Frantz Fanon

By applying some classical and contemporary insights of the phenomenological tradition to key findings within the literature on stereotype threat (ST), this paper considers the embodied effects of everyday exposure to racism and makes a contribution to the growing field of applied phenomenology. Specifically, the paper asks how a phenomenological perspective can both contribute to and enrich discussions of ST in psychology. In answering this question, the paper uses evidence from social psychology as well as first personal testimonies from members of marginalized groups to argue that subjectively experienced racial oppression is embodied and thus has effects on selfhood that are harmful. Moreover, it makes the case that what are most often considered to be temporary or context-based consequences of ST are in fact more wide reaching and harmful than assumed in that the harms that result from suffering ST become a part of one's identity, and thus a background lens through which one experiences the world.

What is a " settler‐colonial city " and how does it differ from other forms of imperial urban spatial organization? This article seeks to answer these questions by attempting to urbanize recent insights in settler‐colonial theory. It begins by considering well‐established theorizations of the "colonial city " —particularly those developed by geographers and urbanists in the 1970s and 1980s—in order to assess their suitability for analyses of contemporary settler‐colonial milieu. Building on this discussion, the paper asks if and how the insights of settler‐colonial theory offer new opportunities to renovate earlier theorizations in ways that are more explicitly relevant to making sense of the urban process in North America and other societies where colonists have " come to stay " and no formal process of decolonization has unfolded.

In March 1974, trade union leader and Chairman of the Socialist Party of India, George Fernandes, formed a new independent trade union of railway workers and then led a massive nation-wide strike lasting about a month. Two years later— March 1976—Fernandes was arrested as the principal accused in the Baroda Dynamite Conspiracy Case, a plot to bomb strategic targets in New Delhi in resistance to Indira Gandhi’s authoritarian rule. How did George Fernandes’ political work change over these two years—from engaging in traditional trade union movement tactics during the Railway Workers’ Strike in 1974 to being the ringleader of a plan to bomb strategic targets in resistance to the postcolonial state? Why would an activist who advocated non-violent social movement tactics change strategies and end up leading a movement that primarily uses violent tactics? I argue that in its violent repression of the Railway Workers’ Strike and its illegal imprisonment of the strike’s leaders, Indira Gandhi’s administration demonstrated to Fernandes and other opposition party leaders that there was no room for a peaceful solution to the ever increasing social conflict of early 1970s India. Therefore, when Gandhi instated herself as dictator, longstanding advocates of satyagraha believed that symbolic violence against the state was the tactic most likely to lead to the restoration of democracy in India.

This article explores the hypothesis that the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) occupies a core position in the genealogy of the New Left, having set the political and conceptual framework – namely the ‘global civil war’ – by which the victory of Castro and Guevara or the triumph of the Vietcong would later be understood. The aim is to set out fresh approaches to understanding the emergence of the New Left as a complex process encompassing local, national and transnational dynamics; a process shaped by, but also shaping, decolonisation. The goal is to contribute – at least – to complicating the Western narrative of the global 1960s, by shifting the focus from Berkeley and Paris to Algiers. In this sense, it is useful to look at the anticolonial networks in and among Italy, France, and of course Algeria. The periodisation, necessarily loose, takes as terminus post quem the ‘Battle of Algiers’ (1957) and as terminus ad quem the fall/liberation of Saigon (1975): for the transnational public of the New Left, the first marks a short circuit between the Algerian War and the memory of the Resistance and the Second World War, while the second marks the end of Third Worldism as a political project.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03086534.2020.1817232

Most contemporary political theories of sovereigntyfrom Giorgio Agamben to Achille Mbembehave argued that the emergency powers claimed by the Bush administration under the auspices of the War on Terror epitomized what Carl Schmitt calls a state of exception. If so, I argue, perhaps it is time for new visions of sovereignty to emerge, ones attendant to the eccentricities of the present conjuncture. Occupy Wall Street and the Arab Spring are but two obvious examples of counterpublics that seem to have presented new modalities of sovereign life worth reflecting upon.

