Occupation and Resistance in WW2

Appendix 2 of Section D for Destruction: forerunner of SOE (Pen& Sword, 2017).  This provides brief biographical summaries of the known officers, agents and principal contacts of Section D of the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS, aka MI6). Formed in April 1938, this was given permission to commence operations in March 1939 and eventually formed the core of the Special Operations Executive (SOE).  As a branch of SIS, Section D has preserved much of its secrecy, overshadowed by the more famous SOE.  The reputation of Section D was attacked during its lifetime by political enemies who first despised its methodology  - and then sought to take it over.  It operated largely through partner anti-Nazi groups across Europe and problems arose after the war in acknowledging their work as many of these were now under communist rule and any association with British intelligence was seen as traitorous.  There was a particularly sensitive problem in Palestine where Section D had helped train the Jewish Haganah, which went on to  fight British rule over the Mandate.  For such reasons, the list is incomplete and any additions / corrections would be greatly appreciated.

В 1968 году в Москве скончался крупный специалист по истории российского Просвещения и российско-французских отношений Михаил Штранге. Однако жизнь этого человека не была типична для успешного советского ученого.

Во-первых, Михаил Михайлович был эмигрантом, который после нескольких десятилетий пребывания за рубежом вернулся на родину (1947 г.), не подвергся репрессиям и состоялся как специалист. Во-вторых, Михаил Михайлович участвовал в антинацистском Сопротивлении; заграницей был хорошо знаком с известными деятелями культуры – историком Броделем, библиофилом Рубакиным и поэтом Цветаевой. Ну, а в-третьих, имя Михаила Штранге исследователи связывают с участием в убийстве невозвращенца Рейсса (1937 г.) и работе советской разведывательной сети в Европе.

На основе различных источников – из архива Дома Русского Зарубежья, НИОР РГБ, материалов эмигрантской периодики и воспоминаний знакомых Штранге – автор попытался реконструировать судьбу М.М. Штранге.

La storia dei rapporti tra Italia e Germania dopo la seconda guerra mondiale è una delle chiavi per capire le contraddizioni dell'Europa contemporanea. L'Italia fu tra i principali sostenitori della rinascita di uno Stato tedesco affrancato dall'influenza sovietica: i due paesi dovevano far parte dello stesso sistema di relazioni economiche e politiche. Partendo dall'analisi del punto di vista italiano sulla «questione tedesca», il volume ricostruisce, anche attraverso le reciproche percezioni, le matrici politiche ed economiche alla base delle relazioni bilaterali dalla fine della seconda guerra mondiale alla metà degli anni Cinquanta. In questo decennio presero forma quelle peculiari condizioni geopolitiche su cui si sarebbero fondati i rapporti tra Italia e Repubblica Federale durante il periodo della guerra fredda.

The main object of this paper is the composition Seven Circles completed in 1959 by Danish composer Else Marie Pade. It is the first piece of purely electronic music composed in Denmark. The paper has three primary focuses which are first: the evolution of electronic music that leads up to Seven Circles, second: Pade and the production of the piece itself, and third: how the techniques used by Pade point out the way towards the electronic music we know today.

Kan man være både nazist og medlem af en forening, som bekæmper
tysk indflydelse i Sønderjylland og støtter danskheden ”med alle lovlige
midler” i Sydslesvig? Det mente Tyge Gunnar Sand (1898-1975),
som var sekretær i Sønderjysk Forening for Frederiksberg og medlem
af Danmarks Nationalsocialistiske Arbejderparti (DNSAP), at man
godt kunne. Han endte med at blive ansat af det hemmelige tyske
statspoliti Gestapo og blev efter krigen idømt 10 års fængsel ved Højesteret.

The Spanish Civil War, fought between 1936 and 1939, was the first battle against fascism in Europe. Five months after the victory of dictator Francisco Franco in Spain the conflict moved to Europe with the outbreak of the Second World War. Fascism and anti-fascism again faced each other on the battlefield. Amid the heat of the Nazi invasions in Europe, anti-fascist resistance groups formed by ordinary citizens emerged in virtually all European countries. Although the Franco dictatorship was not directly involved in the Second World War, in Spain an anti-Franco resistance movement was organised in 1939 and lasted until 1952. Although the Spanish resistance constituted the first and last antifascist resistance movement in Europe, the Spanish case has been consistently overlooked by international studies.
This book inserts the Spanish anti-Franco resistance into the European context, proposing a new narrative of anti-fascist resistances (plural and in lower case) in Europe. At the same time, the book offers a new interpretation of guerrilla phenomena with a strongly peasant character, as was the case of the resistance in Spain. The author underlines the Importance of primary groups (kinship, neighbourhood, friendship) and secondary groups (camaraderie and political loyalties) in the mobilization and organization of armed groups. For this study, the author established twelve variables that permitted him to distinguish between ‘neighbours in arms’ and ‘modern guerrilla’. Using all of these elements, the author shows the plurality of the identities and cultures of the antifascist resistance in Spain.

