Apposition

The goal of this paper is to examine the presence of floating quantifiers in non-finite appositives consisting of an NP, PP or AP predicate. Through an examination of the positions occupied by FQs with respect to adverbs, it is shown that appositives contain a number of DP-related projections that can host FQs and a PRO subject. The analysis thus provides evidence that appositives do not consist of a single constituent, but are rather more clausal in nature, approximating the syntactic structure of finite clauses.

Previous studies on relative clauses have mostly dealt with the restrictive/non-restrictive dichotomy, focusing on the differences from a syntactic point of view. In particular, non-restrictive relative clauses have traditionally been defined negatively, i.e. with reference only to functions they do not have. In this article, evidence is provided for a positive definition of this type of relative clause, which will be labelled here ‘appositive relative clause (ARC). A taxonomy is suggested, obtained through the study of a 450-utterance, contextualised corpus. The taxonomy is based on syntactic, semantic, and above all, pragmatic criteria, following Prince’s (1981, 1992) definitions of given/new information and Sperber and Wilson’s relevance theory (1986). Findings of a survey also show that ARCs are not systematically suppressible and that the differences in suppressibility can be accounted for by the different functions fulfilled by theARC in discourse.

Keywords: Appositive relative clauses; Discourse functions; Informational status; Relevance; Subjectivity; Suppressibility

В докладе будут рассмотрены основные конструкции языка гбан (< южные манде), используемые для передачи модальных значений зон необходимости и возможности. Речь идёт о значениях внутренней, внешней и эпистемической необходимости и возможности. В гбан для выражения значений зоны возможности используются конструкции с глаголом sè ‘мочь’. Одна из этих конструкций обладает нетривиальным морфосинтаксическим поведением — она построена по модели соположения без явного подчинительного маркирования («Я могу я делаю») — и при этом демонстрирует «согласование» между служебной и знаменательной клаузами по некоторым предикативным грамматическим категориям).
Для выражения значений зоны необходимости используется набор слабограмматикализованных конструкций типа «ɛ̏ yȅȅ níí … + оптатив» («это есть [так], чтобы…»).
Отдельно предполагается рассмотреть значения так называемой внутренней и внешней «актуальности» ('Я смог сделать', 'Случилось так, что я сделал').

The notion of apposition includes various syntactic constructions, the manifestations of which in Ancient Greek are reviewed in this section: binominal noun phrases (close apposition), parenthetical NPs coindexed with another NP in the matrix clause (loose apposition), as well as other types of appositive relations, including modifier apposition.

Apposition and preposition structures with toponyms and brand names: real or apparent omission of "di"?) This paper focuses on the alternation between the use of the Italian preposition "di" and its omission in noun phrases with proper names, particularly toponyms (e.g. città di Roma vs. Piazza Venezia) and brand names (abito di Versace vs. abito Versace). In fact those parallel constructions arise from a different status of the proper names at issue, that implies different semantic values: a noun phrase with a toponym expresses an identity of noun and proper name (città di Roma = Roma è una città "Rome is a city"); a noun phrase with a brand name expresses an idea of belonging. That is why a brand name is to be compared with an adjective (abito di Versace/abito Versace = *abito versacesco). , 1, 93-116 93 1 In seconda posizione per frequenza d'uso, dopo l'articolo "il", nel CoIFIS (<http://linguistica. sns.it/EsploraColfis/Home.htm>). 2 DARDANO 1963, a proposito dell'omissione di preposizione in testi duecenteschi: «Si tratterà sempre di a e di, le quali presentano un carattere particolare rispetto alle altre preposizioni, essendo le sole passibili, in certe condizioni e circostanze, di commutabilità con zero». 3 Per un'analisi degli usi della preposizione "di" in italiano si rimanda al lavoro di BARTNING 2001 su "de" del francese.

