Fascist propaganda

These two volumes contain the official proceedings of the international symposium «School Exercise Books: a Complex Source for a History of the Approach to Schooling and Education in the 19th and 20th Centuries» (Macerata, September 26-29, 2007).
The school exercise book in the contemporary age can be seen both an essential teaching aid and as a formidable tool for communication, thus as a unique source for exploring school culture and the approach to education in a given historical context. From cover to content, and including the codification process in its capacity as a material object, the school exercise book can tell us a great deal about the history of schools and education, about teaching methods and language, and about the educational projects and policies that the various nation states sought to implement in the 19th and 20th centuries. Within that framework, the history of education and literacy goes hand in hand with the history of educational ideas and of concrete educational practice, offering hitherto unexplored scenarios for research. These proceedings – which include papers submitted by scholars from all over the world (Europe, America and the Far East) – offer a broad panorama of the potential (and the limits) of such a complex source with its wealth of implications. They represent a corpus of study and enquiry based on a truly exhaustive and complete range of methods and tools of investigation. The exercise book seen as a vessel for writing, as a testimonial of educational practice as implemented by teachers, and as an essential part of the political and cultural socialisation pursued in schools, helps us to focus the historical and educational dynamic on the relationships that impart concrete substance to the rapport between educational theory, teachers, institutes of education and education policy on the one hand, and the real-life players – the men, women and children – who experienced those relationships in the first person.

Mussolini Grande Attore. La dimensione performativa del fascismo. di Marco Colacino In questo lavoro si analizza e ricostruisce la figura di Benito Mussolini come attore di una drammaturgia politica, civile e sociale che interessa il sistema-paese per oltre venti anni, basandoci sulle considerazioni di Max Weber sulla figura del leader e su quanto scritto già durante gli anni Trenta dall'anarchico Camillo Berneri sull'ex direttore de "L'Avanti!", definito come Grande Attore. Base per questa interpretazione della figura del capo del fascismo italiano sono alcuni studi delle scienze dello spettacolo relativi al performativo ed al rapporto tra drammi sociali e drammi scenici.

Call for Contributions (Edited Volume) and Workshop Announcement
Date and time: 12 November 2021 (Tue.), 10:00-17:00 MET (online).
Interested scholars may submit abstracts (of up to 250 words) to the organizers (rueckej@hhu.de) by 30 September 2021.

We invite contributions to an edited volume titled “Gendering Fascism” and hope for theoretically grounded empirical case studies within the time frame of the 1920s through the 1940s. Taking gender seriously means asking questions about the functions that gendered individuals, institutions and imaginaries fulfil in the emergence and the politics of
fascisms, and how these politics in turn shape ideas and manifestations of gender. This includes but also goes beyond highlighting the presence or absence of women in fascist
movements or regimes. We encourage contributors to trace the sometimes contradictory representations of gender as they appear in imaginaries, media and political strategies, in ways that suit the advancement of power.

This talk analyses three posters by Italian graphic artist Gino Boccasile during the Fascist dictatorship in Italy from 1922 until 1945. Boccasile, a talented illustrator and fervent fascist, worked in publicity since the start of his career, gradually ascending to become the main graphic designer for the Italian regime, creating propagandist billboards supporting both Fascism and Nazism and demonizing enemies such as the Allies or Russian Communists. I suggest these three billboards – the first, advertising a popular Italian liquor, the second, an alarmist warning directed to Italian men during the Allied invasion in Italy throughout the Second World War, and the third a denunciation of Allies' supposed appropriation of European art – clearly demonstrate Fascism’s xenophobic and sexist ideology. Boccasile’s work reveals a deeply consolidated white supremacist and male-centric mentality in Fascist Italy. Indeed, in 1938, racial laws were promulgated along with the publication of La Difesa della Razza (The Defense of the Race), a magazine promoting the idea of “true” Italians as Aryan, thus racially “superior." To conclude, by discussing Fascism’s corrosive ideology through an art historical lens, I wish to point out visual arts’ significant role during an infamous period of Italian history.

