Juvenal

par Estelle Debouy, illustré par Mathieu la Mine.
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Dans ce livre, qui se présente comme un abécédaire humoristique, Estelle Debouy a imaginé des définitions de termes de tous les jours à partir de réflexions des poètes latins sur leur temps et sur leurs contemporains : si certaines font sourire, d’autres sembleront d’une étonnante actualité...

C’est donc aux poètes latins que l’auteur laisse la parole : ainsi, plutôt que de réviser des règles de grammaire, elle propose au lecteur qui a le désir de perfectionner son latin, de se replonger dans la lecture des auteurs de l’Antiquité latine. Afin de faciliter l’approche de la langue, elle a pris le parti, dans cet ouvrage, de proposer à la lecture un choix de courts extraits de poèmes latins en contexte.

Mêlant ainsi l’utile à l’agréable, comme dirait Horace, le lecteur, en traduisant ces quelques vers, pourra de façon plaisante réviser son latin : grâce aux remarques sur l’étymologie qui rendent perceptible la forte présence du latin dans notre langue, grâce aux notes de grammaire qui explicitent chaque extrait, et grâce à la traduction proposée en regard, il pourra facilement redécouvrir ces auteurs latins qui sont bien souvent à la source de notre littérature.

Le lecteur trouvera aussi, à la fin du volume, un index grammatical qui lui permettra, s’il le souhaite, de réviser telle ou telle notion de grammaire en relisant tous les extraits qui l’illustrent.

Détails et table des termes abordés sur http://www.safran.be/proddetail.php?prod=LCA29

Relitti etruschi Pers. 2, 26-29: An quia non fibris ouium Ergennaque iubente triste iaces lucis euitandumque bidental, idcirco stolidam praebet tibi uellere barbam Iuppiter? "Oppure credi che, poiché ancora non giaci nei boschi, triste e malauguroso bidental, secondo quant'hanno imposto le viscere ovine ed Ergenna, Giove per questo ti offra scioccamente la sua barba perché tu gliela strappi?".

This article presents ancient Roman texts dealing with the topic of same-sex weddings with the purpose of examining the reliability of these sources and contributing to the understanding of this element of the ancient tradition. In order to do so, this paper takes literary and historiographical sources and legal aspects into consideration, making use of research by Craig Williams, Bruce Frier, and Michael Fontaine. Apart from a Late Imperial constitutio, our most important sources are historiographical works on two emperors of scandalous reign, namely Nero and Elagabalus; Juvenal’s Satire 2; and two epigrams by Martial: 1, 24 and 12, 42. In the closing section of the paper, I suggest a new interpretation for the punchline of the latter poem.

V ponedeljek, 16. julija 2018, sem imel opravek v bližini Zmajskega mostu, in ko sem ga razmišljeno prečkal, kot najbrž že tisočkrat prej, sem se ne vem zakaj spomnil, da mi je Primož Simoniti pred časom govoril o plošči z latinskim napisom, ki je vzidana vanj. Ustavil sem se in jo res takoj našel. Vzidana je na desnem bregu pri Pravni fakulteti in je nekakšna zgodovinska opomba pod črto, ki so si jo ob gradnji novega železobetonskega mostu leta 1901 privoščili Ljubljančani. Plošča je prej krasila temelje hrastovega Mesarskega mostu, ki ga je potres leta 1895 prehudo poškodoval. Napis je precej standarden, je pripovedoval Primož, zanimiv pa je elegični distih, s katerim se konča. Kronogram, v katerem se skriva letnica 1819, ko je bil leseni most postavljen, gre takole:

eVge eXoptatVs sVrreXIt Vt arCeat Ignes
    arDeret sI qVa proXIMVs VCaLegon

Krasno, postavljen je, zdaj bo lahko odganjal plamene,
    če bo v bližini mostu kje Ukalégon vzplamtel.