Il y a une rythmique propre à Rimbaud, qui donne à sa poésie une énergie incomparable : « l'éveil fraternel de toutes les énergies chorales et orchestrales et leurs applications instantanées » 1 . Rimbaud promeut une phrase qui abolisse la relation verticale et centrale autour du sujet et du prédicat premiers. Cela passe par une horizontalité des constituants qui tendent à être égalitairement et démocratiquement détachés. Ainsi dans l'invective à soimême d'une

L’oscillation terminologique qui, d’un auteur à l’autre, accentue ou neutralise la distinction entre apposition et attribut libre en forme de participe présent correspond aux variations, d’un exemple à l’autre du corpus, des facteurs syntaxiques, sémantiques et textuels qui définissent ces
deux  fonctions  syntaxiques  adnominales.  Nous  arguons  que  l’opposition  entre  la  prédication première et la prédication seconde assure la distinction syntaxique et textuelle entre les deux fonctions, et que les cas de neutralisation correspondent à certains types de relations temporelles et logiques que le participe présent, attribut libre et apposition, entretient avec la forme verbale
tensée de la prédication première. Il s’agit des participes présents des verbes d’état ou d’activité, lesquels sont postposés à une forme verbale tensée dont le contenu est rhématique au niveau de la phrase et du texte, ce qui permet le détachement ou non du la construction participiale.

This thesis explores the properties of adjectives and adverbs in Inuit (Eskimo-Aleut), with focus on the Inuktitut dialect group. While the literature on Eskimoan languages has claimed that they lack these categories, I present syntactic evidence for two classes of adjectives, one verb-like and another strictly attributive, as well as a class of adverbs. These categories are then employed to diagnose more general properties of the language including headedness, word-formation, adjunct licensing, and semantic composition.

In the first half of Chapter 2 I demonstrate that verb-like adjectives can be differentiated from verbs insofar as only the former are compatible with a particular copular construction involving modals. Similarly, verb-like adjectives can combine with a negative marker that is incompatible with genuine verbs. This contrast is further corroborated by an inflectional distinction between verb-like adjectives and verbs in the Siglitun dialect. A second class of strictly-attributive adjectives is argued for on the basis of stacking, variable order, optionality, and compositionality. The second half of the chapter examines semantic restrictions on membership in the strictly-attributive class whereby only adjectives with subsective and privative denotations are attested. These restrictions are explained by the proposal that Inuit lacks a rule of Predicate Modification, with the result that only adjectives with semantic types capable of composing with nouns via Functional Application can compose directly with nominals. Furthermore, to explain why this restriction does not extend to verb-like adjectives it is proposed that when these modify nominals, they are adjoined DP appositives and compose via Potts’s (2005) rule of Conventional Implicature Application.

In Chapter 3 I argue for a class of adverbs, presenting evidence including degree modification, variable ordering, speaker-oriented meanings, and the ability to modify additional categories. Finally, data from adverb ordering is used to compare syntactically oriented and semantically oriented approaches to adjunct licensing and verbal-complex formation. I present arguments in favour of a right-headed analysis of Inuit in which the relative position of adverbs inside polysynthetic verbal-complexes is primarily determined by semantics, supporting Ernst (2002), contra cartographic approaches such as Cinque (1999).

As with many issues in Biblical Hebrew (BH) grammar, the phenomenon of apposition appears to be fairly well understood in the main. Apposition is typically defined as the modification of one noun phrase (NP1) by a second noun phrase (NP2), without any morphological or syntactic signal such as cliticization (i.e., the so-called construct state), and such that the two NPs could be reformulated into a well-formed equative predication (i.e., NP1 is NP2). However, both the diversity of examples presented in descriptions of BH apposition and the lack of consensus concerning the structure of apposition (and even its legitimacy as a distinct syntactic relation) signal that apposition is a much more complicated and layered grammatical phenomenon than commonly thought.  Our goal in this study is first to move towards a clearer linguistic description of apposition, and in the process establish the salient issues and indicate questions for future study.

i REMERCIEMENTS Je tiens en tout premier lieu à remercier très chaleureusement ma directrice de recherche, le Professeur Liliane Haegeman, pour m'avoir guidée, motivée, conseillée dans mes recherches. Tout au long de ces cinq années, elle a su orienter mon travail. Son exigence mêlée de patience et d'encouragements m'a permis d'améliorer sans cesse mon travail. Mes remerciements vont également aux différents professeurs et maîtres conférences de l'UMR Savoir, Textes, Langage pour leurs encouragements et leur intérêt. Je n'oublie évidemment pas les chercheurs d'autres universités avec qui les échanges m'ont permis d'avancer dans mon travail. Je pense en particulier à David Adger, Doug Arnold, John Bowers. Je remercie l'UMR Savoirs, Textes, Langage pour m'avoir fourni un espace de travail et du matériel informatique, ainsi que des fonds dans le cadre de ma participation à la conférence annuelle de la Linguistics Association of Great Britain en 2004 et à la conférence Languages at the University of Essex en 2007. Je tiens à remercier Chad Langford qui m'a gracieusement fourni ses jugements de locuteur natif et avec qui les discussions des données m'ont toujours poussée à voir les choses différemment.