Roman Shukhevych conducted his first political assassination in 1926 at age 19. In 1934, he was jailed for his role in killing Poland’s Interior Minister. By 1940, he was attending a Nazi military intelligence (Abwehr) academy in German-occupied Poland.

In 2015, the Government of  Canada gave $279,138 to the Ukrainian Youth Unity Complex in Edmonton. Just outside this centre is a large bronze statue to Shukhevych.  It has often been used over the decades as the symbolic backdrop for uniformed Ukrainian ethnonationalist youth and veterans of fascist military formations to pose in reverence to their WWII-era heroes.

Shukhevych was an organizer of Bandera’s faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B). In 1941, he helped create their founding policy. It called for the ethnic cleansing of "non-Ukrainians" and the liquidation of "Polish, Muscovite and Jewish activists" in a future Ukrainian state.1

Shukhevych was the top-ranking Ukrainian in the Nachtigall Battalion (aka the Konovalets’ Legion). Trained, armed, funded and led by the Nazis, and attached to a Germany special-forces regiment, its Ukrainian soldiers wore German uniforms and joined their Operation-Barbarossa invasion of the USSR (June 22, 1941). Eight days later, on his 34th birthday, Shukhevych’s Nachtigall marched into Lviv with the Nazis. The OUN(B) then declared Ukraine a state under President Yaroslav Stetsko, with Shukhevych as Deputy Defense Minister.

Nella primavera del 1941, Curzio Malaparte si trova nei Balcani, corrispondente di guerra del Corriere della Sera. Il 7 aprile il quotidiano gli pubblica un articolo dal titolo eloquente, « Attraverso la Jugoslavia con l'ultimo "Oriente Espresso" », in cui lo scrittore descrive la mobilitazione delle forze reali jugoslave. Il giorno precedente, che le popolazioni locali ricorderanno nei decenni successivi come "giorno di San Vito", le potenze dell'Asse avevano lanciato l'invasione della Jugoslavia di re Karadjordjević.

Dans les imaginaires collectifs, la marionnette est tour à tour assimilée à un emblème des rapports de domination et de manipulation. à une créature essentiellement frondeuse et irrévérencieuse, ou bien à un divertissement parfaitement inoffensif et tout juste bon pour les enfants.
En mettant ces clichés à l'épreuve des faits, sur une période qui s'étend du début du XXe siècle à aujourd'hui. cet ouvrage examine la diversité des rapports de pouvoir dans lesquels marionnettes et marionnettistes se trouvent pris. auxquels ils prennent part, qu'ils influencent ou qu'ils génèrent.
D'une étude à l'autre, le lecteur sera amené à traverser des contextes et des espaces très divers (marionnettes en temps de guerre, dans les usines, dans la rue, sur le Web). Il retrouvera des repères de la grande Histoire qui lui sont familiers (Hitler, Franco, Suharto, la révolution culturelle chinoise, la Marche pour le climat, la Syrie de Bachar el-Assad), mais dont le prisme de la marionnette lui permettra de découvrir un aspect tantôt glaçant, tantôt dynamisant par sa créativité.
Au fil des quatre focus qui structurent l'ouvrage (« Appareils d'Etat»; « Profession»; « Dramaturgies»; « Espaces alternatifs»), c'est in fine une histoire culturelle des arts de la marionnette qui se dessine, à la faveur d'un travail approfondi et historicisé sur les répertoires, les techniques. les esthétiques et les pratiques.

More : http://www.marionnette.com/fr/Edition/Catalogue/64

Directed by Raphaèle Fleury and Julie Sermon.
With the participation of scholars and artists: Sarah Anais Andrieu, Sylvie Baillon, Hélène Beauchamp, John Bell, Jaroslav Blecha, Lucile Bodson, Patrick Boutigny, Élodie Chamauret, Karim Oakroub, Raphaèle Fleury, Kathy Foley, Rachel Fourmentin, Alexander Gref, Juraj Hamar, Gabriel Hermand-Priquet, Ida Hledikovô, Annie Katsura Rollins, Anthony Liébault, Salma Mohseni Ardehali, Olivier Neveux, Julie Sermon, Elena Slonimskaya, Cheryl Stephenson, Daniel Urrutiaguer.