Ukalégon je precej obskurna mitološka figura, Priamov prijatelj iz tretjega speva Iliade, novi prevod Jelene Isak Kres ga označi kot »razsodnega moža«. Potem se pojavi še pri Vergiliju, v drugem spevu Eneide, ko Ahajci požgejo Trojo - in še enkrat, že s pridihom parodije, pri Juvenalu, v tretji satiri, ki sem jo nekoč prevajal in si najbrž samo zato zapomnil ime. Primožu se je zdelo imenitno dvoje - da so učeni Ljubljančani v začetku 19. stoletja na most vzidali še kar subtilno literarno referenco in da so jo njihovi potomci več rodov kasneje, v začetku 20. stoletja, spoštljivo ohranili. Ploščo sem si shranil v telefon in zraven pomislil, kako značilno je za Primoža, da ti zna sredi Zmajskega mostu, ki si ga videl že tolikokrat, odpreti oči za Homerja, Vergilija in Juvenala, ki so vzidani vanj. Hkrati sem razmišljal, kako bi ga nagovoril za članek o tem napisu, da bi ga lahko objavili v novi znanstveni reviji, ki jo pripravljamo z našimi študenti. Ravno na študente na svojem oddelku je bil vedno zelo ponosen. Naslednjega jutra sem potem izvedel, da članka ne bo, tako da ne vem, kaj bi mi rekel. Precej dobro pa vem, kaj si misli zdajle, kjerkoli že bere to zgodbo in njeno čudno sumljivo časovno sovpadanje. Z nasmeškom si mrmra misel nekega drugega skeptičnega učenjaka, Giordana Bruna, ki jo je rad citiral: Se non è vero, è ben trovato. Če že ni res, je pa vsaj dobro izmišljeno.

The scope of Hamilton’s project is not historical reconstruction, but an “attempt to show what the Romans were as they appear in their great authors” (263). Hamilton’s aim is to pinpoint the peculiar Roman qualities that distinguished them from the other cultures of antiquity (263). In order to do this, Hamilton takes her readers on a thirteen-chapter whirlwind tour of the most influential Roman writers—describing their texts and the Rome in which they lived. The book is written in four rough sections: the establishment of Roman letters in the comedies of Plautus and Terence (chapters 1-3); the Republic and Caesar as depicted by Cicero (chapters 4-6); the age of Augustus as depicted in the poetry of Catullus and Horace (chapters 7-10); and the elevation to romantic literature before the bifurcation and disintegration of Roman society (chapters 11-13). In each chapter, Hamilton makes the case that Roman writers were “Romans first” and “individual artists only second” (264). Her thesis is that in the end the differences between Roman authors were “superficial compared to their fundamental resemblances” (264). All followed “the Roman way.”

Scholars primarily concerned with vernacular traditions have explored the ways in which the reception of classical texts during the Renaissance influenced the representation of sex between women. 1 In the pages that follow, I extend this exploration by considering early neo-Latin print commentaries on Martial's Epigrams and Juvenal's Satires. These works contain some of the most sustained Roman accounts of erotic relations between women. Early print commentaries on them can help us understand not only how late fifteenth century humanists made sense of representations of female homosexuality but also, given the popularity of a few of the commentaries, how such representation were framed for some subsequent Renaissance authors versed in Latin. Many of the commentaries considered below include three significant elements, of which two have already received critical attention in other contexts: references to Sappho's same-sex interests, important because there is a debate about when in the post-classical period she became known for her erotic predilections, and discussions of the tribade, a figure from

Posta a conclusione del primo libro delle Satire, la satira 5 di Giovenale raccoglie i principali elementi proposti dai componimenti precedenti ricapitolandoli in un lògos aprotreptikòs, un "discorso di dissuasione" per molti versi analogo a quello che sostanzierà la successiva satira 6. Destinatario del discorso è Trebio, un cliens di bassa condizione sociale ed economica che da lunghi anni si dedica al servizio del ricco Virrone, ricevendone però, come unica ricompensa per tanti servigi, umiliazioni e manifestazioni di sadico disprezzo. Di qui l'esortazione ad abbandonare finalmente un simile servizio, a deporre tutte le aspettative sinora riposte nel patronus e, soprattutto, a sottrarsi alle angherie che attualmente deve patirne.

