Islamic republic of Iran

In studying international state behavior and interactions, scholars have increasingly focused on developing a dichotomy of good versus bad international citizens as based on adherence to international norms and conventions. Within this distinction, there have not been adequate studies that examine the underlying problems associated with good/normal states and bad/deviant states coming to share a common and meaningful understanding of international order. In nuclear politics, this gap segways into normal states having a recurring problem of not being able to socialize deviant states in nuclear governance, and consequently make the latter forego thinking about acquiring nuclear weapons capability. In examining both these gaps, this paper asks: How do deviant states come to perceive themselves as being victimized in the international system through their interactions with the normals? In answering this question, this paper develops two main arguments. Firstly, norm-abiding states use an outsider per specti ve of stigma culture in making deviant states move toward more corrective forms of behavior. Secondly, rather than resorting to social compliance, endogenous notions of agency may lead the deviant in projecting itself as being a victim and having lost out in this international system that is perceived as unfair. Employing the empirical case of Iran and the United States in nuclear politics from 2015 to 2021, the paper contributes to the scholarship on the fluidity of state interactions, identities, behaviors of contestation, and nuclear governance.

فریدون: نسبت ایران و اسلام بحثی همیشه درازدامن در عرصه اندیشه‌ورزی ایرانی بوده است. از آثار نویسندگان منتقد عصر ناصری تا روشنفکر- سیاستمداران عهد مشروطه بحث درباره نسبت اسلام و ایران پررنگ است. ایران‌گرایی مستتر در آثار اغلب این نویسندگان و روشنفکران موجب شد در دوره رضاشاه پهلوی، سیاستی کاملا نوین و محدودیت‌آفرین در قبال نهاد روحانیت شکل بگیرد. اگرچه این تحدید و تهدید توامان در قبال روحانیت، در دوره پادشاهی محمدرضاشاه و تحت تاثیر آزادی‌گستری آن دوره، کاهش یافت ولی در عین‌حال واقعیت آن بود که دیگر از روشنگری علیه ارتجاع مذهبی خبر خاصی نبود و آن طیفی که از آنان انتظار می‌رفت رویکرد انتقادی به جمود و رکود مذهبی داشته باشند، به شیعه به عنوان مذهبی رهایی‌بخش می‌نگریستند و به برکشیده‌شدن خمینی یاری رساندند. تجربه چهار دهه‌ ستم‌گستری مذهبی جمهوری اسلامی اما کاملا داستان را عوض کرده است. ایران‌گرایی اکنون گفتمان بی‌رقیب است و انقلاب ملی تحت تاثیر این گفتمان پیش می‌رود. نسبت این گفتمان با اسلام اما چه باید باشد؟ این پرسش محوری را سعید قاسمی‌نژاد با امیریحیی آیت‌اللهی در میان گذاشت و بر اساس آن گفتگویی پراهمیت را رقم زد. امیریحیی آیت‌اللهی پژوهشگر ساکن آلمان در زمینه فلسفه و علوم سیاسی است. او علوم حوزوی را در مدرسه علمیه رضویه قم، کارشناسی فلسفه را در دانشگاه مفید و کارشناسی ارشد فلسفه غرب را در دانشگاه ملی (شهید بهشتی) فرا گرفت و دکترای علوم سیاسی را در دانشگاه فشتا به پایان رساند. رساله ارشد او پژوهشی بود درباره «مفهوم سنت و ارتباط آن با اصلاح و انقلاب در اندیشه سیاسی ادموند برک» و رساله دکترای او پیرامون «پیوند محافظه‌کاری سیاسی و اصلاحگری دینی در ایران مابین ۱۹۰۵ تا ۱۹۷۹» است.

Introduction
Texture of the old city, one of the most valuable and most precious cultural relics are evidence of a civilization that is magnificent and proud Birth certificate is real and cities. Despite all the glory of his exemplary, Due to the lack of accurate and appropriate, Some have been on the verge of exhaustion and weakness of the various threats to their lives have been affected and continue to ponder the alternatives. This study was designed to examine the old town of Aran Bidgol .
Methodology
In this method, the documents (library) are used to navigation. The population of experts in the field of tissue repair and refurbishment of the old city are included in the. Random sample of 30 individuals was determined. General Questions for the descriptive analysis of the survey data were used to analyze. SWOT model based on the strengths, weaknesses, Opportunities and threats are analyzed, and the strategies to achieve priority-based scheduling strategy for making old strategy are developed.
Results
The results show that the first priority for strategic planning and development strategy is old.
Conclusion
the strategy of attracting tourists and generate income and employment, Public use of the road to empowerment , Rehabilitation and reorganization of the company for the development of tourism , Cultural practices and culture and information , Increased interaction with civil society organizations, religious institutions, the context of civic participation .

Internet, despite its benefits and potentials, has disadvantages for all countries, especially Iran, which has unique cultural, religious, and political characteristics. One way of dealing with these threats is imposing a filtering system, which has been seriously pursued almost since the advent of the Internet in the country. Examining the various dimensions of the Iranian filtering system shows that we are facing a "Maximum Filtering Policy", although being implemented incompletely in practice. This policy has been based on some of the Islamic jurisprudential principles such as "Duty of Enjoining the Right and Forbidding the Wrong"(Amr bi al-Maruf wa'l-Nahy an al-Munkar), "Prohibition the Books of Misguidance"(Hurmat-e Kutub al-Dalal), and "The Rule of Rejecting Foreign Influence"(Nafy-e Sabil). Based on these rules, the researchers have concluded that filtering the Internet is permitted or even essential. This study has tried to investigate the arguments of permitting Internet filtering based on the Islamic jurisprudential principles. The results suggested that among the cited principles, it is only the "Duty of Enjoining the Right and Forbidding the Wrong" can be referred independently to form the basis of filtering system, however, its achievement in practice requires satisfying some essential requirements. In addition, by considering the experience and effects of the current policy, it was concluded that the filtering policy needs to be replaced by a more lenient one, and this does not face any obstacles in terms of Islamic jurisprudential principles.