Howard Gruber, a founder member of Psychologists for Social Action, reviewed the dissertation. His review, dated May 7, 1978, as Parkovnick (2015) points out, "... is worth quoting in full, as it captures the very essence of the dissertation":
“This is an effective dissertation and could become an important book. I began reading it very favorably disposed to it. Then I got more and more riled up, made many hostile notes. By the end I found myself almost won over, certainly illuminated. Francks [Gruber’s spelling] has a style that gets under your skin and stays there. This is a good thing and should not get lost in the process of expansion, rewriting, and editing. It will take some work to make it a persuasive book to a less sympathetic reader, and to reduce its present excessive vulnerability to academic criticism. Its very sweep opens many avenues to criticism, crit. of a kind that detracts the reader and potential reader from the central ideas. But all this can be worked out. As an academic type, I often find myself cringing, wanting things toned down. But by the time I finished, I felt that the direction of the change should be to strengthen the tone of the book, to make its central, disturbing message more apparent, bring it more up front.”  Gruber, H. (1978). Review of A history of American social psychology up to the Second World War by Peter Francks [Gruber’s spelling] for Ablex Publishing Corporation, May 7.

Readers should also look at: https://www.academia.edu/60033912/The_Psychology_of_Participation_Revisited_1984_2021

Some of Dave Chappelle’s uses of storytelling about seemingly mundane events, like his experiences with his “white friend Chip” and the police, are examples of what W.E.B. Du Bois calls “Positive Propaganda.” This is in contrast to “Demagoguery,” the sort of propaganda described by Jason Stanley that obstructs empathic recognition of others, and undermines reasonable debate among citizens regarding policies that matter: the justice system, welfare, inequality, and race, for example. Some of Chappelle’s humor, especially in his most recent Netflix specials, but also in his earlier standup performances and his series The Chappelle Show, is akin to art that appeals to emotion in the ways suggested by Du Bois in “Criteria of Negro Art” (1926). Beauty is essential to art, but, “I do not care a damn for any art that is not used for propaganda. But I do care when propaganda is confined to one side while the other is stripped and silent” (p. 22). The “one side” is that which appears to extoll American ideals, but in reality undermines them, perpetuating the subordinate status of “the other”--black citizens. Replace “beauty” with “humor” or “funny”, and we see striking parallels between Chappelle’s socio-political performances and Du Bois’ call for positive propaganda, each of which constitute “civic rhetoric” broadly construed. We no longer live in Du Bois’ America of explicit denial of rights. In many ways our situation is worse, as the mechanisms of exclusion are implicit, difficult to dislodge, because they are invisible. Chappelles’ humor draws attention to subtle undermining-propaganda in our liberal democracy, transforming it through his counter-propaganda into the spectacle that it should be; ubiquitous democracy-denying propaganda should be as obvious to whites as it is to minorities. In his words, we should all see that “that shit is fucking incredible” (Killin’ Them Softly).

From the invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 through to the waning months of World War II in 1945, Fascist Italy was at war. This Fascist decade of war comprised an uninterrupted stretch of military and political  engagements in which Italian military forces were involved in Abyssinia, Spain, Albania, France, Greece, the Soviet Union, North Africa and the Middle East. As a junior partner to Nazi Germany, only entering the war in June 1940, Italy is often seen as a relatively minor player in World War II. However, this book challenges much of the existing scholarship by arguing that Fascist Italy played a significant and distinct role in shaping international relations between 1935 and 1945, creating a Fascist decade of war.