In this article, I ask three key questions: First, what is the relationship between militarism and race? Second, how does colonialism shape that relationship to produce racial militarism on both sides of the imperial encounter? And, third, what is the function of racial militarism? I build on Fanon's psychoanalytic work on the production of racial hierarchies and internalization of stigma to argue that militarism became a means through which the European imperial nation-state sought to mitigate its civilizational anxiety and assert itself at the top of a constructed hierarchy. In particular, I argue that European militarism is constituted by its colonization and historical constructions of the so-called Muslim Orient, stigmatized as a rival, a threat and an inferior neighbour. However, this racial militarism and civilizational anxiety is not only a feature of the colonial metropole, but also transferred onto colonized and postcolonial states. Drawing on examples of racial militarism practised by the Syrian regime, I argue Europe's racial-militarist stigmas are also internalized and instrumentalized by postcolonial states via fleeing and transferral. Throughout the article, I demonstrate that racial militarism has three main functions in both metropole and postcolony: the performance of racial chauvinism and superiority; demarcation of boundaries of exclusion; and dehumanization of racialized dissent in order to legitimate violence.

This paper delineates the problematic of state and civil society set
out by Marx and Gramsci in its theoretical-conjunctural validity, as
it relates to postcolonial social formations and especially post-
1970s Pakistan. The Gramscian concepts of passive revolution,
“boundary-traversing” hegemony, and the integral state are elaborated
through references to three major theorists of postcolonial
societies: Chatterjee, Alavi, and Fanon. The resulting framework is
then deployed to understand developments in post-1970s
Pakistan as two phases of passive revolution.

This article examines the contributions of psychoanalysis to interna- tional development, illustrating ways in which thinking and practice in this field are psychoanalytically structured. Drawing on the work of Lacan and Žižek, the article will emphasise three key points: (1) psy- choanalysis can help uncover the unconscious of development – its gaps, dislocations, blind spots – thereby elucidating the latter’s contra- dictory and seemingly ‘irrational’ practices; (2) the important psycho- analytic notion of jouissance (enjoyment) can help explain why development discourse endures, that is, why it has such sustained appeal, and why we continue to invest in it despite its many problems; and (3) psychoanalysis can serve as an important tool for ideology cri- tique, helping to expose the socioeconomic contradictions and antago- nisms that development persistently disavows (eg inequality, domination, sweatshop labour). But while partial to Lacan and Žižek, the article will also reflect on the limits of psychoanalysis – the extent to which it is gendered and, given its Western origins, universalisable.

This paper traces how two queer South African visual activists, Zanele Muholi and Kelebogile Ntladi, explore representations of gender identity and queer existence in their recent photographic work. Through the lens of “queer neo-ethnography,” it argues that their images oppose established codes and conventions of traditional portraiture and social documentary photography to explore the Du Boisian “double consciousness” of the queer participants who feature in their images and the complex socio-spatial and political contexts in which the images are taken. Muholi and Ntladi have turned the camera on themselves and their communities to engage with questions of black queer subjectivity in post-apartheid South Africa and, in so doing, have highlighted the disjuncture between South Africa’s liberal constitution and the homophobia, violence, and oppression which affects the queer community’s daily lived reality. Muholi’s work, in particular, underscores both the possibilities and the limitations of photography in its ability to represent black queer subjectivity.

This essay surveys some recent attempts to decolonize political theory and engage with non-western political thinkers and traditions, especially anticolonialism. Our concern is that these engagements remain too centered on western political thought as the object of critique and analysis. Through the example of Gandhi and Fanon, we argue that anticolonialism, while engaged in a critique of the west, also had a positive or reconstructive theoretical agenda, one that has been taken up in creative ways in postcolonial political thought. Taking cues from the work of Sudipta Kaviraj, Partha Chatterjee, and Mahmood Mamdani, the essay proposes an alternative mode of decolonizing political theory that takes as its central aim the generation of theory from a study of postcolonial politics. It argues for a historically attuned and comparative approach to postcolonial politics that aims to innovate new concepts and reanimate inherited ones. From this perspective, decolonizing political theory is less a recurring critique of Eurocentrism than an effort to shift the terrain of theorizing and thereby reinvigorate the practice of political theory as such.