The question of the relation between Juvenal and Quintilian is still unanswered: the reconstruction of their possible biographical and literary connections is very uncertain. The Life of Juvenal does not mention Quintilian; its author only states that Juvenal spent a significant part of his life declaiming. Their personal acquaintance is not confirmed by any ancient source, and the views of modern research are not univocal either; however, most scholars leave the question undecided. On the grounds of the biographical data, it cannot even be proven with certainty that Juvenal known Quintilian, thus we have to find evidence in the texts of the two authors. In this paper, I examine the possible influence of Quintilian on Juvenal’s Satires, highlight textual and thematic parallels as well as common motifs in order to unfold the relation between the two authors.

Writing after the turbulent reign of Domitian, Juvenal indignantly mocks and denounces the attitudes of contemporary romans and non-romans alike.  His invective is problematic but exceptionally useful to detect shared ideas within the well read citizens of Flavian and Antonine Rome. This investigation includes a detailed analysis of religious and moral undertones in Juvenal's work, and it argues that the goddess Fides remained an important deified virtue during the author's lifetime.

La descrizione di una cena che Virrone offrirà ai suoi clientes offre lo spunto per un’amara riflessione sulla degradazione dell’istituto della clientela: quello che un tempo era sostanzialmente un rapporto di amicitia si è ormai svuotato di ogni contenuto; il cliens si va trasformando in un mero parassita, di cui il patrono non ha bisogno se non come mezzo di intrattenimento. Mostrando al cliens Trebio quante umiliazioni gli saranno imbandite alla tavola del suo patronus Virrone, Giovenale tenterà di spingerlo a cambiar vita.

This study focuses on the influence of classical authors on Ben Jonson’s dramaturgy, with particular emphasis on the playwrights Aristophanes, Plautus, and Terence, and the literary satirists Horace, Juvenal, Persius, and Lucian.  Jonson was a man of the theatre just as much as he was a man of letters, and in order to illuminate this aspect of his creative personality the thesis considers how classical performance elements (including the Aristophanic ‘Great Idea,’ chorus, and Terentian/Plautine performative strategies) as well as ‘performative’ elements from classical literature (such as the presentation of satirical personae) manifest themselves in the staging of his plays. The emphasis on performance helps to steer the thesis away from focusing purely on classical literary allusions within Jonson's playtexts, and instead encompasses non-literary elements like theatregrams, modes of performance, spatial practices, and structural techniques that are not necessarily apparent on the page but are key elements of Jonson's dramaturgy.
The thesis contends that, in performative just as much as literary terms, Jonson's appropriation of the classics fits with the creative techniques of imitatio and contaminatio, two practices that placed emphasis on the modelling of literary or dramatic works on the examples of past writers and of the creative blending of these models to produce a new aesthetic object. In addition, it is argued that the moral imperatives that drive Jonson's dramatic output are also a product of both of these creative practices, imbuing it with a blend of Greek and Roman dramaturgical and philosophical viewpoints that create a uniquely Jonsonian dramaturgy that is, in varying combinations, moralising, aggressive, sympathetic, and cynical.
The study proceeds thematically rather than chronologically, and makes use of critical methods and scholarship from a range of disciplines, including performance and comparativist criticism, English philology, classical studies, spatial theory, and reception studies. The whole thesis is unified by its emphasis on Jonson’s imitative and contaminative strategies, which serve as useful conceptual models for examining how he allowed his classical sources to become ‘guides, not commanders,’ their influence giving his work the curious quality of being simultaneously deeply indebted to the ancient authors and playwrights while never being completely beholden to them.
An appendix on all classical allusions in Jonson's comedies as documented by the plays' recent major editors and an appendix detailing the extant records of classical performances c.1450-1650 conclude the thesis.

Peer-review. Articoli e note inviati per la pubblicazione alla rivista sono sottoposti -nella forma del doppio anonimato -a peer-review di due esperti, di cui uno almeno esterno al Comitato Scientifico o alla Direzione. Non sono sottoposti a peer-review rapporti di scavo e discussioni su volumi. Nel secondo fascicolo delle annate pari sarà pubblicato l'elenco dei revisori.

Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich im weitesten Sinne mit dem Verhältnis zwischen einem Text, seinen Lesern und deren Kritikern. Ihr Gegenstand sind Anspielungen auf zeitgeschichtliche Ereignisse in antiken literarischen Texten und die Vermutungen, die die Verfasser antiker exegetischer Literatur darüber äußern. Ziel ist dabei - anders als in den meisten einschlägigen Untersuchungen - nicht die Präsentation neuer Interpretationen zu den klassischen Texten, sondern die Analyse der aus Antike und Spätantike überlieferten Anspielungsdeutungen. An diese wird die Frage gestellt, welche Absichten, Ziele und Verfahren die Exegeten den von ihnen kommentierten Dichtern unterstellten und auf welchem Wege sie selbst zu ihrer Interpretation gelangten. Der Vergleich der einzelnen Interpretationen läßt typische Denkweisen und Interpretationsmuster hervortreten, ermöglicht einen Einblick in den geistigen Hintergrund der antiken Kommentatoren und schafft damit erst die Basis für die Beurteilung ihrer auch heute immer wieder diskutierten Vorschläge.

"""""""" Pre-print author's copy. Quote only from printed version.
In Self-Presentation and Social Identification: The Rhetoric and Pragmatics of Letter Writing in Early Modern Times, ed, Toon Van Houdt, Jan Papy, et al. (Leuven: Leuven UP, 2002), 87 ff.  [Leuven University Press. Copyright.].  This was the book chapter that came of the invitation to speak at the conference by the same name some years earlier, at the Catholic University of Leuven.  The book itself (well reviewed and warmly received) is outstanding, with chapters from Henk Nellen, Lisa Jardine, Philip Ford, and many others.  It has entered scholarship as a fundamental source: see ‘Letters and Epistolography’, in: The Classical Tradition. eds Anthony Grafton, Glenn Most, & Salvatore Settis, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010, p. 523.  My own effort involved the attempt at saying something new and true about the subject matter of my title in light of humanism--not humanism as a mere concept alone, but humanism as exampled in books Jonson owned, read, or likely read--with the conviction that England was part of the Republic of Letters, Jonson being perhaps primus inter pares, at all events a full citizen and a major participant.  It was to keep the text in the context necessary to an historical approach, and so to read the poetry closely within a horizon of Renaissance books (in Latin, Neo-Latin, English, and Greek).  The Houghton Library, Harvard University, was the place for me to locate such books, which are now, as so often, lost classics of the classics.  Reviewed by Emil J. Polak, Renaissance Quarterly 56 (autumn 2003), 816-818, and by Sari Kivisto, Rhetorical Review 1, 1 (June 2003): 16-20."  The point about the first is most certainly wrong: see now Mark Bland on Jonson's library.""

This is the third chapter of my dissertation, 'The Invisibility of Juvenal' (2011). This chapter hit the cutting-room floor when I was writing my Juvenal book and has since not been published. Important work has been done on Satire Four since 2011, especially the commentary of Biagio Santorelli (2012) and the relevant section (pages 53-62) of Catherine Keane's monograph 'Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions' (2015). Also important are the stimulating analyses of globalizing food cultures in Tom Geue's essay 'Free-Range, Organic, Locally-Sourced Satire' (2017) and in chapter three of Osman Umurhan's 'Juvenal's Global Awareness' (2017). I would point interested readers to all these scholars' work. My thoughts on the poem have therefore been superseded in important respects, but I upload this dissertation chapter (with original page numbers) on this website in case it is still of use. Cite as 'The Invisibility of Juvenal' (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 2011).

An examination of the rise of Roman forensic culture in the provinces through a case study of Roman North Africa. In particular, the article sets out to explain why epigraphic evidence for legal practice (in North Africa and elsewhere in the Empire) does not begin until the late second century and then surges in the Severan age.