Every nation has its enfants terribles. Notorious enfants terribles are not personalities worthy of depositing their remains in national sanctuaries, nor celebrities worthy of burial mounds, statues, busts or memorial plaques. They have a reputation of the most insidious political “Fantômases” who are anchored in the collective memory as synonyms of criminals, betrayers, villains, or, in a better case, as calculating profit-makers willing to do anything for their own sake. These historical figures do not divide society as Philippe Pétain, Miklós Horthy or Jozef Tiso does. Except for the hard neo-fascist core no one dares to express an admiration for them. They left no positive political legacy, only a warning memento. Their public support, in a long run, had not exceeded a single-digit percentage level. However, even suffered electoral setbacks did not stop them from claiming to speak “on behalf of the nation” and putting themselves into the position of clairvoyant political messiahs who can exclusively secure a bright future for their country. The story of Alexander Mach, a wartime Slovak minister of interior, deputy prime minister, head of the Propaganda Office and head commander of the Hlinka Guard, is certainly one of them.
The biography tells the story of Alexander Mach with emphasis on his political career. The first chapter examines Mach´s childhood and influences which formed his worldview. Second chapter portrays Mach´s political rise from the beginning of the 1920s, his early contacts with fascism and the career of an opposition nationalist journalist and speaker in services of the Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party. Third chapter analyzes Mach´s career peak framed by 1939 – 1945 period. During the World War II Mach was a politician who systematically enforced a radical solution of the Jewish question. It was Mach who, following the infamous Salzburg negotiations with Hitler in July 1940, together with prime minister Vojtech Tuka initiated a series of cruel anti-Jewish laws leading from the restrictions of economic and civil rights to adoption of the racial principle and, finally, to loss of basic human rights and deportations of Jews from Slovakia. Besides that, chapter pays attention mainly to Mach´s position on political scene of the Axis Slovak State, to his share on adopting of the National Socialism in Slovakia and to transformation of his political attitudes after 1943. Fourth chapter focuses on Mach´s postwar destiny as a prisoner of the American army in camps in occupied Germany, on his 1946/1947 trial in front of the National Court in Bratislava as well as on over two decades of his imprisonment. The last fifth chapter briefly sketches Mach´s comeback to ordinary life after May 1968 when he was granted an amnesty by President. 
The biography is based on sources from archives and libraries in Slovakia, Czech Republic, Germany, Italy, Austria and Hungary and completes almost a decade of research (interrupted by several hiatuses) which Anton Hruboň dedicated to researching the life story of Alexander Mach.

Full version available at: https://www.martinus.sk/?uItem=440785

The purpose of this article is to prove how the Fascist regime used school diaries to drum up support in grassroots society in conjunction with its propaganda campaigns, and to spread its own ideological tenets among Italy's younger generations. The regime attempted to promote the regular use of school diaries in Italian schools because, despite the fact that a ministerial circular dated 31 December 1913 had made keeping such diaries compulsory, they were in fact not in widespread use in the early 1930s. The school diary became the basic tool for communication between the school and families, as part of a drive to morally bond the two social institutions traditionally tasked with educating youngsters, and to make sure that these two institutions contribute to the formation of the "new man" that was the regime's ideal model for humanity. The article shows how, initially, the production of diaries was assigned to publishing houses traditionally involved in the field of educational publishing; while, following the approval of Law 1587 of 30 October 1940 instituting the State school diary in primary and secondary schools, their publication was delegated to the Ente Nazionale per le Biblioteche Popolari e Scolastiche e to the Libreria dello Stato, equivalent of the HM Stationery Office. According to the regime's plan, the State school diary (used in Italian schools for the first time in the school year 1941-'42) was intended to become a tool for the dissemination of its ideology among the younger generations in much the same way as exercise books and comic strips were being used. This essay is based on the study of previously unpublished printed-materials, and on an analysis of the collections of school diaries in Padua's Museum of Education and in the archives of the Istituto Nazionale di Documentazione, Innovazione e Ricerca Educativa (INDIRE) in Florence.

A summary of the ABN and WACL.  These two Cold War networks brought together fascist and terrorist organizations to unify anticommunist movements. Both included virulently Russophobic, proNATO, Nazi collaborators from Eastern Europe that made a priority of trying to destroy the USSR. The East European organizations in these networks were dominated by groups of Ukrainian devotees of Stepan Bandera who had found safe haven in NATO countries after WWII.