t the height of the Second World War, Switzerland decriminalised homosexuality. At the same time, France chose to introduce a law punishing homosexual relationships in certain circumstances. These two examples illustrate contradictory attitudes adopted by European states towards homosexuals during the Second World War.

Going beyond the issue of the persecution of homosexuals and the central role played by Nazi Germany between 1939 and 1945, this book is the first to examine the daily lives of homosexual men and women in wartime.

By bringing together European specialists on the subject, it relates a different history, one which was indeed marked by repression but also by enlistment in armies at war and resistance groups, not to mention collaboration. Chapter by chapter, it enables us to better understand why the Second World War was a turning point for gays and lesbians in Europe and why our continent is a leader in the fight against discrimination.

The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden.

The work, first published in 2005, deals with the Nazi period in Hitler's birth region. The focus is on the topics of resistance and persecution. It examines which groups of people in this rural region, on the border with Bavaria, were persecuted by the Nazi regime and who tried to resist. The leading Nazis in the region attempted to ruthlessly smash any resistance on the part of the Catholic Church "in the Führer's homeland". But there was also communist resistance, which formed in the few places with industry. The few Jehovah's Witnesses in the district also suffered great losses. So-called "gypsies" were also brutally persecuted, as were the few Jewish people in the region. Last but not least, numerous people from the district of Braunau were murdered in the context of Nazi euthanasia. Whether the number of victims in Hitler's birth region was higher than elsewhere can not yet be definitively clarified. This would require comparative research in other Austrian districts. However, the fact is that the regime responded quickly and ruthlessly to any kind of resistance and tried to destroy it immediately.

The Resistance publishing house De Bezige Bij [The Busy Bee] was financed with money earned
with broadside verse and other special publications. This was such a lucrative business that there
was even enough money left over to pay for large numbers of Jewish children to go into hiding.
During the occupation the company built up a reputation as a left-wing publisher – an image
that needed to be maintained after the liberation, even though many of the works published by
the post-war Bezige Bij were firmly in a different political camp.

Il libro delinea la storia di Radio Vaticana, dalla sua origine alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale. Seguendo il triplice filone della diplomazia, della propaganda, dell’apostolato, emerge così, da una prospettiva inedita, il complesso rapporto che la Santa Sede intrattenne con i totalitarismi e con le democrazie, e il suo atteggiamento nei confronti della Shoah e dell’antisemitismo. Attraverso la ricostruzione dei testi delle trasmissioni nelle diverse lingue, sono  approfondite le relazioni dell'emittente con i pontefici e la Curia romana, caratterizzate fra l’altro dagli spazi di autonomia che alcune rilevanti figure di speaker radiofonici seppero conquistarsi.

This book was written by Leslie Blau (Blau László). It is a translation of the English "Bonyhad: A Destroyed Community" printed by Blau in 1994 (New York, New York). This translation into Hebrew was edited by Reuven Chaim Klein in 2010. It has yet to be published.ג

"Na meer dan zeventig jaar woedt de Tweede Wereldoorlog nog altijd voort als strijd om het duidingsgezag. ‘We wage the war we are’ dichtte W.H. Auden al over ons (on)vermogen eerlijk op onze geschiedenis te reflecteren. Maarten van Voorst tot Voorst ziet dat onvermogen tot nieuwe hoogten stijgen met de dit jaar warm onthaalde oorlogsfamiliekroniek van freule Van Boetzelaer."