Michael O’Connor (whose 1980 opus, Hebrew Verse Structure, provides a compelling linguistically grounded description of the poetic line) has called the endurance of Lowthian parallelism a “horror” that wreaks havoc on lexical semantics and “is beyond the comprehension of any sensitive student of language.” Why does a model known to be a descriptive failure for a century persist in teaching resources and commentaries? It is because nothing compelling has risen to replace it. O’Connor’s linguistic analysis of the line offered the first piece to replacing the traditional model, but O’Connor’s model was more compelling for the structure of the poetic line than for the relationship of lines. In this study I take up interlineal syntax and offer an analysis that compliments and completes O’Connor’s approach, allowing us to provide a proper burial for the admirable but ultimately unworkable Lowthian parallelism.

First lucidly formulated by Gottlob Frege, the distinction between illocutionary force and semantic content has been largely accepted by philosophers of language and linguists for much of the last century. In recent years it has come under attack. This essay aims to address the cogency of that challenge, by, first, clarifying the phenomena that the force/content distinction is designed to explain, and by providing a refinement of that distinction on which contents are not necessarily propositional, and on which force is an aspect of speaker meaning, but not (except in unusual cases) an aspect of what is said. Second, direct attacks offered Hanks and by Barker and Popa-Wyatt are then assessed and shown to be unsuccessful against the force/content distinction thus refined.  Third, an indirect challenge, which attempts to account for the relevant phenomena while abjuring any force/content distinction, is also considered and shown to be untenable.

Constituents generically called Secondary predicates or Predicativa have raised an increasing interest in recent years both in general linguistics as in the field of Latin linguistics. Although some progress has been made, the issue continues to pose questions and problems of a different nature. This paper aims at (i) to present briefly the main problems which arise in dealing with the study of the secondary predicates in previous research from different linguistic approaches and, in the light of that scenario, (ii) to propose some ways of analysis which can be useful in the description and characterization of such predicates, basically in the Latin language. Aspects such as the analysis of the formal type that code the Praedicativum and its implications, the pragmatic relevance of this function and the ordering of the constuents involved in the contexts in which it appears or the application of different test of disambiguation reveal as criteria that can shed light on a so controversial function.

This paper studies the possibility for a concrete structure to assume the function of “Tail”, in what has been understood as extra-clausal pragmatic function and right-dislocated: the construction with the verb dico. In addition, a specific characterization of that structure is made. Research shows that such structures can be, indeed, Tails. Their fundamental characteristics make reference (i) to its particular independence of nuclear predication as consequence of its peculiar clausal nature, (ii) to its functional limitation —it is polarized in the precision or clarification of any (part of) previous information, other usual features of the Tail being excluded—, or (iii) to a greater ease for its use in a parenthetical strategy.

Two aspects of anaphora in Hittite are discussed in the paper. The first is syntactic means to mark immediate anaphora after first mention. Besides fronting a constituent hosting -a/ma and demonstrative phrases, it is shown that the specific type of anaphora is also marked by the seemingly redundant structure of enclitic pronoun + full NP in its canonical position. It is argued that the parallel syntactic behaviour of all three constructions provides evidence to distinguish some cases of enclitic pronoun + full NP from appositions and to consider them a taxonomically distinct category, clitic doubling.
The second part of the paper deals with non-standard anaphora in relative clauses. It explores the occasional associate anaphoric relation between the relative phrase and its correlate (bridging) in the cross-linguistic perspective. Building upon work of Huggard and Belyaev  it is shown that this non-standard anaphora provides evidence that Hittite relative sentences are not standard relative sentences, they rather constitute a separate taxonomic category, correlatives pace Cinque . Along more general lines, the paper substantiates the language specific claim of Belyaev  contra Cinque  that correlatives are a syntactic category distinct from relative clauses.