This article focuses on the exhibition '1935 Gli artisti nell’Università e la questione della pittura murale', curated by Simonetta Lux and Ester Coen, and arranged in the Palazzo del Rettorato of La Sapienza University in Rome in 1985. The reconstruction of the exhibition project and its narrative is framed in the cultural debate on the memory of fascism developed during the 1980s. In this decade, there is indeed a paradigm shift in the public reception of the art of the Ventennio. By exploring a triangulation among research, exhibitions, and restorations, this study traces the transition from the neglect and physical concealment of fascist iconographies to the study and preservation of works of art related to fascist propaganda.

Sandro Teti pubblica in questi giorni Miti e contromiti. L'Urss nella Seconda guerra mondiale, di Vladimir Medinskij, ministro della cultura del governo russo fino allo scorso Gennaio e consigliere di Vladimir Putin. Un libro destinato a far discutere, nell'eterna ricerca delle colpe storiche della Seconda guerra mondiale.

il film che Pound aveva in mente non fu mai realizzato perché non ottenne il consenso degli addetti ai lavori ma, proprio per la sua originalità, merita di essere considerato con più attenzione; così come merita attenzione la corrispondenza che riguarda questo progetto cinematografico che Pound scambiò sia col regista Ferruccio Cerio che con Pietro Maria Bardi, il giornalista e critico d’arte che fu anche direttore del Meridiano di Roma. Queste missive testimoniano come Pound pensasse che "Le Fiamme Nere" fosse soprattutto un’opera di propaganda, tanto che in diversi passaggi il poeta propone di adattare scene e contenuti del film alle esigenze del mercato italiano e internazionale, arrivando a prevedere diverse versioni. Pound aveva ben chiaro la funzione del cinema come evento collettivo che poteva diffondere gli ideali fascisti nelle masse da indottrinare: «la cinematografia è l’arma più forte» dichiarava pubblicamente Mussolini, che nella lettera di Pound a Cerio è definito come “il grande architetto del fascismo” a cui, finalmente, spetta comunque la parola finale sul progetto.

A survey of prominent intellectuals on the subject of ‘Fascism and Culture’ in 1926 prompted some fittingly conflicted replies. ‘Surely you jest?’ responded the journalist and novelist Curzio Malaparte: ‘A Fascist art? Just what might that mean?’  One subject, however, already offered a means of figuring Fascism’s abidingly equivocal essence. ‘For the moment’, Malaparte writes, ‘the only original and powerful artistic expression of fascism is Mussolini himself.  Spurred by the retrospective attention to the Duce’s portraits in 1932, the sculptor Renato Bertelli (1900–1974) emerged from relative obscurity to design one of the most striking images from Fascism’s twenty-year rule.  It was, in fact, the very countlessness of Bertelli’s portrait – or more specifically, of its reproductions – that distinguished its import and impact. Not long after the work’s debut, Bertelli applied for a patent. After it was granted in July 1933, he set about distributing the design in a range of formats and sizes. This article places Bertelli's sculpture in the context of iconographic precedents both contemporary and archaic, while venturing an argument about the political etiology and effects of its proverbial "continuity."

"This article examines the songs that Japanese schoolchildren learned during World War II and their impact on children’s lives. These songs were filled with propaganda such as Japan’s superiority over other nations, the glory of dying for the country, and the joys of working in weapons factories. The study addresses questions such as: what values were these songs reinforcing? What behaviors were being encouraged? What legacy did they leave in the minds of the children who sang them, after the war had ended? Personal stories were obtained from individuals who attended elementary school during World War II. It is shown that the children who grew up during the war internalized the values promoted by these wartime songs and acted upon them as adults; they also passed it on to their own children.
"

In PBSR 88 (2020)
Ephemeral architecture was the antithesis of the permanent buildings typical of the 'Fascism of stone', and yet many architects took advantage of this paradox to create an imaginary Rome. A widespread use of ephemeral structures was made around 1938, during the Mostra Augustea della Romanità and Hitler's state visit to Italy, in order to support a political programme that marked the totalitarian turn in the Fascist regime after the foundation of the empire and aimed at strengthening the alliance between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Relying on methodologies of particular relevance to Roman art history and on various sources unknown to date, this paper investigates the relationships between ephemeral architecture and romanità. The case study is a monumental tribune built in via dei Trionfi that inevitably suffered a damnatio memoriae: a combination of classicizing and futuristic decorations, it looked back at ancient Rome and, at the same time, highlighted the Fascist regime's aspirations for might and modernity.