Globally, Internet censorship is on the rise and Iran has been portrayed as one of the most critical cases. So far, however, no studies have investigated the issue from an inside look. To fill this literature gap, the present paper aims to provide an overview of Internet censorship in Iran, by assessing the Iranian perspective on Internet freedom, different aspects of the subject, as well as the domestic and foreign types of limitations clients face today. This study has shown that Iran's current filtering policy is a lenient one pursuing Internet development and simultaneously providing protection against potential threats. The Iranian case also includes some global issues such as censorship imposed due to the U.S. sanctions. Specifically, the findings of this study revealed that the range and extent of restrictions imposed on the Iranians' access to mobile applications by the U.S. are significantly more than those placed by the Iranian filtering regime.

1. Introduction
The tendency towards moving to cities and urbanization is currently an increasing challenge over the world which seems to be the consequence of modernity. Unbalanced growth of cities is now a remarkable challenge. Paying attention to the compact city and smart growth seems to be necessary to achieve the desired pattern of scattered development. Sari, as the capital of Mazandaran province, has developed drastically in the last few decades. The population the city increased from 70,735 people in 1976 to 323,790 people in 2016. Moreover, the physical growth and development of the city during the last half century is remarkable. The area of the city has increased sixteen times, while its population has increased approximately 12 times over the period. Moreover, the rapid increase of the population of the city population and its indiscriminate expansion have created unequal urban spaces, so that the four regions of this city appear to have unequal development indicators. Becoming aware of the amount of inequality seems necessary for making balance and creating correct and fair planning based on smart growth. Considering the above issue, this study sough to explicate the model of smart growth in Sari. It is viewed that examining the city using smart growth and paying attention to its development capacities can guide this city towards a sustainable city.
2. Method
Documentary and library sources were used to collect the data of this descriptive-analytical research. The indicators of smart growth includes a wide range. Considering the wide range and lack of information, from among 10 indicators of smart growth, density and mixed use were selected. Then, Weighted Aggregated Sum Product Assessment (WASPAS) was applied to examine the situation of the four Districts of Sari city. According to the opinion of experts of Delphi technique and considering the theoretical saturation, to finalize the indicators, a sample 15 managers, deputies and employees of Sari Municipality were interviewed (groups of 2, 7, and 8 people). Then, the Shannon entropy model was used to determine the weight of these indicators.
3. Results
The results showed that District 4 of Sari that is considered the main and central District of the city has the highest gross residential density and District 2 has the lowest residential density. The population density is uneven in all districts of Sari (4 districts) in 2016. The gross population density is very high in the parts close the downtown of Sari (that is about 101 people per hectare), and the density decreases moving towards the districts on the outskirt of the city, recording 67 people per hectare in the areas.
Since the 1996 the overall residential density of the city has been decreasing. The density is 27.7 in 2016. District 4 f the city is the most populated residential district and has the highest overall residential density and District 1 has the lowest overall residential density. The statistics shows that in 1996, the population of Sari was more than 195,882 people. Out of 2500 hectares of the city, 753 hectares are net residential area. The net residential density increased 260 people per hectare over the last decade and reached 289 people per hectare in 2006. Due to the increase of growth rate compared to the previous decade, the population in this year grew by about 65 thousand people and the residential area increased to 150 hectares.
The net residential density in 2016 shows decrease in comparison to the previous decade as it reached 277 people per hectare. About 60 thousand people had been added over the years to the population of the city. Over the decade, 250 hectares of residential use has been added to the area of Sari, and this has caused a decrease in the net residential density. District 3 has the highest net residential density (306.59 people per hectare) and District 4 has the lowest net residential density (237.12 people per hectare). The per capita residential land in Sari in 1996 was 38.4 square meters. District 4, holding 42.1 people per hectare in 2016 had the highest per capita population and District 1 was the second populated district. The ratio of the number of residential units on the areas for three periods (currently about 20 residential units per hectare) has relatively decreased. Regarding the evaluation of the diversity of use mix in more than two types of uses (residential and non-residential) at the level of districts of Sari, it can be said that Districts 4 and 3 have the best condition in terms of the diversity of the mix of urban uses as they have many uses and good distribution. Holding 6.67 square meters per capita, District 4 has the lowest amount of abandoned land. Regarding car ownership indicator, District 4 has the highest level of car ownership (31.12% of car ownerships).
The results on the accessibility to the workplace showed that District 4 has the highest accessibility (27.49%) to the workplace. According to the current value, Districts 4, 3 and 1 are ranked the first to third ranks regarding smart urban growth.
4. Discussion and conclusion
Rapid population increase in most cities of the developing countries seems to be the consequences of lack of planning on the proper use of urban land. In this regard, Sari is not an exception. The results showed inequality between the districts of the city in terms of the indicators of smart growth. So, Districts 4 and 3 are advance in terms of having smart growth indicator and District 2 is at the lowest level. Higher record of smart growth indicators in some districts of Sari have disturbed the integrity and unity of the city. More advanced districts have the capability of more growth regarding the indicators of smart growth, but some other districts do not have such an advantage. The issue itself has ceated a gap in growth and development in Sari’s urban system.