This paper follows four years of ethnographic research in Beijing and investigates tropes of ‘Third World Solidarity’ (termed disanshijie datuanjie 第三世界大团结) and ‘cosmopolitanism’ as they are pragmatically recruited or inter-subjectively evoked in urban Afro-Chinese interactions. In it, I demonstrate how historical tensions between cosmopolitanism and ‘Third Worldism’ are mediated through the translation of the inter-subjective ‘cultural concepts’, Guanxi (关系) and Ubuntu. I ask: How do semiotic horizons of ‘history’ and ‘culture’ become pragmatically indispensable activities through which contemporary Chinese and African subjects establish historical or culturally intelligible grounds for a ‘novel’ interaction under current conditions of South-South educational migrancy? Drawing on a genealogy of pragmatist semiotics and symbolic interactionism (Goffman 1983, Agha 2007, Carr 2011), read through a critical theoretical lens (Fanon 1965, Lukács 2010), I reveal a dialectics of interaction at play in the mediation of historical and cultural dynamics in Afro-Chinese encounters in Beijing. In doing so, this paper explores a tension that emerges at the juxtaposition of third world solidarity and cosmopolitan aspiration, one – as I will show – that certainly informs what will come to be among the most pivotal interactions of the 21st century: that between China and Africa.

Uppgivenhetssyndrom, or resignation syndrome (RS), is a disorder that until recently was thought to affect the children of refugees in Sweden alone. The heuristic of psychopolitics is used to theorize RS as a form of abjection (Bataille, Kristeva) and petrification (Fanon, Marriott), and the movement from petrification to petrification in hallucinosis (Fanon, Bion) is delineated: first these children are petrified by persecutory and culturally specific stereotypes that precede and exceed them symbolically, and then, through a succession of shocks, they enter a post-traumatic stupor in which the faltering symbolization of the stereotype gives way to the (dis)embodiment of abject thinghood. Marriott's distinction between mirror as mask and mask as mirror allows the attribution of RS not only to sociocultural mimesis and the psychosocial impact of stereotypes (mirror as mask) but also to a socially imposed absence that the stereotype simultaneously conceals and reveals (mask as mirror). RS (petrification in hallucinosis) is considered the (dis)embodiment of this socially imposed absence.

“The Subaltern Clinic” considers Frantz Fanon’s political writings alongside his clinical work, most of which he conducted at the Blida-Joinville Psychiatric Hospital in Algeria between 1953 and 1956. The essay considers the political and clinical aspects of Fanon’s work to show how, in his writings, the clinic emerges as a subaltern space, where questions of violence, war, colonial madness, and postcolonial trauma are central.

I focus here on the political stances of Frantz Fanon and Albert Camus
regarding the Algerian War of Independence. By examining their reflections on this violent anti colonial struggle, I seek to highlight the role of colonial difference and of racial hierarchies in the constitution of global politics. Fanon’s position relies on an ethos of decolonization and on an ethics of difference that—while specific to the Algerian context— also reverberated profoundly among other societies caught in the violence of imperial encounters. Camus’ conciliatory approach, however, and his moral equalization of the violence perpetrated by both sides enunciate the inherent racial hierarchies underpinning liberal narratives. I argue that the limits inherent in Fanon’s thought—but also its latent potentialities for decolonial thinking—become apparent when examined through the lens of the contemporary activism among North African migrants and their descendants in France. The emergence of self-proclaimed decolonial movements constitutes an attempt to enact a decolonial transnational citizenship, which contests the racial boundaries of French Republicanism. But it also signals a different vision of the universal—one that is entrenched in a terrain of historical specificity and which holds more promise in contesting the global colour line.

Dominant theorizations of cultural trauma often appeal to the twinned notions of “recognition” and “solidarity”, suggesting that by inviting readers to recognize distant suffering, trauma narratives enable forms of cross-cultural solidarity to emerge. This paper explores and critiques that argument with reference to postcolonial literature. It surveys four areas of postcolonial trauma, examining works that narrate traumatic experiences of the colonized, colonizers, perpetrators and proletarians. It explores how novelists locate traumatic affects in the body, and suggests that Frantz Fanon’s model of racial trauma in Black Skin, White Masks and The Wretched of the Earth remains essential for the interpretation of postcolonial texts, including those to which it is not usually applied. The analysis further reveals tensions between different texts’ appeals for recognition, and suggests that these tensions problematize the claim that solidarity will emerge from sympathetic engagement with trauma victims. As such, the paper makes three key arguments: first, that trauma offers a productive ground for comparing postcolonial fiction; second, that comparison uncovers problems for theorists attempting to “decolonize” trauma studies; and third, that trauma theory needs to be supplemented with systemic material analyses of particular contexts if it is not to obfuscate what makes postcolonial traumas distinct.