This paper presents an investigation into the functional structure of appositives. Taking hierarchy of adverbs and functional categories as a point of departure, the analysis shows that all but one of Cinque's adverb classes can be found in appositives. The exception concerns speech act adverbs. Because appositives are non-finite, they lack phi features, resulting in an inability to represent discourse roles such as Speaker. Speech act adverbs obligatorily select Speaker as an argument, accounting for their failure to appear in non-finite structures such as appositives.

L’article aborde les Confessions (1782, 1789) de Jean-Jacques Rousseau sous l’angle linguistique, en accentuant les  différences de fonctionnement entre les participes présents et les gérondifs. Non moins de 85% de participes présents dans les Confessions fonctionnent comme appositions (ou attributs libres), lesquelles, mobiles et liées faiblement au sujet du verbe régissant, apparaissent aux mêmes positions que les gérondifs pour alterner avec eux souvent. Or, cette alternance produit toujours un changement de sens, plus ou moins prononcé, du fait que le participe présent transforme
tout contenu verbal en propriété plus ou moins permanente du sujet, alors que le gérondif attache son contenu directement au verbe régissant en lui imposant un cadre temporel.

This craft essay traces the role of the appositive in contemporary American poetry, looking specifically at work by Ashbery, Ammons, Rich, and Tate, and argues that apposition's unique mixture of renaming and syntactic parallelism constructs a lyrical state of mind, one that both narrows in on vital particulars and opens up a poem up to radical inclusivity.

La PROPOSITION SUBORDONNEE RELATIVE APPOSITIVE (désormais PRA) pose depuis longtemps un réel problème pour les syntacticiens. Par opposition à la proposition subordonnée relative déterminative (désormais PRD), qui pose bien moins de problèmes de représentation -on considère en effet qu'elle fait partie intégrante du SN -, la PRA pose de réels problèmes de représentation syntaxique. Au-delà du fait de savoir si elle fait ou non partie intégrante du SN, c'est la question du lien, syntaxique mais aussi sémantique, entre la prédication principale (PP) et la prédication seconde, qui pose problème. Plus précisément, l'on peut être amené à se demander si la PRA, bien qu'elle soit une proposition subordonnée relative, n'établit pas un lien parfois plus proche de la coordination que de la subordination.

The aim of this article is to complement and refine Ellen Prince’s well-known taxonomy of given/new information (Prince 1981, 1992), which distinguishes between discourse-related and assumed familiarity-related newness/givenness. What we suggest is that a new category should be added to the existing hearer new, hearer old, and inferrable information categories, so as to include cases where the informational status of an entity or a propositional content cannot be determined with certainty. We call this new category ‘the (hearer) indeterminables’, and we justify its existence through a case study on non-restrictive, relevance oriented constructions (appositive relative clauses, non-restrictive pre-modifiers, apposition). We also argue that it is possible for speakers/writers to simulate informational statuses for politeness considerations, and that such simulation should be included in the definition of assumed familiarity.
Keywords: Given/new information; Prince’s taxonomy; Non-restrictive; Relevance; Informational status; Foreground/background; Politeness; Apposition; Relative clauses