Traversing a century of revolution, counterrevolution, and regime change in Iran, Arya Zahedi traces out the social, political, and ideological tensions that continuously push the country toward the brink of insurrection. It has been forty-five years since the mass revolution that overthrew the dictatorship of Muhammad Reza Shah and led to the establishment of the Islamic Republic. And it has been over a year now since the

Streszczenie Bangladesz jest państwem położonym w Azji Południowej, w którym dochodzi do napięć na tle religijnym. Open Doors podaje, że w 2024 roku Bangladesz zajmuje 26. miejsce na mapie prześladowań chrześcijan. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie zagadnienia, dotyczącego prześladowania chrześcijan w tym kraju. Tekst składa się z dwóch części-przedstawienia tła historyczno-społeczno-religijnego Bangladeszu, a następnie omówienia specyfiki prześladowań chrześcijan.
Słowa kluczowe: prześladowanie, przemoc, prześladowanie religijne, Bangladesz, chrześcijanie w Azji, dyskryminacja, prawa człowieka, wolność sumienia i wyznania, ekstremizm religijny.

The assassination of Hezbollah’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, marks a significant event in the Middle East with potentially far-reaching consequences across various regional issues, including the Yemeni file. These consequences will manifest on both the political and military levels, affecting the stances of conflict parties by presenting them with new opportunities and imposing challenges. These effects will shape priorities and ultimately impact the balance of power in the region, as well as the overall equation of war and peace.

This presentation covers a comprehensive image of late Iran's history with emphasis on the last century, the Constitutional Revolution of 1905, the rise of the modernist Pahlavi dynasty, the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the rise of the regressive Islamic Republic, and analysis of a variety and difference of uprisings against the theocracy from beginning till the recent years.

Come tutte le rivoluzioni, anche quella iraniana, che nei primi mesi del 1979 causò il tracollo di un impero che rivendicava radici millenarie, fu un evento che maturò in un contesto di profondi e dirompenti mutamenti interni e regionali di lungo periodo. Non fu certo il primo grande rivolgimento politico del paese, che nel 1905-1911 aveva vissuto quella che fu

Political Subjectivity and Justice
Morteza parvizan, " PhD student in Social Welfare at Allameh Tabatabai University."
Orcid: 0000-0003-1036-1515-State studies journal
The process of political modernity, alongside the evolution of fundamental political ideas (justice, freedom, equality, etc.), has led to an increased importance of the expression of the general will within political mechanisms. The challenge of legitimacy has highlighted the role of moral and political hegemony and public persuasion. The ideological mechanisms of the state, by evoking emotions and sentiments of society and equating desired meanings with lofty signifiers, have stabilized subject positions. Thus, the construction of subject positions and the implication of desire within the framework of discourse and its hegemony is considered an unavoidable necessity for power. One of the main avenues for subjectivity lies within the moral domain, where power seeks to construct moral truth through a transformation of the chain of signification of justice, resulting in a form of scrutinizing the moral and emotional consciousness of the subject, making it difficult for their motives to equip themselves with a sense of social moral commitment. Postmodern pluralism continually reconstructs the idea of justice by embodying human and ethical ideals, thereby resisting the process of totalitarianism. This study examines the problematic and constitutive identity of the subject in relation to the idea of justice through the lens of political ontology and the conceptual frameworks of Laclau and Mouffe, to explore the possibilities of configuring the subject in relation to the semantic transformations of politics. The central theme of this article is the potential for a liberating justice through the conceptual lens of Laclau and Mouffe and the utilization of political ontology. The findings of this article highlight the possibilities of resistance and the liberating expansion of justice, as well as the strengthening of moral commitments aligned with collective awareness, which in turn enables political agency.

ABSTRACT:The Iranian revolution of 1979 was a major revolution of the 20th century. It was on par with
the Russian revolution of 1917 and Mao Ze Dong's revolution in China in 1949. This revolution was driven by
religious figures led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini against the ruling regime, Muhammad Reza Shah
Pahlavi, a regime that had the strongest military in the Middle East and was supported by the United States.
Khomeini's call for a revolution and the overthrow of the Shah of Iran's rule was met with great enthusiasm
throughout Iran. With enormous popular power the revolution succeeded and the Shah of Iran was forced to
leave his royal throne. Iran's form of government was changed from a monarchy to a republic under the name of
the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study is intended to analyze whether there is a correlation between the Shia
doctrine of the Imamate and the concept of wilayat al-faqih with the success of the great revolution. The results
of the study show that the Shia doctrine of the Imamate and wilayat al-faqih contributed greatly to the success of
the revolution.
KEYWORDS: doctrine, imamate, revolution, Shia, wilayat al-faqih

A Persian expression conveys a strong message about the role of mullahs in Iranian society: if a person lifts a mullah’s beard, it reveals the inscription “Made in England” underneath. This idea has echoed throughout Iranian political culture from the Safavid Dynasty.

I wish Iranians had acted more prudently in the 1970s and not naively followed Khomeini, whom some call “Made in England.” If Iranians had made wiser choices back then, Iran could have become a developed nation today. Unfortunately, they did not act wisely, allowing England to deceive them again.