This paper addresses racism from a phenomenological viewpoint. Its main task is, ultimately, to show that racism as a process of ''negative socialization'' does not amount to a contingent deficiency that simply disappears under the conditions of a fully integrated society. In other words, I suspect that racism does not only indicate a lack of integration, solidarity, responsibility, recognition, etc.; rather, that it is, in its extraordinary negativity, a socially constitutive phenomenon per se. After suggesting phenomenology's potential to tackle the question of racism, I will focus on the experiential oppressiveness of racism, i.e., the ways in which it affects its victims' lived experiences, in transforming their habitual ways of life and, finally, their subjectivities. My major thesis is that racism works via both interkinaesthetically as well as symbolically inflicted distortions of the victim's body schema. As such a process of ''negative socialization,'' racism, however, influences the embodied self-conception of the oppressor, who finds himself compelled to adhere to some kind of invisible norm such as, e.g., ''whiteness.''

Leading twentieth-century Iranian public intellectual Ali Shariati has been described by some as a proponent of a project of nativism and cultural authenticity. This article offers an alternative reading of Shariati, one that highlights the germination of his thought in a process of constant oscillation between particular historical-sociopolitical attachments and a decidedly cosmopolitan intellectual horizon. This oscillation, it is argued, while born out of the core-periphery dynamics of commodity and knowledge production within a colonially constructed world order, nevertheless allows Shariati to transcend postcolonial anxieties and nativist traps even as he calls on his fellow Iranian and Muslim intellectuals to attend to resources within the local culture and to delink from Eurocentric and colonially globalized knowledge regimes. In order to place his thought within the broader framework of the emergence and evolution of anti- and decolonial thought, Saffari reads Shariati in dialogue with some of the leading twentieth- and twenty-first-century critics of colonial modernity: Muhammad Iqbal, Frantz Fanon, Enrique Dussel, and Walter D. Mignolo. Saffari argues that the oscillation between local attachments and cosmopolitan vistas in Shariati's work is best understood as a function of his cosmopolitan localism.

The general aim of this paper is to provide insight into the relevance of critical phenomenology for the study of the patient-provider relationship in health care systems in U.S. jails, prisons, and detention facilities. In particular, I utilize tools from the work of scholars studying phenomenological approaches to health care and structural forms of oppression to analyze several harms that arise from the provision of medical care under the punitive constraints of carceral facilities.

Whereas classical Critical Theory has tended to view phenomenology as inherently uncritical, the recent upsurge of what has become known as critical phenomenology has attempted to show that phenomenological concepts and methods can be used in critical analyses of social and political issues. A recent landmark publication, 50 Concepts for Critical Phenomenology, contains no reference to psychiatry and psychopathology, however. This is an unfortunate omission, since the tradition of phenomenological psychiatry – as we will demonstrate in the present article by surveying and discussing the contribution of Jaspers, Minkowski, Laing, Basaglia, and Fanon – from the outset has practiced critical thinking, be it at the theoretical, interpersonal, institutional, or political level. Fanon is today, a recognized figure in critical phenomenology, even if his role in psychiatry might not yet have been appreciated as thoroughly as his anticolonial and antiracist contributions. But as we show, he is part of a long history of critical approaches in psychopathology and psychiatry, which has firm roots in the phenomenological tradition, and which keeps up its critical work today.

Political theorists are increasingly drawn to the recovery of anticolonial thinkers as global figures. Frantz Fanon is largely excluded from these discussions because of his presumed commitment to the nation-state and its territorialist assumptions. This essay claims, by contrast, that Fanon's writings reveal an alternative way of thinking about worldmaking, less as a question of political and economic institution-building spearheaded by leaders than as a multiscalar project that permeates the production of the built environment and the creation of selves. I show how Fanon challenges the dichotomy between the global and the national by seeking to transform not just the national scale in relation to the international, but also the corporeal, urban, rural, and regional scales of an imperially configured world. In order to read Fanon as a scalar thinker and to highlight aspects of his thought that have been relatively neglected, I draw on concepts from geography, and specifically scalar analysis, which, I demonstrate, allows political theorists to develop a richer understanding of the operations of power in colonial contexts and how they can be restructured to inaugurate more liberated ways of being human.