http://www.nederlandseboekengids.com/2017-4-maarten-van-voorst-tot-voorst/

The German invasion of the Netherlands on the 10th of May 1940 was not only a tragedy for the Dutch people; it was also a tragedy for Dutch literature. In a few weeks time, the intellectual leaders of an entire generation would disappear. In the chaos of the battle of Rotterdam, Doeke Zijlstra, editor in chief of the publishing house Nijgh & Van Ditmar, was killed by a stray bullet. Publisher Robert Leopold, who feared German revenge for his publication of Hermann Rauschning’s critical work Hitler Speaks, shot himself. The promising Jewish writer Jacob Hiegentlich took poison and died. The young poet Tom de Bruin was accidentally shot by a nervous Dutch sentry. Hendrik Marsman, the most celebrated Dutch poet of his time, was among the few who found a place on a ship that would bring him to England. Within sight of the coast, however, they were hit by a German torpedo and he drowned. By then, two of the most prominent essayists, Edgar Du Perron and Menno ter Braak, had already died; Du Perron collapsed with a heart attack during the bombardment of an airport near his home in Bergen and ter Braak committed suicide upon the news of the Dutch surrender to the Germans. None of them ever knew about the death of the others.
What might seem as the last chapter of a Greek tragedy was only the beginning. During the occupation, at least 700 men and women of the underground press would lose their lives. The punishment for participation in the clandestine press was equivalent to that for acts of sabotage. Propaganda had been an essential element in the rise of the Nazi movement in Germany and, as such, a strict control over the press in the occupied Netherlands was considered of paramount importance. Literature was given a totally new purpose in the occupied Netherlands; it became propaganda in support of the Nazification of Dutch society and the tightening of links between the “Germanic” Dutch and their German “brothers.”
Hence, Dutch authors were suddenly confronted with a tough challenge. For decades, most of them had preferred the loftiness of the ivory tower over the squabbling of daily politics. In 1937, the celebrated novelist Simon Vestdijk still wrote: “The creative artist faces war like a toddler: utterly helpless.”  Only a couple of years later, his publishing house was bombed and he himself was taken hostage. The same author, who didn’t want to have anything to do with war, had ended up in its clutches.
In fact, after the German invasion, participation in political debates was no longer an option. It had become a necessity. Even keeping quiet was now considered a political statement. In this context, a simple poem could have a huge impact.

Popular study described an action carried out by the Polish anti-German resistance organization Home Army (Armia Krajowa, or "AK"), which involved a heist of over a million US dollars' worth of currency being transported by German authorities on 12 August 1943. It was carried out in the center of Warsaw by a unit of Kedyw, "Motor", which seized a transport car carrying the money. It was one of the best organized actions of the Polish underground during the German occupation, and it took only 150 seconds.

"A věrní ne-zůstali..." Operačná činnosť parašutistov a konfidentov gestapa Viliama Gerika a Karla Čurdu. In Slovensko a Európa medzi demokraciou a totalitou : kapitoly z dejín 20. storočia k jubileu Bohumily Ferenčuhovej. - Bratislava : vydal Historický ústav SAV vo Veda, vydavateľstve SAV, 2017, s. 165-173. ISBN 978-80-224-1564-4.(Vega 2/0119/14 : Formovanie zahraničnopolitického myslenia slovenských politických elít a spoločnosti v rokoch 1918-1938).

A history of the Sacred Squadron, Greece's elite commando unit in WW2 that was modeled on the legendary SAS. The Sacred Squadron consisted mainly of officers of the Hellenic Armed Forces and Gendarmerie who found their way to Egypt after the conquest of Greece by the Axis (May 1941) but could not serve with their proper rank due to the lack of adequate military units. Therefore they enlisted as privates in the Sacred Squadron, which was formed late in 1942 and served in North Africa and, subsequently, in the Aegean. The Sacred Squadron was the only Greek force to fight until the last day of the war in Europe and its commander, colonel Christodoulos Tsigantes, participated in the surrender of the German forces in the Dodecanese, on 8 May 1945.

1. El tema de esta contribución ha sido tratado ya por numerosos autores y constituye una especie de idea recurrente de la literatura crítica: Fink, Müller, Schöttler, Dumoulin, y más recientemente Touati, Becker, Burguière y algunos más se han ocupado, de formas distintas, de la relación de Marc Bloch con la esfera de la acción política. 1 Sin embargo, no me parece que el tema esté agotado. Quizá aún no hayamos satisfecho el deseo de Carlo Ginzburg, por ejemplo, quien hace más de treinta años, en su ensayo sobre Dumézil, pedía un estudio de las ideas y acciones políticas de Marc Bloch. ¿Cómo explicar hoy su enigmática reseña del libro de Dumézil, Mythes et dieux des Germains? 2 Como este ejemplo demuestra, la cuestión tiene aspectos particulares que examinar, y cada uno de ellos exigiría un análisis meticuloso. Me limitaré aquí a sintetizar la cuestión y a someter a debate las ideas sin restringir mi discurso a los límites cronológicos del período de entreguerras.