In the constitutions of various countries, the goals and duties of the government are listed. Some of which are related to the economic duties of the government, and the general examples and the way of applying those duties are noted; Because achieving a progressive and healthy economy with the participation and cooperation of the government is one of the most important priorities of a national social political pact. In the meantime, examining the economic duties of the Iranian and Pakistan governments from the perspective of the two constitutions, leads to a better understanding of their economic duties. This also recognizes the gaps and potential capacities of the two laws in the field of the economic duties of the government, and creats understanding and cooperation between two countries in order to achieve the economic duties. For this purpose, in the present paper, we try to answer the question, what are the points of commonality and aspects of similarity and points of difference and aspects of difference between the two constitutions of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan in terms of the economic duties of the government? To answer this question the author (s) by using the analytical descriptive method and by referring to the constitutional provisions of the two countries of Iran and Pakistan, has tried to declare the points of commonality and aspects of similarity and the points of difference and aspects of difference in four areas of the government's duties include " Economic justice and prosperity", "Economic freedom", "Economic independence" and "Economic growth and development" .

Rulers in any country are more limited than the ruled as they are in charge of passing and enforcing laws as well as resolving disputes arising in the country. Distribution of power in the legislature, executive and judiciary and distinguishing the functions of each of these powers is a safeguard to preventing the concentration of power in the hands of a particular group or individual, which is called the Principle of Separation of Powers. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, the present study investigates the separation of powers in the constitutions of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan. Commonalities and differences between the concept and function of separation of powers are compared and contrasted in the legal systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan. In the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Article 57 recognizes the relative separation and independence of powers, as each power exercises its own powers under the supervision of the Supreme Leader. Although the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan does not mention the separation of powers, in various principles, the specific duties of each power are delineated and the function of separation of powers is perceivable. An account of the strengths and shortcomings of the two systems with deference to the principle of separation of powers could be helpful in ameliorating their functionality.

Provision of temporary housing is one of the crucial stages of post-disaster rehabilitation plans, which play a determinant role in the rehabilitation of the injured and provide the facility of resumption of normal life activities until the end of the reconstruction of permanent housing. But temporary housing plans often face many challenges and are criticized in various aspects, including cultural adequacy. This study by deliberation of the process of providing temporary housing in the village of Chensevli after the Golestan 2019 flood, which has been done with the approach of using local architecture, to evaluate the role of cultural adequacy on the success of providing temporary housing and residents' satisfaction.
This study has used a qualitative approach and ethnographic content analysis method to identify the criteria of cultural adequacy of post-disaster temporary housing. Semi-structured interviews and participatory observation were the main tools for field data gathering and selecting samples have done purposefully. In addition, a quantitative survey of ten reconstruction specialists was conducted to prioritize the identified criteria and assess the findings' accuracy and validity.
From the analysis, 21 criteria for cultural adequacy of temporary housing were identified and classified into seven categories. These findings show that consideration to the cultural features  of temporary housing is not only limited to its form and aesthetics ,but also it must consider resource collection, skills, technology, form, socio-economic interactions, long-term usage scenarios, and stakeholder participation to improve the comfort situation by recognizing users' diversity of characteristics, needs, and capacities. Finally, it is emphasized that although the present study focuses on the cultural adequacy of temporary housing, this aim cannot be achieved only by separately design temporary units. Also, the cultural dimension is not separate from the social, economic, geographical, and environmental dimensions of temporary housing, and these dimensions mutually affect each other.

This article studies the relationship between politics and the art market. It adopts the Iranian model and analyzes how the political advancement of the Islamic Republic influenced aesthetics, art production, and the art market, to highlight how a conservatively religious model-governed by theocracy-impacts an otherwise prosperous and affluent culture. As such, this study also explores the correlation between art and moral virtues within a society. According to data, exportation of Iranian art was enjoying a far more lucrative climate the world over prior to the 1979 revolution. After the Islamic Revolution, artists, collectors, art galleries, and museums were forced to carve a confined space of existence and self-expression as a consequence of the endless limitations imposed. The political realm directly affected artists' aesthetics, materiality, subject matter, and exposure. Artists were somewhat isolated from the global art scene, and their practice was defined by predetermined moral restrictions and boundaries. As for the art market, it became a hidden and unregulated market where the sale of artworks was muddled with money laundering and illegal exchange.

La réponse de l'Iran à l'attaque israélienne
(Résumé du troisième sujet de «Question-Réponse» du 15/04/2024
avec Valery Viktorovitch Pyakin)
L’attaque israélienne contre l’ambassade iranienne 01/04/2024
Mots-clés: Iran, Israël, attaque du consulat, détroit d'Ormuz, système de sécurité, reconnaissance en force, désastre environnemental, drones, missiles hypersoniques,l’Irak, la Syrie, la Jordanie, les États-Unis, missiles balistiques, New York Times, la Grande-Bretagne, le Yémen, des armes anti-aériennes, l'Allemagne, Netanyahou.
15/04/2024, dans l'émission «Question-réponse», Valery Viktorovich Pyakin, en commentant l'opinion selon laquelle l'attaque de l'Iran contre Israël serait une honte absolue pour l'Iran parce qu’il a menacé, mais à la fin, presque tous ces drones et missiles ont été abattus - a répondu que non, qu’on faudra juger des résultats de l’attaque après un certain temps; maintenant, personne ne dira la vérité en absolu.
Pour l’Iran, lancer une attaque contre Israël n’est en aucun cas rentable. Mais l’Iran l’a lancé même s’il avait obtenu auparavant de bien meilleurs résultats par d’autres moyens.