My recent article in Antipode intervenes in polarised theoretical and political debates about the relationship between “particularity” (e.g. the demands of specific ethnic groups) and “universality” (e.g. the interests of a general citizenry). The universal-particular debate has raged in multiple disciplinary contexts – such as human geography, historiography, and cultural studies – and has engaged some of the major political philosophers of our day, such as Etienne Balibar and Ato Sekyi-Otu. My article engages classical and anti-colonial thinkers such as Frantz Fanon and Antonio Gramsci, to shed light on the Pashtun Tahaffuz [Protection] Movement emerging out of the “War on Terror” context in Pakistan. In contrast to binary positions, the article demonstrates that open-ended forms of politics and theorising produce universal perspectives through the specificities of particular contexts, histories, and geographies. The paper therefore offers a way not simply of reconciling, but of understanding how universalising potentials inhere within the particular. Moreover, it also introduces a prominent civil rights movement from the global South into wider scholarly debates.

I argue that there is an affective injustice in gendered and racialized oppression. To account for this, we must deny the opposition of affect and intentionality often assumed in the philosophy of emotion and the affective turn: while affect and intentionality are not opposed in principle, affective intentionality may be refused uptake in oppressive practices. In section 1, I read Merleau-Ponty's theory of the body schema as a theory of affect that accommodates my account of affective injustice and aligns with accounts of affect transmission and circulation in feminist philosophies of the affective turn. This is crucial for understanding Fanon's contribution to the theory of the body schema, in which it is susceptible to historical-racial " affective disorders. " In sections 2-4 I distinguish three types of affective injustice: affective marginalization, exploitation, and violence. In section 2 I develop an intersectional feminist account of this distinction drawing on Lorde and Lugones, and raising questions about the limits of framing the issue of affective injustice in terms of intentionality as opposed to a more psychoanalytic conceptual vocabulary that accommodates the displacement of affective force. In sections 3 and 4 I explore these affective injustices through an analysis of Fanonian concepts, showing how the theory of the body schema can accommodate not only affective intentionality but also the oppressive disjunction of affect and intentionality, as well as forms of affective injustice that exceed the oppressive disabling of sense-making and involve the exploitative and violent displacement of affective force.

Since the 1988 Constitution, forest peoples of Brazilian Amazonia have been struggling for territorial recognition. Yet studies of recognition in post colonial contexts, based on cases with clear settler/indigenous distinctions, are highly critical of recognition, seeing it as a form of “neoliberal multiculturalism”, a co‐option of subaltern identities with limited emancipatory potential. I question these critiques by examining struggles for legal and intersubjective recognition of subaltern identity categories “Índio” and “Agroextractivista” and corresponding territories of the “Terra Indigena” and “Reserva Extractivista” on the Madeira and Tapajós Rivers in Brazilian Amazonia, where heterogeneous origins of forest peoples belie simple settler/indigenous distinctions. I engage a key question, the relationships of subaltern peoples with state institutions, and highlight a finding, the relevance of the state's “proximity”, often underestimated in the literature. I build a theory of decolonial recognition combining Axel Honneth's idea of recognition as love, rights and solidarity with David Scott's late‐Foucauldian reworking of Frantz Fanon. Herein, the Fanonian colonised subjectivity is shaped by the negation of love, rights and solidarity, that is to say, misrecognition. The subject requires legal and intersubjective recognition in order to positively incorporate love, rights and solidarity into their “practices of techniques of the self”. On the Tapajós, territorial struggles are more successful owing to a stronger sphere of legal recognition – the presence of state institutions – and a history of Church and union grassroots organisation, both supporting greater intersubjective recognition among forest peoples. On the Madeira, a much weaker sphere of legal recognition has resulted in a situation of intractable conflict around territorial struggles which have correspondingly less intersubjective recognition. I conclude that a theory of decolonial recognition is of considerable utility in elucidating the dynamics of subaltern emancipatory struggles for territory.

