ha marcado desde entonces mi trayectoria profesional. Procuraré pues cumplir con el encargo.

PONGO A SU DISPOSICIÓN 50 DESCARGAS GRATUITAS EN: http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/K6zny2XwNjZIuj4eGTZ5/full
The long shared history and traditions of Spain and Mexico have given rise to similar stereotypes and folkloric figures. These relationships are often explained through myths that take the form of historical accounts. Here we will discuss some of these discourses to try to understand the relationship between two iconic figures that define similar customs and share a single name in Europe and America: El charro.

La cuestión de Gibraltar y la hostilidad ideológica hacia el franquismo de los gobiernos laboristas en los años sesenta impidieron que Gran Bretaña sacara partido de los intentos españoles de diversificar sus fuentes de suministro de armamento y equipo militar durante la complicada renegociación de los Pactos de Defensa con Estados Unidos. Los desencuentros sobre Gibraltar continuaron entorpeciendo la cooperación militar bilateral durante la Transición, a pesar del interés de los gobiernos de Margaret Thatcher (1979-1989) por entrar en el mercado de defensa español y su apoyo a la entrada de España en la OTAN. Utilizando fuentes de archivo británicas esta comunicación describe la evolución de las relaciones militares bilaterales hispano-británicas durante el tardofranquismo y la Transición y las diferentes actitudes hacia éstas de los diferentes gobiernos laboristas (Harold Wilson 1964-1970; 1974-1976; James Callaghan 1976-1979) y conservadores (Edward Heath 1970-1974; Margaret Thatcher 1979-1989). El estudio detallado de la promoción del sistema de misil antiaéreo de baja cota Rapier para el Ejército español a partir de 1980 ilustra las dificultades británicas para entrar en el mercado español de defensa, poniendo de relieve el peso de los condicionamientos políticos en la adquisición de armas y equipamiento militar.

The question of Gibraltar, together with the Labour Governments’ hostility to Franco’s regime, prevented Great Britain from contributing to the modernization of the Spanish Armed Forces in the late sixties, when Spain was seeking for alternative sources of supply for her military equipment during the renegotiation of her Defence Agreements with the United States. After the end of the dictatorship Gibraltar continued to be an obstacle for the bilateral military cooperation between Spain and Britain, despite the eventual support of Margaret Thatcher’s government to Spain’s membership of NATO. Using British official records, this paper describes the evolution of Anglo-Spanish military relations during the last years of the Franco regime and the Transition to democracy, and the positions taken by the different Labour (Harold Wilson 1964-1970; 1974-1976; James Callaghan 1976-1979) and Conservative governments (Edward Heath 1970-1974; Margaret Thatcher 1979-1989). The study of the efforts of Thatcher’s Administration to promote the sale of the Rapier low level air defence system to the Spanish army after 1980 illustrate British difficulties to enter the Spanish market and the weight of political factors in arms and military equipment sales.

Multiple, intersecting commentaries, songs, texts and images attest to eighteenth-, nineteenth-and twentieth-century perceptions of the emotionally charged and stimulative character of street crying's sonic signaling in cities such as Paris, Barcelona and Madrid. Crying by female hawkers of goods such as fruit, lottery tickets or flowers was freighted with implications intensifying its particular emotional force for listeners. In tonadillas and sainetes, melodías and canciones, and early twentieth-century song sheets and recordings, interpretations of flower sellers in particular harnessed the affective implications of their presences in public spaces to the social implications of direct physical approach. The tonalities and rhythms of many pregones incited nineteenth-and early twentieth-century listeners to intellectual and emotional cognition around sadness, melancholy and suffering. Beyond the materiality of the acoustic connection between crier and hearer, flower (and other street) sellers' work in urban spaces sounded out rhetorical strategies of debasement, humility and pleading in close physical proximity to potential buyers. An examination of Raquel Meller's recordings of "La billetera" (1917) and "La violetera" (1921) in the context of publicity promotions reveals what viewers and listeners knew collectively and crossgenerationally: that suffering, humility and poverty were inextricable from aural paradigms for women's street crying.

El texto aborda, a través de la información recogida en la prensa coetánea (Diario de León), la génesis y el desarrollo de la sociedad de emigrantes denominada Lar Gallego, entidad que se estableció en la capital legionense en 1932. El estudio abarca hasta 1936.

This article analyzes the interconnections between migration and masculinity in Vida de un emigrante español (1979), by Víctor Canicio. This novel, based on true events, tells the story of a working-class man called Pedro Nuño, who displays a traditional conception of masculinity based on the importance of the heteronormative home, procreation, and sacrifice for his family. Pedro decides to migrate to Germany to achieve a better future for his family and feel more respected as a man by earning money and accomplishing economic independence. In this way, migration enhances his sense of masculinity. On the other hand, the novel also shows that migration may negatively affect men's traditional ideas of masculinity. Pedro and other male characters feel discriminated against and exploited in their jobs, lose their libidos, and experience insecurity, nostalgia and insanity. Finally, another consequence of migration is a slight change in the main character's conception of gender roles, since he ends up supporting a more egalitarian relationship with his wife.

The book deals primarily with the process of devolution in Spain after the death of General Franco. Since 1978, Spain has gone through a simultaneous process of democratization and federalization. An explanatory model of multiple ethnoterritorial concurrence is put forward and refers to asymmetry and heterogeneity among territorially-based political formations and constituent units. "The Federalization of Spain" is dicussed in a comparative framework, using the Spanish evidence to explore the more general question of regional and national accommodation in states of plural composition.

El presente trabajo intentará, a través del análisis del trasfondo social e histórico de dos memorias de un mismo sujeto José Mairena Parra, explicar los movimientos sociales de la minería de Ojén-Marbella y las complejas relaciones de oligarquización y lucha por el poder local. Todo ello tendrá como trasfondo la progresiva involución autoritaria 1 que marca el sistema de la Restauración, especialmente a comienzos del siglo XX, y la necesaria resolución violenta del conflicto mediante el choque directo en la Guerra Civil.

Previous research has shown that in highly repressive contexts, the emergence and continuity of activism cannot be understood without considering the role of strong subjective, affective and emotional elements. Building on this approach, this article offers a longitudinal analysis of the activism of the fi rst generation of clandestine anarchists under Franco?s dictatorship (1939-1975). The results point towards a combination of three factors that help explain the maintenance of anarchist activism. These are: i) the role of hope in the perception of opportunities for mobilization; ii) the strategic mobilization of indignation in the discourse directed at potential supporters and participants; and iii) the strengthening of the ideological identifi cation with the movement due, paradoxically, to the effects of repression. The sources used include a range of archival material as well as activists' memoirs.

Diversos trabajos han señalado cómo en contextos altamente represivos el surgimiento y la continuidad del activismo no se entienden sin la intervención de fuertes elementos subjetivos, afectivos y emocionales. Este artículo participa de este enfoque con un análisis longitudinal del activismo de la primera generación de anarquistas clandestinos bajo la dictadura franquista (1939-1975). Los resultados destacan la combinación de tres factores que ayudan a explicar el sostenimiento del activismo anarquista: i) la mediación de la esperanza en la percepción de oportunidades para la movilización; ii) la movilización estratégica de la indignación en el discurso dirigido a los potenciales apoyos y participantes; y iii) el fortalecimiento de la identifi cación ideológica con el movimiento gracias, paradójicamente, a la represión. Las fuentes incluyen diversos materiales de archivo y testimonios de activistas.