The Canadian government persists in funding Ukrainian ethnonationalist groups and their cultural centres.  These centres are the location of ritualistic commemorations, portraits, statues and other symbolic means used to glorify fascist WWII political and military leaders and veterans of Nazi-collaborating military formations.
See for example, a sidebar on the glorification of Roman Shukhevych
https://coat.ncf.ca/P4C/70/70_51.htm

The global cult of Stepan Bandera is represented in Canada by the League of Ukrainian Canadians (LUC). It was formed in 1949 by activists loyal to his faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B). LUC joined the Ukrainian Canadian Congress (UCC) in 1959 and has dominated its leadership for decades. LUC affiliates include the Ukrainian Youth Association (UYA) and the Society of Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) Veterans. By 1990, LUC had 57 local chapters (with 38 in Ontario), and 15 cultural centres. 1 These centres, often funded by government, besides having great practical value, are also powerful unifying symbols of this community's far-right politics.

Canada's Bandera youth
LUC centres often focus on aiding the Bandera youth movement. Structured along military lines, the UYA scouting movement 2 was begun in the 1920s by fascist Ukrainians fighting an "armed struggle against the forces of Bolshevism." 3 In 2016, a UYA event at Montreal's Ukrainian Youth Centre praised former UCC presidents Paul Grod (2007-18) and Eugene Czolij (1998-2004) as "lifelong members and products of growing up within the ranks of UYA." 4 Both have led the World Ukrainian Congress (WUC), 5 a Toronto-based global network of Banderite front groups. Formerly called the World Congress of Free Ukrainians, it worked closely with the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). LUC "prides itself on being one of the principle founding members" of WUC and gave it "three consecutive secretaries-general." 6

In 2015, Canada's government gave $70,000 to the Ukrainian Youth Centre in Calgary. Photos of the UYA's national leadership conference there show the centre's portraits of OUN(B) fascist military leaders Stepan Bandera and Yevhen Konovalets. 7 The latter was an OUN leader (1929-38) who commanded its military organization in the 1930s. Having met Hitler in 1933, he pushed for Nazi policies in East Europe. Ukrainian Cultural Centres in Toronto Ukrainian Cultural Centre in downtown Toronto housed offices of the UYA and Homin Ukrainy (Ukrainian Echo), LUC's government-funded paper launched by OUN(B) activists in 1948. 8 From 1960 until its 2015 sale, it hosted many LUC meetings, banquets and artistic events. Neighbouring Etobicoke also boasts a Ukrainian centre. In 2012, it hosted a national UYA event honouring the birth of Yaroslav Stetsko, a leader of the OUN(B), the ABN and the World AntiCommunist League. Uniformed youth marched in formation carrying Stetsko's portrait, Ukrainian flags and the battle flag of Bandera's fascist army. 9 (See p.49.) For the UYA's 65th anniversary in 2013, then-UCC Pres. Paul Grod posed with youth activists from across Canada. (See photo above.) Other photos from this event show that the Etobicoke centre also gives pride of place to portraits of Stetsko and Yevhen Konovalets. 10