This essay intends to shed a new light on the revolutions in Latin-America and Northern Africa, by examining how people and ideas circulated between those two poles, in particular between Brazil and Algeria from 1954 to 1974. Before the Cuban Revolution, the Algerian War (1954-1962) mobilized the hearts and the minds of politicians and Latin American intellectuals, just as much as during the Spanish Civil War 15 years earlier. In addition, the revolutionary movement had the support of Algerian intellectuals and scholars from other French colonies and from Latin-American countries. The main focus of this study is the role of the National Liberation Front in Brazil, through its official newspaper, El Moudjahid, as well as some Brazilian journals: we consider the debates shared in those texts, thus examining the discussion in intellectual circles from the 1950’s to the 1960’s and how do they thought the Algeria independency war.

This article has two goals: first, it seeks to outline the dissonance between nationalist self-determination and a decolonial pursuit of independence using Fanon’s blueprint for decolonisation. Second, it interrogates the decolonial potential in Fanon’s blueprint, and asks whether anti-colonial groups can ever truly escape the inheritance of a Eurocentric nation-state despite their decolonial intent. To explore these themes, the article focuses on Hasan Al-Banna’s ideology and vision for the Muslim Brotherhood in the first half of the twentieth century. In its search for independence from the British, his movement rebuffed liberal models of national self-determination and pursued an alternative political imagining that was delinked from the coloniality of the nation-state. Drawing upon Banna’s memoirs, speeches and political tracts and Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth, this paper explores the parallels between Banna’s vision of independence and Fanon’s decolonial call for international solidarities and national consciousness as alternatives to nationalism. The paper goes on to argue that, ultimately, anti-colonial groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood have struggled to escape the colonial tethering of independence to the nation-state and its various trappings of coloniality.

This paper begins by noting that some forms of leftism reinforce rather than oppose the exclusion of the urban poor from the agora. It shows that neither the capacity for intellectual nor for ethical seriousness can be read off a sociological location and suggests that a humanism made, in Cesaire’s terms, ‘to the measure of the world’, a commitment to a universal ethic, is necessary if the humanity, and therefore the prospect of political agency, on the part of all people is to be recognized. It concludes by arguing that recent debates
about a return to a communist Idea need to be mindful of a history in which communism has been a form of imperialism rather than a genuinely universal ideal.

This article sets up a conversation with Frantz Fanon about his stretching of dialectics. Against a backdrop where multiple dominant epistemologies of political theory and international relations presume and are shaped by a segregation of the world into anarchy and the desire for an ordered global, Fanon’s reading of imperialism’s effects in the Wretched of the Earth
is of utmost relevance. First, Fanon’s work allows us to think dialectics along with ‘globality’ and to confronting dominant presumptions about a Manichean world: anarchy, order, and ‘bodies.’ He focuses on colonization and the White – Black relation and the radical dehumanization of the Other (Black, colonial slave, non-European, etc.). Second, his engagement of colonial violence pushes him to stretch dialectics, reactivating the
‘partially neutralized antagonisms.’ In addition, Fanon wants to think revolutionary practice as a kind of internationalism which will reunite into its own humanness in an open-ended-way—a world where no human being will be subject to dehumanization. I conclude with some ideas on what a revolutionary thinking about a revolutionary subjectivity, movement and thought entails for revolutionary struggles and dialectics today.

This article argues for the analytical potentials of the concept of spontaneity in our effort to understand critically the socio-spatial dynamics of Athens, but especially the contemporary collective protest actions in the city. Such critical understanding emerges as a significant task given the current urgency to grasp the capitalist crisis and the collective reactions to it. However, taking into account the re-configuration of extreme-Right violence in the streets of Athens, the article attempts to revisit the Marxist dichotomy between spontaneity and non-spontaneity. Via an anthropological critique of this distinction, the paper suggests an additional point of focus beyond spontaneity.