Deutschen und jako-Phrasen des Polnischen· 1. Einführung Nach Nichols' Predicate Nominals -A Partial Surface Grammar of Russian (i 981), die neben primären nominalen Prädikaten auch sekundäre behandelt, ist das Thema der sekundären nominalen (substantivischen oder adjektivischen) Prädikate (auch Koprädikate, Koprädikative, prädikative Attribute, prädikative Adjunkte genannt) in der slawistischen Sprachwissenschaft eher wenig behandelt worden. Ausnahmen bilden Disk.-ussionen um die Verwendung des sog. prädikativen Instrumentals vor allem im Vergleich zu jener des Kongruenzkasus ("doppelter Kasus") im Russischen wie z.B. Timberlake (i 986), Grannes (1992), Filip (2001) oder Hinterhölzl (2001) oder Untersuchungen zur Behandlung sek-undärer Prädikate im Rahmen des Chomskyschen Paradigmas, Z.B. Strigin & Demjjanow (2001) oder punktuell zum Polnischen Fehrmann (1994)1 Seit k-urzcm erfahren sek'UIldäre Prädikate erneut eine intensive Diskussion in der Sprachtypologie (Schultze-Berndt & Himmelmann 2004, Himmelmann & Schultze-Berndt 2005a!b, Schroeder i.Dr.). Den typologischen Betrachtungen vorgeordnet ist dabei eine Diskussion um die äußere Abgrenzung sekundärer Prädikate insbesondere zu Adverbialen sowie zu Appositionen und anderen attributiven Konstruh.-tionen sowie um Fragen der inneren Abgrenzung, d.h. nach Untertypen sekundärer Prädikate. Beide Problembereiche stehen auch im Mittelpunkt der folgenden Betrachtungen. Exemplarisch werden diese Fragen an deutschen als-Phrasen (mit als als Adjunktor, nicht als Konjunktor wie z.B. in temporalen Nebensätzen) und polnischen Äquivalenten, vor allem jako-Phrasen disk."Utiere. Deskriptiv ist dies von Interesse, da das Polnische offenbar als einzige slawische (Literatur-) Sprache eine formale Unterscheidung in etwa analog zur deutschen Differenzierung zwischen als-und wie-Phrasen entwickelt hat. Weinrich (1993, 792) sieht in der Semantik beider Konstruktionen das Moment des Vergleichs: Im ersten Fall spricht er von einem "Vergleich mit Gel-FOr kritische Anmerkungen zu einer Vorversion dieses Textes danke ich W. Boeder, ehr. Schroeder. Gunter Spieß, S. Anders. P. Zeller und M. Renz. Verbliebene Unzulänglichkeiten liegen 3usschließlich in meiner Verantwortung. Eine Übersicht bietet Hentschcl (iDr.) . Der vorliegende Bcitr:lg knüpft: vor allem in deskriptiven Aspekten an die D3l"stellung von Hentschcl & Anders (2006) an. geht aber in den Überlegungen zur Typisierung von sekundären Pr'Jdikatcn weit darüber hinaus. Oie hier zu entwickelnde Klassifikation, obwohl an Sequenzen aus als bzw. jalw plus Nominalgruppe enl'.Yickelt. ist auch al1gemein einschlägig, d.n. auch rur andere sekund:ir prJdit<ative Konstrukte wie z. B. rur sekundär prädikative Adjektive. Gerd Hentschel tungsanspruch", im zweiten von einem "offenen Vergleich'". Andere slawische Sprachen zeigen in Kontexten beiderlei Typs, die also das Deutsche durch als bzw. wie und das Polnische ähnlich durch jako bzw. jak differenziert, nur einen Marker, z.B . russisch kaK. Auch im Polnischen hatte die Verwendung von jako undjak z.B . noch im 16. Jh. einen hochgradig fakultativ-variativen und keinen oppositiv-differenzierenden Charakter, wie es heute der Fall ist. Auf einen möglichen Einfluss des Deutschen auf die Entwicklung im Polnischen ist verschiedentlich verwiesen worden (z.B. Buttler 1976, 182-184 und Sluszkiewicz 1966). 2. Sekundäre Prädikate vs. Adverbiale In der genannten Diskussion im Ralunen typologischer Paradigmen wird als einschlägiges Kriterium zur Unterscheidung von sekundären Prädikaten und Adverbialen der Partizipantenbezug respektive der Ereignisbezug angesehen. Folgendes "Minirnaltripel" mit zwei sekundär prädikativen Adjektiven und einem adverbialen zur ersten Illustration: Peter trank seinen Tee kalt / traurig / schnell. Im ersten Fall, wo sich kalt in seiner "wörtlichen Bedeutung" (im Gegensatz zu seinen übertragenen Bedeurungen wie 'kaltblütig'), also semantisch begründet, auf den Tee bezieht, ist der Bezug auf einen Partizipanten, hier das direkte Objekt, arn deutlichsten. Der Partizipantenbezug schlägt sich nieder in einer Paraphrasemöglichkeit, in welcher sich der Bezugspartizipant in einer Kopulakonstruktion mit dem ehemaligen sekundären Prädikat befindet, das dann zum primären wird: Peter trank seinen Tee. D(ies)er war dabei kalt. Die Semantik von traurig lässt eindeutig Subjektsbezug erkennen: Peter trank seinen Tee. Er war dabei traurig. Auch bei schnell scheint eine ähnliche, ebenso subjektbzw. agensbezogene Paraphrase möglich zu sein: Peter trank seinen Tee. Er [Peter] war dabei schnell. In beiden Fällen mit Subjektsbezug ist auch eine andere Wortfolge möglich, nicht jedoch beim Objektsbezug: Peter trank schnell / traurig I *kalt seinen Kaffee. Allerdings basiert die Eigenschaftszuweisung 'schnell' (unabhängig von der Linearisierung) auf dem Vergleich des "Zeitverbrauchs" mit einem wie auch immer gearteten Defaultwert fiir das Trinken eines Tees, d.h. fiir das Ereignis selbst, das durch das primäre Prädikat versprachlicht wird, oder, anders gesagt, es gibt eine enge fal..-tische Beziehung zwischen dem Ereignis, das durch das primäre Prädikat (mit seinen Komplementen) versprachlicht wird und demjenigen, das das potentielle (bzw. hier vermeintlich) sekundäre zum Ausdruck bringt. Die Unterschiede zwischen den obigen Konstruktionen mit traurig einerseits und schnell andererseits zeigen sich z.B . in einem anderen diagnostischen Test, in dem das primäre Prädikat nomina-