This paper aims to explain the role of good governance in the realization of the knowledge-based economy within a quadruple helix innovation system (QHIS). It employs an analytical-descriptive method, while focusing on the econometric models within Eviews9 software environment. Theoretically, the paper is based on institutionalism approach. The interaction of good governance and knowledge-based economy is described after defining the concepts of QHIS. Then, the relationships between innovation (as the goal of innovation systems and knowledge-based economy) and good governance indicators are evaluated within an econometric model. To do this, good governance indicators in Iran are compared to those of the Northern Europe and South-Easter Asia as regions enjoying high scores in knowledge-based economy indicators. The findings indicate the impact of good governance on realization of the knowledge-based economy through various channels including property rights, enforcement of contracts, domestic and foreign investment, brain drain, human capital development, and research and development. Alike the conceptual part of paper, the results reveal positive and significant relationships among good governance indicators and innovation. Considering the importance of good governance in realizing a knowledge-based economy, good governance index is selected as the fourth helix in QHIS for Iran.

In contemporary Iranian discourse, the depiction of Mosaddeq weaves a complex narrative marked by contention and veneration. Despite sustained efforts to downplay Mosaddeq’s legacy both in the post-coup Pahlavi era and in the Islamic Republic, his image persists and exhibits remarkable resilience. Diverse actors, including government authorities, scholars, activists, and interest groups, exert influence over the contemporary discourse surrounding Mosaddeq’s legacy, each advancing their respective agenda and interpretation of past events.

Research Letter of Political Science Results and Discussion One characteristic often attributed to Generation Z is political disengagement or apathy, driven by a focus on lifestyle and a superficial engagement with issues rather than deep contemplation of broader social ideals. However, this generation has been active in Iran's socio-political transformations, which can be explained on three levels: 1) Macro or Philosophical Level: There is an intellectual struggle rooted in a philosophical dichotomy between traditionalism and modernism, leading to two different life-worlds and lifestyles. Generation Z not only moves beyond tradition (especially its religious aspects) but sometimes even surpasses modern thought frameworks, showing an inclination toward postmodernism. 2) Intermediate Level: Here, the struggle is political with a legalistic underpinning. The ideological approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran, stemming from the Islamic Revolution's ideology, encompasses all aspects of life, from macro issues like societal management to micro ones such as body governance. This pervasive ideological stance has drawn Generation Z into political activism despite their inherently non-political identity. 3) Micro Level: Focused on individual psychology, here we encounter the restless non-citizen who is unrecognized by both the government and parts of society, seeking "recognition" as described by Axel Honneth. If we consider December 2017 as the starting point of Generation Z's participation in Iran's socio-political transformations, the new generation has evolved from a neutral observer to a highly active and leading player over five stages: 1) December 2017 Protests: With economic motives but socio-political undertones, Generation Z, then at most 20 years old, did not actively participate but their sensitivity to societal issues was aroused. 2) November 2019 Protests: Initially driven by economic concerns, these protests rapidly took on a political nature, marking the first active role of Generation Z. 3) January 2020 Protests: Triggered by the government's mishandling of the Ukrainian passenger plane downing, Generation Z played a more prominent role with increased motivation and confidence. 4) Scattered Protests between January 2020 and September 2022: These included regional protests (e.g., farmers in Isfahan protesting water shortages) and national ones (e.g., against mandatory hijab). Generation Z's participation varied but was notably strong in national protests, especially among young women.5

Israel killed Hamas’ Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, causing Iran to threaten retaliation, which did not materialize. Rumors suggested a secret Iran-West ceasefire deal for Gaza, which was not upheld. Following this, Israel targeted Hezbollah in Lebanon, leading to significant casualties. Iran retaliated on October 1 with hypersonic missiles, causing major damage in Israel. Now, attention is on Israel’s response, with differences emerging over target choices. The U. S. deploys defense systems in anticipation of Iran’s next move. Decisions on striking Iran’s nuclear facilities could escalate tensions further. Israel’s actions in Gaza and implications for the region remain a concern. The dilemma lies in Israel’s response and potential consequences in a volatile regional landscape.

هديکچ هلاقم نیا زا فده ، شناد داصتقا ققحت رد بوخ ینارمکح شقن نییبت ب چیپرام یروآون متسیس بلاق رد ناین هلاقم نیا شور .تسا هناگراهچ ، یلیلحت تروص هب یفیصوت و ، بوچراچ ،نآ ییارگداهن زا یشخب رد و تسا داصتقا شور زا زین نآ لیلحت یارب یجنس هداد اه یم هدافتسا دوش ب میهافم فیرعت زا سپ . یپرام هژیو چ چ هناگراه ،یفیصوت شخب رد لاناک اه شناد داصتقا و بوخ ینارمکح یطابترا ی یم حیرشت ناینب سپس .ددرگ هب کمک یوگلا یجنسداصتقا ، ب هطبار نی فده ناونع هب( یروآون س متسی و یروآون یاه شناد داصتقا و )ناینب صخاش بوخ ینارمکح یاه ، یم یسررب ینارمکح هطبار نییبت روظنم هب .دوش شناد داصتقا اب بوخ ناینب ، صخاش اه هک ییاهروشک ناونع هب ایسآ یقرش بونج و یلامش یاپورا یاهروشک و ناریا رد بوخ ینارمکح ی رد ییلااب تازایتما یاراد صخاش شناد داصتقا یم هسیاقم مه اب ،دنتسه ناینب هتفای .دوش شهوژپ یاه ، ح یکا قیرط زا بوخ ینارمکح هک تسا نآ زا لاناک اه ،اهدادرارق یارجا نیمضت ،تیکلام قوقح یطابترا ی هیامرس شناد داصتقا ققحت رب هعسوت و قیقحت و یناسنا هیامرس هعسوت ،اهزغم رارف ،یجراخ و یلخاد یراذگ ناینب ریثأت م ی لیلحت تمسق رد یفرط زا .درا...