This article examines responses to the impact of colonialism on post-independence national unity in Africa from the perspective of the colonizer and the colonized. Written out of experience of decolonization in Ghana, At Fever Pitch (1959), by the British novelist David Caute, depicts western models of economic development and nationhood as derailing the emancipatory possibilities of colonial self-determination. It is a preoccupation that was also central to anti-colonial political thought during the era of decolonization, most notably in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth (1965), and would become highly contested in the field of postcolonial studies. Rather than viewing the perspectives of the colonizer as fundamentally antithetical to postcolonial politics, this article analyses the way in which Caute and Fanon mount two distinct but not oppositional critical responses to the transfer of power from European imperial elites to a self-interested national middle class. By attending to the form of At Fever Pitch, moreover, this article will register the extent to which Caute’s intervention into debates about the rise of nationalism in the colonies disrupts prevailing interpretations of British “end of empire” fiction as mourning the end of British colonial dominance.

My aim in this paper is to introduce a theory of affective labor as byproductive, a concept I develop through analysis of the phenomenology of various affective labor practices in dialogue with feminist scholarship, both on gendered and racialized labor, and on affect and emotion. I motivate my theory in the context of literature on affective and emotional labor in philosophy and the social sciences, engaging the post-Marxist literature on affective and immaterial labor and emphasizing feminist critiques. I argue that affective labor is not only the work of producing affects for others to consume or the reproductive work that rejuvenates and sustains labor power and social life, but also the work of metabolizing waste affects and affective byproducts. Thus, byproductive labor is a neologism I develop to bring into view an affective economy and indeed a political economy of affects to the side of the distinction between productive and reproductive labor in its paid and unpaid variants. I make three central claims: (1) affective labor invariably creates byproducts in the embodied subjectivity of the worker, (2) the unique kind of affective expenditure I call “byproductive” (metabolizing affective surplus, containing affective waste, and producing depleted affective agency) is a defining feature of affective labor not circumscribed by the productive-reproductive distinction, and (3) the marginalized forms of subjectivity and depleted agency constituted through the intersections of this labor with hierarchies of gender, race, and migrant status or global class are themselves byproducts of affective labor. Thus, theorizing affective labor as byproductive captures the uniqueness of affective labor and the forms of exploitation unique to it, but also explains the interaction of affective labor with forms of power that operate through subjection and marginalization.

The North Africa and Middle East (MENA) insurrections point to the transformative potential of the convergence between massive numbers of unemployed young people and modern communication networks in response to the 2008 global financial crisis and the failed 'War on Terror'. Yet theorists have wondered about the timing and significance of these revolutions, along with their relationship with social rebellions in other times and places. This work stages a conversation with Frantz Fanon about the spacing of temporality of revolutions, focusing on his understanding of the anti-colonial revolution and the significance of the least sovereign (and potentially most revolutionary) subjects in the decolonization and anti-slavery struggles. I then engage with the MENA revolts and uprisings arguing that they are revolutionary advances toward a socialism that is able to check the snatching of land and slaughtering of others for development.

Turning to object relations psychoanalysis and Black critical theory, I argue that the violence of racialization works in and through clinical and national settings. The setting is theorized in terms of its phantasmatic and phantomatic dimensions: The former refers to phantasies that ensnare certain bodies in a mythologized past, while the latter refers to the irreducibly material histories that those phantasies fail to ensnare (i.e., the phantom world). The case of a Confederate statue's proposed removal is used to illustrate the tension between phantasm/phantom at a national level, while Searles's writings demonstrate the interplay of phantasm/phantom in a clinical context.

This article approaches contemporary European debates on the subject of realism through the lenses offered by two decolonial thinkers: Fanon and Dussel. Whereas both share with realism a fundamental emphasis on reality as the starting point for theoryan assumption shared by much decolonial thoughtthey nevertheless provide another layer of specificity in their consideration of the colonial condition, diagnosing a fundamental absence of reciprocity that dictates the course of decolonization as a transformation of reality. Reconsidering the debates on realism in light of these insights therefore provides a powerful basis for both formulating a specifically decolonial realism and for engaging in comparative political theorizing more generally.

This starts out by distinguishing between communication and communication mediums when examining social movement-powered formations of collective identity and collective action. We then focus on communication mediums to examine the different ways that old and new media are utilized in urban social movements under neoliberal capitalism. Based on shifts in the political economy and correspondingly in the contemporary composition of the working class, we focus on the Media Mobilizing Project in Philadelphia to argue that contemporary urban social movements and networks utilize a multi-media platform to further class-based politics. The respective use of old or new media depends on important contextual questions, regarding technology access and geographic aspects of movement building work.