This paper approaches the form and function of paraphrase as a discourse phenomenon in Ancient Greek, using as corpus the Republic of Plato. According to the data provided by the Platonic dialogue, paraphrases mostly appear as mere appositions, being loose appositions with extra-clausal nature. Other procedures are also possible but less frequent. As regards the functions of paraphrases, they establish a semantic equivalence between terms or expressions and usually play different roles in discourse coherence.

Due to the inherent ambiguity of Northwest Semitic syntax with certain morphological collocations, it is often to difficult to discern between apposition and a genitive construction. One such construction, marked by the intermittent usage of the generic word for " man " ('īš) before both occupational and gentilic terms is especially difficult to categorize syntactically. The Northwest Semitic evidence does not correlate with traditional appositional categories and engenders awkward readings that defy superficial explication. Since no comprehensive study of these pleonastic syntactical constructions has yet appeared, this essay surveys the Northwest Semitic evidence, highlighting their conceptual and grammatical affinities, before positing an overarching explanation for their idiosyncrasy grounded in a phenomenon of linguistic convergence known from Canaanite Akkadian.

Ce journal que j'écris n'est pas qu'un délassement littéraire. À mesure que j'y progresse, ordonnant ce que ma vie passée me propose, à mesure que je m'obstine dans la rigueur de la composition Ŕ des chapitres, des phrases, du livre lui-même Ŕ je me sens m'affermir dans la volonté d'utiliser, à des fins de vertus, mes misères d'autrefois. J'en éprouve le pouvoir 1 .

The juxtaposition of two constituents of the same category, such as noun apposition (e.g., “Niqmaddu, the king”) or noun-numeral apposition (e.g., “thirty (shekels), lapis lazuli”), is a fundamental noun modification strategy, alongside adjectival modification, noun cliticization (i.e., the bound relationship), and relativization. Though studies of Ugaritic grammar have long noted the use of apposition, particularly with numerals, the distribution and semantics of apposition are worthy of a focused analysis, which I will undertake in this study. Moreover, I will provide an initial investigation into the possible relationship between verb phrase or clausal apposition (types of apposition rarely recognized in Ugaritic or Biblical Hebrew studies) and the use of “parallelism” in poetic texts.

Informat ion on stent longitudinal strength is limited to benchtop models using unconstrained stents, consequently having uncertain clinical significance. This study investigated the effects of stent apposition and tube (artery) compliance on stent stability. Multilin k Vision, Multilink 8, Pro mus Element, Driver and Integrity were examined. Stent size was 3/18 mm or closest length. Four scenarios were tested: in three the stents were well deployed and in the final test, stents were purposely severely malapposed. In the well-deployed models, three tubes with different co mpliance were tested. Stents were co mpressed by applying a single point force. Malapposed stents compressed extensively at 50 and 100 g m., especially Element, wh ich deformed double the amount of the other stents. At higher forces (150 g m.), the magnitude of difference was reduced. Stent apposition had a profound protective effect and limited differences between stents. Stiffer tubes provided more protection to stent deformation. A ll stents are vulnerable to deformation when severely malapposed but the Element is significantly more so. Well-apposed stents are considerably mo re resistant to longitudinal compression such that differences between stents become minimal. More rigid tubes offered greater protection. Clinical implications regarding stent sizing and postdilation strategy are significant.