Cinque milioni di italiani il 6 dicembre 1926 si svegliarono che appartenevano a una provincia e si addormentarono nello stesso luogo appartenendo però a un'altra. Pur nell'enfasi adulatoria, in un articolo sul "Giornale d'Italia" 1 Alessandro Bacchiani colse la portata della decisione di istituire ben 17 nuove province assunta quel giorno dal Consiglio dei ministri su proposta di Mussolini nella sua qualità di titolare dell'Interno 2 . Un provvedimento di tale rilevanza, mai osato dall'Unità in poi ed eccezionale per vastità di popolazioni e di territori coinvolti, soltanto cinque anni prima, faceva notare l'articolista nell'intento di esaltare il decisionismo del governo fascista 3 , sarebbe stato semplicemente impensabile. Ed era vero. Tra estenuanti discussioni in Parlamento, proteste e sollevazioni popolari tutto si sarebbe impantanato. Lo stesso Mussolini, ancora nel 1923, aveva tentato "una innocente ripartizione elettorale sotto l'augusto nome di Sannio" ma fu costretto a recedere per il malumore suscitato dal provvedimento. Ad ogni modo -era questa la tesi 1 Alessandro Bacchiani, Le nuove prefetture e i ricorsi storici, "Il Giornale d'Italia", 10 dicembre 1926. Bacchiani fu vice direttore del quotidiano fondato da Alberto Bergamini. . Il Regio Decreto Legislativo del 2 gennaio 1927 n. 1, Riordinamento delle circoscrizioni provinciali, pubblicato nella "Gazzetta Ufficiale del Regno d'Italia" n. 7 dell'11 gennaio e convertito in legge il 7 giugno 1927, istituì ufficialmente le nuove province e avviò una razionalizzazione dei comuni mediante un processo di accorpamento. Contestualmente abolì tutte le sottoprefetture e la provincia di Caserta. 3 Sulla velocità della decisione, specie rispetto al passato, "Il Giornale d'Italia", ormai da tempo fascistizzato, si soffermò ancora in un articolo del 16 dicembre.

Questo articolo si propone di delineare gli strumenti e il contesto comunicativo attraverso i quali un giornale di provincia operò nel 1938 per creare un clima razzista. La prima parte dell’articolo (§ 1-2) descrive la struttura del giornale secondo i due assi lontano/vicino e informazione/propaganda. La seconda parte (§ 3) delinea il contesto informativo in cui si pone la campagna razzista. La terza parte (§ 4-8) analizza il calendario e le tecniche di comunicazione della campagna antisemita condotta dal giornale piacentino nell'estate 1938. La parte finale (§ 9) propone un modello concettuale dei meccanismi comunicativi della narrazione antisemita descritta nei paragrafi precedenti.
This paper aims to outline the tools and communication context through which an Italian small-town's newspaper worked to create a racist climate in 1938. The first part of the paper (§ 1-2) identifies two sets of binary oppositions – distance/proximity and information/propaganda – which characterize the newspaper’s structure. The second part (§ 3) outlines the informational context in which the racist campaign arises. The third part (§ 4-8) analyzes the chronology and communication techniques of the anti-Semitic campaign conducted by the Piacenza newspaper in the summer of 1938. The final part (§9) proposes a conceptual model for the communication mechanisms of the anti-Semitic
narration described in the previous paragraphs.

While Spain is crucial to discussions of fascism and the thirties, this chapter demonstrates that Robert Capa’s legendary Spanish war photographs are crucial to understanding how photography’s relationship to politics and history has been narrated at different moments in the twentieth century. Between 1936 and 1939, Capa’s photographs of the civil war in Spain circulated widely, informing American and European magazine readers about the conflict and earning Capa international fame as a war photographer and documentarian of anti-fascism in Europe. In a range of print contexts, Capa became especially known for his images of refugees, frozen amid rubble or fleeing from fascist violence.  By the 1960s, those pictures became canonized as humanist imagery devoid of ideology. Looking beyond the mythologies of Robert Capa as the “Greatest War Photographer” and the founder of “Concerned” photography, this chapter asks, how have Capa’s photographs shaped memories and analyses of 1930s Spain, and what can this history teach us about using iconic images as historical documents? And what role have iconic images and legendary photographers played in perpetuating the idea that the rise of fascism was a European, rather than a global, phenomenon?

In this research paper, it is discussed the extent to which Fascist Propaganda was affected by the concept of Romanità, found significantly within the Mostra Augustea della Romanità.