I argue that time is pivotal in our understanding of the co-production of the colonial and slavery and the global (i.e. a Kafkaesque ‘penal colony’). Cutting through the notion of the social contract as articulated and imagined by Hobbes, I read for a temporal boundedness that itself cannot be resolved without a Christian and religious arrival of heaven on earth (Agamben 2015). Second, I argue that a white destiny of whites, blacks and people of colour is itself a structuring event, demanding an endless deferral and a refusal of a history whose possibility depends on a racialised and slave contract. Such a history becomes possible by constantly orienting the subject of colour, the black thing or the flesh and its hieroglyphics (i.e. ‘lacerations, woundings, fissures, tears, scars, openings, ruptures, lesions, rendings, punctures’) as Spillers (1987: 67) tells us, toward a post-racial future, all the while articulating blackness as genderless (i.e. the matter of no time upon which violence can happen with impunity).1 On the one hand, this flesh is ‘violently inscribed with’ and yet ‘left violently unthought by culture’ and outside history’s time. This violence ‘inscribed on flesh is relegated to a “lower level in the hierarchy of memories”’ (Danylevich 2016: 2). Those thus who are historically put outside time cannot make such teleological claims, especially in a colony with a peculiar juridico-technological content, the penal apparatus, the ‘machine’ or ‘installation’ which is ‘so self-enclosed’ that no single part of it could possibly be altered (Kafka 1992 [1914]: 11). And yet, if it was really ‘so self-enclosed,’ surely it would not require the work we have seen over the past year; here, I am thinking of the apparently compulsive reiteration of the catch phrase ‘making America great again’ and ‘this is our last chance’. Third, I conclude by looking at the authors of the special issue and their interventions into a decolonial which is important for ‘fugitive justice’ (Best and Hartman 2005: 3), taking it to mean a rupture of the structuring events of teleological notions of genocide and violence as part of progress, including the ways neo-liberal policies are being built on sexism and racism that set as its limit the re-investment in the security, prosperity, and military arm of the state and the notion of redistribution for whites only.

In this book, I argue that black atheists reject belief in God more for political than epistemological reasons.  The God-concept was frequently used as an ideological instrument for subjugating and violating blacks.  Therefore, to make a more just polity possible, atheism is a political must.  Included here is the introduction to the book.

This essay is concerned with some of the ramifications of the affective dimension of Fanon's writing. In their latest book, Commonwealth Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri take Fanon's attempt to transcend European universality through the struggle for a ‗new universality' as an exemplary schema that informs their politics of altermodernity. In the essay, I show that the affective dimension of Fanon's search for a new universality is far more anti-than alter-European albeit in an ambivalent way. I analyse how this difference between an affective ‗anti' and an intellectual ‗alter' arises in Fanon's analysis and experience of racism. I refer to this particular experience as mis-interpellation and analyse the equally particular affect it generates. More generally, I show that if one is to make use of Fanon's work today one cannot separate the intellectual and the affective that are so intertwined in his analytical work as Hardt and Negri do. To do so is to abstract from the serious political ramifications that the presence of this affective dimension entails.

This article emerges from one collaboration with Palestinian clinicians while presenting the work of Frantz Fanon to a group of training clinicians in the Maana Center of EMMS Nazareth Hospital in Nazareth (al‐Nasirah). Reading and discussing Fanon in Palestine with Palestinian clinicians and trainees elicited deepseated feelings of affirmation and validation, while also disclosing anxieties arising from colonial alienation, as Fanon would say. At the same time, Fanon conjures in Palestine an affirming and empowering spirit that, inevitably, results in a consideration of how Palestinian indigeneity, no matter how mediated by regimes of domination and control, recenters itself as a repost to the extractive psychological and material violence that constitutes settler colonialism; in this case, Zionism. Adopting a decolonial methodology, we came to understand how psychological theory and practice provides Palestinian clinicians a means to work for selfawareness within a regime of oppression. Centering indigenous lives, their relationships to their own collectives and communities, and their relationship the psychopathy of settler colonial structures, produced critical psychological and social knowledge.