This paper aims to explore how discourse functions and prosodic realisations can be related through an analysis of appositive relative clauses (ARCs) in English. Based on a corpus study of spoken British English through the use of the Aix-Marsec and ICE-GB corpora, our aim is twofold: 1) to establish the singularity of ARCs within the global category of parentheticals; and 2) to show that, for one specific syntactic structure, in this instance ARCs, differences in discourse functions correspond not only to differences in morphosyntactic and semantic characteristics as proposed in Loock’s (2005, 2007, 2010) threefold discourse typology, but also to differences in prosodic features (regarding tonal, temporal and intensity aspects).
Keywords: appositive relative clauses, parentheticals, discourse, prosody, spoken English, Aix-marsec, ICE-GB

Natural language is fraught with problems of ambiguity, including name reference. A name in text can refer to multiple entities just as an entity can be known by different names. This thesis examines how a mention in text can be linked to an external knowledge base (), in our case, Wikipedia. The named entity linking () task requires systems to identify the entry, or Wikipedia article, that a mention refers to; or, if the does not contain the correct entry, return. Entity linking systems can be complex and we present a framework for analysing their different components. First, mentions must be extracted from the text. The is searched to build a list of candidate entries for a mention. Finally, a disambiguation component will identify the correct entry or propose a link. This provides a lens through which to understand and compare systems, and a way to characterise how performance in one component affects another. We use this framework to comprehensively analyse three seminal systems: Bunescu and Paşca (2006), Cucerzan (2007) and Varma et al. (2009). These are evaluated on a common dataset and we Name:

ÖZET: Fikir birliğine varılamayan pek çok öbek türü bulunmakla birlikte, bunların içinde en göze çarpanı varlığı dahi tartışma konusu olan takısız/eksiz ad öbeğidir. Bu tür için yapılan tanımlar, bazı öbekleri dışarıda bıraktığı gibi terim de "kendinde olmayan-eksiz" öbekler adlandırması ile söz dizimsel ilişkilerin sınırlarını belirtme açısından eksiktir. Bu yüzden yazıda alternatif olarak önerilen kavram ve işlevsel terim eşleme/eşleme öbeğidir. Bu öneri doğrultusunda da yazıda amacımız, "eksiz ad öbeği türü" altında sayılan yapı tiplerinin Çuvaşçadaki görünümlerini ilişkililiklerini ve biçimsel olarak virgül ya da kısa çizgi ile ayrılan eşlenmiş yapıları eşleme olgusuna göre gözlemlemek ve açıklamaktır. Eşleme için verilen tanımlar dil bilim literatüründe bir hayli tartışmalı olsa da dillerin tipolojik özellikleri göz önünde bulundurulduğunda çözülemeyecek kadar karmaşık değildir. "Niteleme" ve "sıfat"tanımı genel olarak bu yapılara eşleme olarak yaklaşılmasını güçleştirse de niteleyicinin (modification) eşleme yapılarında bir niteleyen niteleyiciler (attributive modifier) özelliği gösterdikleri söz dizimsel dağılımlarına bakıldığında anlaşılmaktadır. Eşlemeler de elbette ad kökenli öbekler içerisindedir ve bir ad öbeğidir. Bunlar, ad öbeğinin yapısının işlevsel derinliğini gösteren söz dizimi, anlam bilimi ve kullanımın etkileşimi ile ortaya çıkan birleşimsel bir alanda, eşleme dil bilgisel ilişkisi ile kurulan öbeklerdir.

The goal of this paper is to compare appositive relative clauses (henceforth ARCs) to other structures that convey the same information, in order to determine the morphosyntactic, semantic and above all pragmatic factors conditioning the choice of structure. Alternatives to ARCs examined here include sentential parentheticals, juxtaposed/coordinated independent clauses, adverbials or noun modifiers which, along with ARCs, can be considered competing allostructures representing the different possible syntactic realizations of the same informational, logico-semantic content. Setting register-related phenomena aside so that they do not interfere with the results, the paper investigates several parameters like the hierarchization of the informational contents (and discourse coherence as a whole), the (non) existence of an open proposition (as defined in Prince 1986), the influence of a familiarity constraint (‘fame effect’) among others as constraints accounting for the choice of structure. The identified constraints will be paralleled with the discourse functions of ARCs defined in previous research, justifying the suggested typology.