Thus, this investigation takes into consideration the famous mostra and analyses the method with which Romanità is portrayed throughout it and how much impact it had on propaganda.

9780691125992, £13.95 (pbk) Stefan Breuer, Nationalismus und Faschismus: Frankreich, Italien und Deutschland im Vergleich, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft: Darmstadt, 2005; 202 pp.; 3534179943, E44.90 (hbk) A. James Gregor, The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science. Cambridge University Press: New York, 2006; xii + 306 pp.; 9780521676397, £14.99 (pbk)

Testo di Aldo Pizzigalli con prefazione di Augusto Turati che descrive le politiche di pulizia etnica operate dal governo italiano attraverso l'italianizzazione forzata dei nomi.
Il testo non è di mia autoria, è una riproduzione del libro del 1929.

The Hlinka Guard was a militia maintained by the Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party (the only allowed Slovak political party during the existence of wartime independent Slovak State) in 1938 – 1945. The HG, following the footsteps of its pro-Nazi
„sisters“, had a strong influence on Slovak policy likewise the Iron Guard in Romania or the Arrow Cross Party in Hungary. Though the HG was officially subordinated to Hlinka´s Party it often acted like a sovereign political subject. Historians rightly consider the Guard to be a flagship of national socialism in Axis
Slovakia. Monograph focuses on its activities in era of German occupation of Slovakia (1944 – 1945) when HG´s competencies were markedly enhanced and it became a leading force of Slovak collaboration. The aim of book is to analyze the
HG´s role in context of Nazi occupational strategy in the wartime Europe.
Fascist, national socialist and related organizations have stood in focus of author´s interest since he started studying history. The passion gradually developed into his profiling research field. Out of all evolution phases of totalitarian regimes he is fascinated mainly by their ends – by dynamic periods defined by a short outburst and even faster downfall of political ultraradicalism; by periods which radically reshaped human nature and which, for many people, became a lifetime
trauma. History of the HG in last months of the Hlinka´s Slovak People Party´s regime is a „deep well“ of social phenomenons mentioned above.
The monograph is based on a very broad heuristics, especially on primary sources from Slovak, Czech and German archives. Documents were precisely synthesized, particularly with the help of analytical, comparative and analogical method.
Monograph does not seek to reflect history of the HG, „restarted“ after the outbreak of the Slovak National Uprising, as a baneberry but as a product of occupational strategy conducted under the auspicies of Berlin which had been tested in other European countries before.
Three main chapters (Politics, Military Deployment, Persecutions) discuss how Germany misused the HG for its own war goals. Thanks to an original framework the book might be useful for comparative purposes of fascist studies, history, politology or other social disciplines too.
Through these heuristic categories the monograph tries to explain domestic and international correlations and to answer the question what actually the HG was, which influences determined its character after transformation in Autumn
1944 and what memento it left in national history. The author reflects the question of collaboration with the Nazi regime, an effort to implement Nazi visions of Neuordnung in Slovakia, the future hypothetical destiny of Slovakia under the Hakenkreuz and the regime of ruling Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party.
An innovative conception, in terms how the book reflects and interprets history of the HG in short period before the end of the WWII, attempts to conceptualize and contextualize the issue of collaboration, contrary to traditional or revisionist approaches which are still dominating in Slovak historiography.

This presentation describes the role of children as subject and target of the Italian fascist propaganda in the years 1922-1943, exemplified by dozens of postcards, photos, school books and notebooks, comic magazines, posters, etc. of that period.

Esta apresentação descreve o papel das crianças como tema e alvo da propaganda fascista italiana nos anos 1922-1943, exemplificado através de algumas dezenas de postais ilustrados, fotos, livros e cadernos escolares, banda desenhada, cartazes, etc. daquele período

1 El presente trabajo se ha realizado con conciencia de la superación del límite de páginas pero también con el consentimiento de la profesora para el mismo fin por el hecho de ser temáticamente denso en la incorporación de imágenes relacionadas con la propaganda, de ahí que el trabajo en sí no supere el límite acordado, pero sí las aportaciones iconográficas aportadas en el apéndice.