Della partecipazione italiana alla seconda guerra mondiale (1940-1945) e in particolare della campagna d’Italia (1943-1945) sappiamo ormai molto. Storia politica, storia diplomatica, storia militare, anche storia culturale sono prospettive d’indagine che hanno prodotto una
sterminata letteratura. Di come però i civili, che da quella guerra furono per la prima volta toccati in maniera signifi cativa, affrontarono e subirono il conflitto sappiamo molto meno. O, meglio, sappiamo molte cose sino ad oggi però disperse in un’enorme quantità di libri e saggi per lo più di ambito locale o inerenti specifi che tematiche.
Questo volume, per la prima volta, ha l’ambizione di fornire una sintesi di queste conoscenze, sfruttando gli studi migliori fra questa miriade di pubblicazioni di storia locale e appoggiandosi ad una fonte inedita per gli studi italiani: la viva voce delle vittime civili. In queste pagine sono infatti per la prima volta utilizzate le carte dell’eccezionale archivio storico dell’Associazione nazionale vittime civili di guerra.
Fra studi e fonti inedite, quindi, il volume compone un quadro nazionale organico e al tempo stesso articolato della guerra vista dalla parte dei civili, con una particolare attenzione alle diverse tipologie di vittime civili che quel conflitto creò.

The Treaty of Versailles was an extremely harsh document that demanded exorbitant reparations from the German people for a war they did not start.  The result of the harsh treatment of Germany in the peace terms gave rise to Adolf Hitler and National Socialism.

France sought to pin the entire war squarely on the shoulders of the German people.  The aim was to turn Germany into an agrarian society that would never again be able to wage war.  What the treaty accomplished was to incite anger and frustration in the German people that led to the rise of their “savior”, Adolf Hitler.

The head of the German delegation, Count Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau, stated a confession of sole guilt on the part of Germany for the war, coming out of his mouth would be like telling a lie.  While admitting that Germany bore a responsibility for the war, he noted that there were other poisonous situations that had been developing in Europe some 50 years prior to the outbreak of the World War which contributed to the conflict.  He also pointed out that the assassination of Archduke Franz Josef, the heir to the Austria-Hungarian throne, was not the sole cause of the conflict. 

We can argue that the implementation of the Treaty of Versailles was one of the worst incidents in international relations.  It gave rise to an era of nationalism and hatred in Germany that could have been avoided.  Most of the Entente leaders allowed personal feelings of hate and anger to override logic and critical thinking.  Had they adhered to  Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, Germany would have had much less strife and economic woe. The lack of foresight by leaders such as Georges Clemenceau led to the eventual rise of Adolf Hitler. 

The Treaty of Versailles demanded much from Germany, not only acknowledgment of guilt for starting the war, but an enormous monetary reparation that could not be repaid for decades.  The clauses of the Treaty as well as the concessions and military restrictions it imposed forced Germany to an almost agrarian status.  Couple that with sentiments of the German military and citizenry against those thought responsible for the loss, and you have an explosive situation; a powder keg just waiting to be ignited.

Zaoberať sa rôznymi tienistými otázkami súvisiacimi so Slovenským národným povstaním je dnes aktuálnejšie, ako kedykoľvek predtým. Punc politického mainstreamu totižto získavajú politické sily, ktoré predstavujú vlastný, (neo)ľudácky naratív dejín Povstania a obdobia ľudáckeho režimu vôbec. Jeho súčasťou je aj zameriavanie sa na excesy, ktoré sa počas Povstania udiali a ich následná generalizácia na celú činnosť partizánov. Ako však ukážu nasledujúce riadky, partizáni tieto prípady aktívne riešili a s dôverou sa na nich obracalo aj postihnuté obyvateľstvo.

Статья посвящена рассмотрению содержания периодической печати, издававшейся на оккупированных нацистами в годы Великой Отечественной войны  на оккупированных территориях. Фашистские захватчики в пропагандистских целях активно использовали газеты, из-за их доступности и дешевизны, поэтому на оккупированных территориях издавалось более 260 коллаборационистских газет и журналов. В статье они разбираются на примере газеты «Новый путь», выходившей на территориях Белорусской ССР в 1942-1943 гг. В первой части статьи рассмотрены задачи, которые стояли перед редакциями газет, а также кто и где занимался выпуском периодических изданий. Вторая часть посвящена периодичности и структуре газеты. Каждый отдел газеты - официальный, неофициальный, рекламный - разбирается отдельно. Отдельно рассмотрен вопрос о том, как на страницах газеты «Новый путь» освещалась деятельность Русской Православной Церкви. Первоначально статья была представлена в виде доклада на III студенческой научно-богословской конференции, которая была организована Исторической обществом Санкт-Петербургской духовной академии и состоялась 31 мая 2018 г.