This study aimed to examine the effectiveness of combined microwave-ultrasonic pasteurization system on Escherichia coli and vitamin C content in sour cherry juice (SCJ). Based on the findings, microwave output power, ultrasound power, and ultrasonic exposure time as well as the microwave-induced temperature were the most effective factors in reducing E. coli and vitamin C content. In addition, the microwave-induced temperature and ultrasonic exposure time, as independent variables, were both effective on E. coli removal. At higher temperatures, the effectiveness of ultrasonic waves as well as cavitation intensity declined. However, their combined effect (ultrasound and temperature) was more significant than their individual effect. It was also found that any increase in ultrasound power, ultrasonic exposure time, and microwave output power led to a significant reduction in vitamin C content, while the ultrasound power was the most effective. On the basis of RSM modeling, the optimu...

The present study aimed to compare Heidegger's and Āl-e-Ahmad's views on technology; first, the close relationship between subjectivism and modern technology was analyzed based on Heidegger, and subsequently, it was pointed out that Heidegger's approach towards technology is a critical confrontation based on engagement/disengagement dialectics. Then Jalal Āl-e-Ahmad's view on technology was analyzed, emphasizing that, unlike Heidegger, with a philosophical, ontological, and anticipatory approach to modern technology, Āl-e-Ahmad took a selective and voluntarist approach towards modern technology by adopting a political and social stance. Āl-e-Ahmad, like Promethean and leading intellectuals and reformers, believed that a Westoxificated society is a society that has not yet achieved technology and is technologically dependent on the West. Therefore, to deal with Westoxification, it should become a technological power by adopting a will-based approach-a machine must be built and owned; however, at the same time, one should not be got caught by the machine because it is a means and not a goal. Unlike Āl-e-Ahmad, Heidegger considered technology not a mere tool but a kind of ontology and way of thinking that affects all humans' areas and affairs, so it is not easy to escape modern technology's grip.

Hezbollah is one of the most influential Islamist groups in the West Asian region and the Islamic world, which was specifically influenced by the teachings of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Due to the specific circumstances of Lebanon, as well as the widespread crisis in the West Asian region, the group has faced numerous challenges, but it has also been significantly and consistently adapted to challenges and opportunities as one It is one of the most influential political forces in the region. On the other hand, domestic and regional imperatives require that Hezbollah engages in its various activities in the political and social arena. For this reason, the main question of the present research is this: What is the main reason why Hezbollah's continuing influence in the domestic and regional arena is due to? The hypothesis of this article is that the transition of Hizbullah from ideological to political-social movement has made its consistency and durable in the domestic and regional arena. The theoretical framework used in this study begins with the critique of the views on the formation of movements in the Islamic world and the view of "the role of ideology and ideology in the formation of Islamic movements" as a theoretical framework. To be According to this viewpoint, the ideology and beliefs of Islamist groups have an important role in shaping and sustaining their life in contemporary times.

The purpose of this study was to investigate and explain the changes and developments in the process of theorizing Velayat-e-Faqih in the second period of the Islamic Republic. Using a "trend analysis model" and a descriptive-analytical method, this study showed that after the changes in the constitution, the process of ideation about Velayat-e-Faqih due to factors such as: legitimacy of Velayat-e-Faqih, openness of public sphere, strengthening religious institutions and emerging issues, It has found a new direction, and Issues such as: the nature of the legitimacy of Velayat-e-Faqih, the relationship of Velayat-e-Faqih with the constitution, the consequences of absolute Velayat-e-Faqih, Velayat-e-Faqih or representation of citizenship, Velayat-e-Faqih or supervision of Faqih and reinterpretation of Absolute Velayat-e-Faqih have been discussed in public. Restrictive factors such as the continuation of stabilization of the Islamic Republic period and formal and informal opposition in this period are also considered as obstacles to ideation in the field of Velayat-e-Faqih.