Appositive relative clauses differ in some essential respects from restrictive relative clauses. I argue that appositive relatives and appositions can be put together as a third class of coordination denoting specification. Thus, an appositive relative is a specifying conjunct to the visible antecedent. It is a semifree relative with a pronominal head that is normally empty. Therefore, its internal syntax is equivalent to that of restrictive relatives; hence, there is one syntax for both types of relative clauses. In essence, it is the context of specifying coordination that accounts for the different behavior of appositive relatives. In the light of this analysis, the properties of appositive relatives (as opposed to restrictive relatives) are systematically reviewed.

Artykuł stanowi analizę semantyczną i etymologiczną połączeń, w których skład wchodzą dwa wyrazy mające takie same kategorie gramatyczne zestawione ze sobą na zasadzie paralelności dźwiękowej. Podstawą pracy jest klasyfikacja Stanisława Jodłowskiego, który określił analizowane wyrażenia terminem zestawienia bliźniacze paralelne dźwiękowo. Celem artykułu jest udowodnienie tezy, że oba człony zostały ze sobą zestawione nie tylko ze względy na podobieństwo dźwiękowe. Analiza wykazała, że większość wyrazów wchodzących w skład członów zestawień omawianych w pracy zanim zrosła się w całość, funkcjonowało jako autonomiczne jednostki. Leksemy te zostały do siebie dobrane nie tylko ze względu na podobieństwo brzmieniowe, lecz przede wszystkim dlatego, że zauważono pomiędzy nimi związki semantyczne. Omawiane grupy apozycyjne funkcjonują w polszczyźnie na zasadzie frazeologizmów, redundancji oraz przydawkowości. Szczegółowej analizie poddano takie zestawienia, jak: koszałki-opałki, esy-floresy, czary-mary, szacher-macher, baba-jaga, chłopek-roztropek, śmigus-dyngus, kogel-mogel oraz hokus-pokus.

Parentheses do not affect the semantic truth conditions of the host clause, but they do affect the discourse structure. We propose a maximally simple update system for the conversational context. Presuppositions are treated as past requests for the interlocutor’s consent. Parentheticals act like overt presuppositions unless they are linearly last in the utterance, in which case they can be taken as a current update request. This has consequences for the interlocutor’s ability to target a parenthetical message. We predict that sentence-final parentheses, and in particular attributive appositives, can be generically addressed, but medial ones only by a specific response. We also discuss why certain non-clausal parentheses, including identifying appositions, behave differently.

Elle peut également amener à pointer des traits définitoires multiples [pour un aperçu des traits, (Havu, Pierrard, 2004)]. Comment concilier cette variété de structures et de Réduction et intégration de prédications : paramètres pour l'analyse des cop ...

Les limites de la distinction PRD---PRA sont de différents ordres. La différenciation d'ordre sémantique, à l'origine de l'opposition entre les deux types de relatives, a été très tôt transposée en une série de distinctions d'ordre morphosyntaxique, mais il semblerait que certains critères distinctifs ne soient pas toujours efficaces à cent pour cent. Egalement, certaines données semblent résister à l'étiquetage PRD ou PRA : les difficultés surgissent dès que l'on s'intéresse à des données attestées et non fabriquées, en particulier aux données orales, mais pas uniquement. Nous proposons

L&#39;A. tente de definir les facteurs syntaxico-semantiques qui interviennent dans la definition de l&#39;apposition, afin d&#39;eviter la confusion avec d&#39;autres fonctions de l&#39;adjectif, telles que l&#39;epithete et l&#39;attribut, puis propose d&#39;appliquer le concept classifiance vs. non-classifiance a l&#39;apposition adjectivale.

This book sheds new light on Appositive Relative Clauses (ARCs), a structure that is generally studied from a merely syntactic point of view, in opposition to Determinative (or Restrictive) Relative Clauses (DRCs). In this volume, ARCs are examined from a discourse/pragmatic point of view, independently of DRCs, in order to provide a positive definition of the structure. After a presentation of the morphosyntactic, semantic and pragmatic characteristics of ARCs, a taxonomy of their functions in discourse is established for both written and spoken English based on the results of a corpus-based investigation. Constraints are then defined within an information-packaging approach to syntactic structures to show why speakers choose ARCs over other competing allostructures, i.e. syntactic structures that fulfil similar discourse functions (e.g. nominal appositives, independent clauses, adverbials, noun premodifiers, topicalization). The end result is a deeper understanding of the richness of ARCs in their natural contexts of use.