During the Soviet occupation of Polish eastern borderlands in 1939–1941 thousands of foresters were arrested and deported to distant regions of Soviet Union. They were forced to work and live in poor conditions. After German invasion on Soviet Union, foresters such as Polish citizens were granted amnesty, which gave them possibility to move from prisons and labor camps.Some of them decided to join Polish Millitary Forces formed on Soviet teritory. The aim of the article is to review documents from archive of Hoover Institution related to Polish foresters serving in Anders Army. Paper consist of analytical part and annex enlisting more than 350 names of soldiers. List additionally contains data of foresters who left their memoires about their stay in Soviet Union.

В статье сделан акцент на рассмотрение опыта двух малых североевропейских стран (Дании и Норвегии), подвергшихся агрессии со стороны гитлеровской Германии 9 апреля 1940 года. Страны были оккупированы, а их элиты и народы выбрали разные модели поведения и отношений с Германией во Второй мировой войне. 22 июня 1941 года агрессии подвергся СССР и значительные его территории также были оккупированы. Впервые в наблюдаемой и документированной истории человечества война приобретала тотальный характер. Сравнительный анализ истории Дании, Норвегии и Советского Союза во Второй мировой войне позволяет под особым углом зрения рассмотреть проблему предательства, сотруд-
ничества и сопротивления в Истории. Богатый фактический материал дает возможность более объективно оценить внутреннюю и внешнюю политику СССР в контексте сравнительного анализа исторического опыта скандинавских стран.
Title: The treachery, collaboration and resistance: comparative analysis of the Scandinavian cases and Abstract:
USSR’s experience in the Second World war
The article focuses on the experience of two small North European countries (Denmark and Norway) that were subjected to aggression by Nazi Germany in April 1940. The countries were occupied, and their elites and peoples chose different models of behavior and relations with Germany in the Second world war. In June 1941, the Soviet Union was subjected to aggression and its significant territories were occupied. For the first time in the observed and documented history of mankind war acquired the character of Total
war. A comparative analysis of the history of Denmark, Norway and the Soviet Union inthe Second world war allows us to consider the problem of treachery, collaboration and resistance in History from a special angle. At the same time, the rich factual material
allows a more objective assessment of the internal and foreign policy of the USSR in the context of a comparative analysis of the Scandinavian countries.
Keywords: World War II, total war, collaboration, treachery, resistance, USSR, Den-
mark, Norway, communism, social-democracy, national socialism, Stalin, Stauning,
Nygaardsvold, Quisling

Artykuł został poświęcony jednemu z kresowych kapłanów aresztowanemu i więzionemu przez władze sowieckie w latach 1941-1942. Po zwolnieniu z więzienia wstąpił do Polskich Sił Zbrojnych w ZSRR, z którymi został ewakuowany na Bliski Wschód. Brał udział w kampanii włoskiej II Korpusu PSZ na Zachodzie. Po II wojnie światowej osiadł w Wielkiej Brytanii, gdzie założył pierwszą polską parafię.

Text about priest from Eastern Poland, that was arrested by Soviet authorities and deported to prison in deep USSR. After amnesty of 1941, he joined Polish Army in USSR and was evacuated to the Middle East. As a soldier of 2nd Polish Corps participated in "Italian campaign of 1944". After WWII he came to UK, where organized the first Polish parish.

The study aims at introducing the fighting and occupying activity of the Kárpát operational group and its subordinated units, set up at the beginning of the Hungarian offensive against the Soviet Union, from their crossing of the Hungarian-Soviet frontier to their withdrawal from the Ukraine.
In the introductory part, it is being discussed why the German supreme command insisted on the Hungarian participation in the offensive, owing to the failures of operation Barbarossa, and treats the development of the German attack and the Soviet defence prior to Hungary's entering into the war. The following chapter outlines the circumstances and questions of the Hungarian declaration of war, and then deals with the structure and the short history of the higher level formations deployed (VIII Corps Command, 1st Mountain Brigade, 8th Border Rifle Brigade, Rapid Deployment Corps) and the activation of Hungarian frontier defence.
The study focuses on the fighting activities, from 28 June 1941, i.e. the crossing of the Hungarian-Soviet frontier, to 8 July 1941, i.e. the withdrawal of the Rapid Deployment Corps from the subordination of the Kárpát Group. The fighting activities are introduced down to battalion level, in daily details. With the help of maps, the most significant troop movements are easy to follow. The evaluation at the end of the chapter summarises the military experiences of the operation on the strength of the contemporary staff report. The conclusion offers a survey of the Kárpát Group's occupying activity from 9 July to 5 October 1941. In the appendix of the study, the author publishes the in-depth order of battle of those higher level formations that took part in the manoeuvres and the occupation.