Economic systems, from the perspective of legal origin, are generally of two kinds or a combination of these two; the free market or private ownership system or state-controlled or public ownership system. But the drafters of the 1358 Constitution, speak of a third type of economic system called the Islamic economy. An attempt has been made in the present research, to examine and analyze with an analytical-descriptive approach, the various viewpoints of the drafters of the Constitution regarding these three types of economic systems within the framework of the principles of the Constitution. The main question in the present research is what the experts who played a role in drafting the Constitution thought concerning the economic system of the country and the rules governing it. It seems that free economic competition and private economic freedoms have been minimally accepted by the Council of Experts under the auspices of the government and of Islam.
Moreover, the main discourse governing the Assembly of Experts of that period was a type of state-controlled or public ownership economy that was combined also with a form of revolutionary-Islamic economy. For this reason, authors, using the method of genetic interpretation, have called the economic system intended by experts drafting the Constitution as a public ownership system. Economic systems, Socialist economic, private economic, Islamic economic system. The results of this study revealed that, the inference that can be drawn from the discussions of the Assembly of Experts and also the final ratified principles (especially the current Article 44) is that free economic competition and private economic freedoms were minimally accepted within the founding institution. Second, at times, the goals and foundations present in individualistic or collectivist economic systems were expressed differently by the Assembly of Experts; however, they negated these economic systems in their entirety. Third, it can be deduced from the overall discourse of the constitutional legislators that there was no unified, precise, consistent, and clear theory of the concept of an Islamic economy in the Assembly of Experts, and even the term "Islamic economy" was not used in the text of the Constitution. They often confined themselves to mentioning general viewpoints regarding Islamic economy or discussed the economy in Islam or the Islamization of the economy. Fourth, the content of the Constitution should be organized in such a way that by stating fundamental rules and rights, it has the function of being up-to-date and adaptable to customary and contemporary situations and conditions. This is particularly applicable concerning the economic principles of the Constitution.

The Iranian people, in their unwavering quest to liberate Iran from the oppressive rule of the Islamic Republic of Iran, draw inspiration from a rich historical context. They recall how Western countries supported Iran's enemies in overthrowing the Pahlavi Dynasty and seek a similar alliance in their current battle. Understanding this historical context is crucial to grasp Iran's current situation fully.

The Safavid Empire's urbanization process led to significant progressions in the textile industry, particularly silk production, and trade emerged as vital elements of the Iranian economy. State-sponsored weaving shops were mostly established in major towns such as Isfahan, Shirvan, and Kashan that wove silk fabrics, producing the most valuable inputs for Iran’s economic and political relationships with both Eastern and Western powers. These weaving activities began around Shah Ismail’s reign before they fell into a momentary decline on account of an impending threat from Ottomans, but they were later reignited by Shah Abbas I. By monopolizing the silk trade and integrating it into a state-controlled system, he turned into Silk Iran’s most important export item, also promoting its production through making Gilan and Mazandaran royal provinces. This enabled firm trading ties with the West while making Iranian silk known globally. In the later periods of the Safavid Empire as well, during the time of Shah Sultan Hussein, production and trade of silk continued to be significant. However, there was a gradual decrease in demand for Iranian silk from bordering nations. Nevertheless, silk trade and textile production in Safavid Iran have left an indelible mark that has made them memorable in the annals of world textile commerce.

The paper aims to study the jurisprudential attitudes in the field of contemporary Shiite Imamiyah political thought, which is the basis for the formation of the first Shiite government. Hence, the main question is what developments have taken place in the contemporary political thought of the Imamiyah Shiite from the Constitution to the Islamic Revolution? The research findings suggest that the theoretical evolution of Shiite political thought has taken place in the light of several developments, among which the two important events of the "Constitutional Revolution" and the "Islamic Revolution" have had the greatest impact. These two phenomena have led to the emergence of scientific debates under each of them and the formation of new concepts and political theories in contemporary Shiite political thought. The most important feature of these theories is the attempt to reconcile democracy, government, and the involvement of the people in political destiny by accepting religious government and the leadership of a just well qualified jurist, known as "religious democracy".

Usar exceso de terminología occidental para explicar el Medio Oriente siempre se quedará corto. En esa región aplican dinámicas sociales, políticas, religiosas y militares propias, difíciles a veces de comprender en Occidente, por lo que recetas que pueden servir en ciertos lugares para resolver disputas, no necesariamente son efectivas en una zona del planeta que a través de su historia ha visto imperios llegar e irse, civilizaciones religiosas nacer y expandirse, Estados que un día fueron y ya no son, conflictos que mutan y se reinventan. Parafraseando a la inversa la obra visionaria de Immanuel Kant, "La Paz Perpetua", en el Medio Oriente la paz ha sido elusiva; quizás habría que hablar más bien de la "guerra perpetua", esperando que los varios conflictos que afectan la región encuentren finalmente una salida.

Аннотация. Статья посвящена исследованию торгово-экономических отношений между Азербайджанской Республикой (АР) и Исламской Республикой Иран (ИРИ). Автор анализирует факторы, влиявшие на темп развития азербайджано-иранских торгово-экономических отношений, рассматривая объем торгового оборота между двумя странами. Отмечается, что Вторая карабахская война (ВКВ) стала поворотным моментом в двусторонних отношениях. Так, Азербайджан установил контроль над всей границей с Ираном. Кроме того, были подписаны новые документы по реализации автомобильных и железнодорожных проектов, соединяющих Восточно-Зангезурский экономический район Азербайджана и Нахичеванскую Автономную Республику через территорию Ирана, а с другой -результаты войны, в том числе усиление влияния Турции на Южном Кавказе (ЮК), стали причиной обострения политических отношений между азербайджанскими и иранскими властями. Если в предыдущие годы во время напряженности между Баку и Тегераном снижался объем торгового оборота двух стран, то в этот раз наблюдается рост в двустороннем торговом обороте, что на самом деле является новым явлением в истории азербайджано-иранских отношений. Таким образом, на ЮК формируется новая региональная динамика после ВКВ, которая заставляет Баку и Тегеран сохранить и увеличить уровень экономических взаимоотношений.