Appendix 1 of Section D for Destruction: forerunner of SOE (Pen & Sword, 2017).  Transcript of documents within TNA 8/256 relating to the establishment of the 'D Scheme' of  March 1939.  These outline the authorisation given  for Section D of SIS to immediately  engage in a secret war with Nazi Germany, operating mainly in, and from, neutral countries across Europe.  The Foreign Secretary said he accepted the scheme - but would now forget all about it!  The plan ignored the legal conventions of war and would develop into a comprehensive plan encompassing sabotage, bribery and political subversion, using a methodology that the British government had previously decried as terrorism. Five months before the formal start of the Second World War, the British Secret Service went to war.

מעורבות הישוב היהודי, דרך ארגון ההגנה והפלמ"ח, בסיוע ישיר ליהודי אירופה במהלך מלחמת העולם השנייה. הרקע לפעולות, אשר ננקטו באותה תקופה, מאופיין בתחילה בהיערכות הישוב לאפשרות של פלישה נאצית לא"י. בהמשך הופנו מאמצים לסיוע לצבא הבריטי בלחימה באירופה מחד ובפעולות הצלה ליהודים מאידך.

From 1940 to 1944, the Belgian government in exile in London had its own secret service, known as the Administration de la Sûreté de l’Etat, the Sûreté . Its main role was to gather intelligence on occupied Belgium. The Sûreté was also an asset that the exiled Belgium government intended to promote to its powerful allies, starting with its British hosts. A government in exile retains very few powers, one of which is its ability to remain in contact with others. This power can only be maintained if the government is able to keep itself informed and to inform others and it needs a secret service to obtain this information. The information the Sûreté provided allowed the government in exile to justify its existence, to ensure it served some purpose and to consolidate its role, both in the short-term timeframe of the war and in a post-war, liberated Belgium. However, developing a policy to underpin a secret service in exile and deciding what role the policy should play is not straightforward. Everything had to be started from scratch for this ‘new’ Sûreté, both in terms of its internal structure, its contact with occupied territories and its relations with its British counterparts.

The present work focuses on the Nazi Occupation regime in the Ukraine, 1941-1944. The special emphasis is made on the dynamics and unique features of the occupation, which are discussed in a broader context of German academic and political discourse on Ukraine. This book is also a nuanced study of several key problems concerning the relations between Germany and Eastern Europe in mid-XVII – mid-XX century. This interdisciplinary work also offers a new method of studying Ukraine’s place, and the role it plays, in the Soviet and European history.

The contents of this paper have been updated extensively since it was written and published, taking into account the author's growing knowledge of the resistance in France, the multitude of archival references to André in the National Archives of both England and France, and André's own personal archive of correspondence with his agents after the war and his own war-time papers, amounting to 100s of pages and of names.

Током окупације Србије у Другом светском рату јеврејска заједница до-живела је огромно страдање – Холокауст. Нацистички окупатор при-менио је на Јевреје своје расне законе, изопштио их из друштва, њихових професија, конфисковао имовину, одводио на принудни рад, логорисао и стрељао у мерама одмазде. Према релевантним истраживањима, у том периоду убијено је близу 90% Јевреја који су до рата живели на простору Србије. Иако је и у старијој домаћој, али и у светској историографији, одавно утврђено да одговорност за страдање Јевреја у Србији у највећој, готово потпуној мери, сноси окупатор, последњих година сведоци смо покушаја да се ова истраживања релативизују и реинтерпретирају у светлу дневно-политчких интереса. У овом раду биће дат преглед најзна-чајнијих историографских радова о Холокаусту у Србији (1941–1944), насталих у земљи и иностранству. У раду ће бити анализирано антисе-митско законодавство, пропаганда, питање имовине као и степен одго-ворности колаборационистичких власти за страдање Јевреја.