The interaction of the party system and the electoral system can be one of the strategic requirements in the realization of democracy. Despite the 100-year-old formation of parties in Iran, it still faces challenges and divergences in the face of the electoral system. (History) The investigation revealed that there was no research in this regard. (Background) Therefore, obtaining a strategic model of interaction between the party system and the electoral system needs to be examined. (Problem) Nevertheless, the main question is what is the strategic pattern of interaction between the party system and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran? (Question) This research is exploratory and there is no hypothesis in this regard. (Hypothesis) So the goal; Drawing a pattern of interaction between the party system and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran. (Objective) This research uses the data-driven method; and develops a strategic model for the interaction of parties and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran. (Method) After extracting the views of the interviewees and summarizing their opinions, an open code was extracted; and from their combination, the central code, and finally from the combination of the central codes, the selected codes were counted in a way that all the central codes are classified into 6 categories: causal, axial, contextual, interventional, strategic and consequential; and the relationships between the dimensions of the components and indicators of the strategic model of interaction between the party system and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran have been developed. (Finding).

Changes in the fatty acid content, during frozen storage at-24°C of Caspian kutum (Rutilus frisii kutum), golden grey mullet (Liza aurata), common carp (Caprinus carpio), pike perch (Sander lucioperca) and common kilka (Clupeonella cultiventris caspia), caught from south Caspian Sea were studied in the present work. Changes in saturated fatty acids (SFAs), monounsaturated fatty acids (MUFAs), polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFAs), ecosapentaenoic acid plus docosahexaenoic acid/palmitic acid (EPA+DHA/C16), n3 PUFA/n6 PUFA (n3/n6) and polyunsaturated fatty acids/saturated fatty acids (PUFA/SFA) were investigated during a six month period. Results indicated that due to the decrease in unsaturated fatty acids particularly PUFAs (9.25-23.03%), and lower ratios of n3/n6 (2.02-6.06), EPA+DHA/C16 (polyene index; 0.21-0.65) and PUFA/SFA (0.18-0.64) the poststorage nutritional values of these species significantly decrease.

The interaction of the party system and the electoral system can be one of the strategic requirements in the realization of democracy. Despite the 100-year-old formation of parties in Iran, it still faces challenges and divergences in the face of the electoral system. (History) The investigation revealed that there was no research in this regard. (Background) Therefore, obtaining a strategic model of interaction between the party system and the electoral system needs to be examined. (Problem) Nevertheless, the main question is what is the strategic pattern of interaction between the party system and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran? (Question) This research is exploratory and there is no hypothesis in this regard. (Hypothesis) So the goal; Drawing a pattern of interaction between the party system and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran. (Objective) This research uses the data-driven method; and develops a strategic model for the interaction of parties and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran. (Method) After extracting the views of the interviewees and summarizing their opinions, an open code was extracted; and from their combination, the central code, and finally from the combination of the central codes, the selected codes were counted in a way that all the central codes are classified into 6 categories: causal, axial, contextual, interventional, strategic and consequential; and the relationships between the dimensions of the components and indicators of the strategic model of interaction between the party system and the electoral system in the Islamic Republic of Iran have been developed. (Finding).

This paper is a featured piece in a collection about the student movement in Iran, published in a special issue of Journal of Iranian Research and Analysis (Vol. 15, No. 2, November 1999). It briefly reviews the student movement during the Pahlavi Period and then discusses  the ebb and flow of student activism which led to the July 1999 protests in Iran. The article discusses the characteristics of the student movement in each period, demonstrates the nature of energy channeled into the July protests, and shows both the engineered and spontaneous phases of these protests.

This article examines the justifications and challenges associated with spiritual governments through a Jungian lens, particularly focusing on the intersection of psycho-spiritual dynamics and political power. Drawing on historical and contemporary examples, including the role of religious and spiritual figures in governance, the paper explores how spiritual concepts can become politicized and the resultant psycho-spiritual conflicts. By analyzing historical instances such as the use of spiritual symbols by totalitarian regimes and the current political climate in Iran, this study aims to illuminate the complex interplay between spiritual authority and political power, highlighting the inherent risks and psychological battles involved.
Keywords: Karl Jung, Governance, Spirituality

Abstract
This research article explores the creation and utilization of pseudo-clerics in Iran, a strategy employed by various intelligence agencies to infiltrate and manipulate the socio-political and religious landscape. We previously explained multiple aspects of the so-called "Mahan" or "Haman" plan to increase distrust among the people and the "Mahan" psychological operation plan, implemented by the SAVAK security advisor in the late Pahlavi regime under the military government of General Gholam Reza Azhari. The operation, suggested by Mossad, aimed to ridicule religious beliefs among the Iranian populace. The plan which involved utilizing pseudo-clerics to propagate false religious visions has not been ceased. The article sheds light on the psychological and social ramifications of such practices in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Keywords: Pseudo-clergy, Mossad, Iran, Psychological warfare

When I started studying music at Tehran University in my twenties, I was led to explore the complex field of Iranian musicology. My initial observations in post-revolutionary Iran unveiled a nuanced and often contradictory landscape for music, shaped by the nation's extensive historical and socio-religious fabric. As a female musician, I was banned from singing solo and became a victim of a kind of patriarchy, even in the fields of performing, playing, and composing.

Objective This study focuses on designing a digital transformation model for the offshore oil and gas industry in Iran to be utilized in the strategic planning and policy-making process in the industry. While applying digital achievements and novelties in the oil and gas industry is not new, employing digital transformation in this sector is relatively new. Digital transformation, when implemented in the Iranian offshore oil and gas industry, helps the sector become a world leader, therefore benefiting from all the benefits that come along with digital achievements.