The thesis seeks an answer to the question ‘How did the Romans’ view on sexuality change during the early Empire, from the late Republic to the first two centuries of the Principate?’ by studying law and literature in the chosen period and whether we can see changes in these. The background for this question, lies in emperor Augustus’ moral laws lēx Iūlia dē marītandīs ōrdinibus and lēx Iūlia dē adul­teriīs coercendīs, that is, The Julian law on the marrying of the classes, and The Julian law on the punishing of adultery. The thesis studies how sexuality, sexual deviance and expressions of these were accounted for in law, and how law addressed human sexuality during the Principate till the time of Marcus Aurelius. The second part of the thesis covers how this came to be expressed in literature. From the late Republic to the Augustan age, we get to know texts by Cicero, Catullus and Sulpicia, and from the time of the Principate, Martial, Juvenal and Pliny the younger. By examining the writers’ expressions of sexuality, and how this changed over time, the thesis aims at providing an answer to what the Romans considered sexual deviance, and which changes one can find in the study of law and literature.

The thesis is also available through Munin (http://munin.uit.no/handle/10037/8432), where it was originally published (open access). It is written in Norwegian and has numerous textual examples in Latin with vowel length shown, some in Greek, and translations provided for everything.

SERIES MINOR 32 Torso thoracatus hallado en Iruña, Álava, la antigua Veleia VITORIA 2 0 1 4 GASTEIZ IÑIGO RUIZ ARZALLUZ (coord.) ALEJANDRO MARTÍNEZ SOBRINO M.ª TERESA MUÑOZ GARCÍA DE ITURROSPE IÑAKI ORTIGOSA EGIRAUN ENARA SAN JUAN MANSO (editores) ESTUDIOS DE FILOLOGÍA E HISTORIA EN HONOR DEL PROFESOR VITALINO VALCÁRCEL Volumen 2 VITORIA 2014 GASTEIZ CIP. Biblioteca Universitaria Estudios de Filología e Historia en honor del profesor Vitalino Valcárcel / Iñigo Ruiz Arzalluz (coord.) ; Alejandro Martínez Sobrino …[et al.] (editores). -Vitoria-Gasteiz : Universidad del País Vasco / Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, Argitalpen Zerbitzua = Servicio Editorial, 2014. -2 v. ; 24 cm. -(Anejos de Veleia. Series Minor ; 32)

[PROOFS] This paper examines three texts on childhood education (Quintilian, the pseudo-Plutarchan De Liberis Educandis, Juvenal's Satire 14), arguing that each author uses the symbol of the chlid to explore the boundaries of interaction between Greek and Roman culture in the Roman Empire. In A. König and C. Whitton (eds) Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian: Literary Interactions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2018): https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/roman-literature-under-nerva-trajan-and-hadrian/149164C5BE9FFEA23C5549800EFE54AC.

Senecan tragedy engages with satire in three interconnecting, overlapping ways. The first is its appropriation of satire' s essentializing, polemical construction of an 'idea' of tragedy as overblown, excessive, transgressive, monstrous and swollen. This satiric idea of tragedy is fundamentally the mainstream classical idea of bad tragedy, and it is precisely that sense of perversion, of the failed sublime, of greatness gone awry which Seneca exploits. He uses the overblown, excessive, transgressive, monstrous passions and bodies, crimes and sufferings of his characters both to trope those generic qualities of 'essential tragedy' and to be troped by them. Form and content, each mimetic of the other, are characterized by a grotesque 'moreness'. Satire's assertion that tragedy is irrelevant to real life is the only part of the idea which Seneca rejects. The second is his incorporation in the tragedies of features which are demarcated as satiric- especially moralizing sections and those dealing with contemporary urban life- and remain self-consciously alien generic intrusions, similar to that of elegiac, epic or pastoral elements. Thirdly, Seneca takes the existing generic affinity between satire and tragedy, both genres of perversion, and accentuates it through an increased focus on bodily and poetic deformation.

This thesis studies Greek and Roman cultural identity in the Saturae of Juvenal and what, for the sake of brevity, I call the ‘Roman’ works of Lucian, namely De Mercede Conductis, Apologia and Nigrinus. It attempts to place these texts’ cultural references in their social, historical and political contexts in order to gain some insight into the cultural milieu of the Roman empire in the second century CE. My primary argument is that in these works cultural identity, particularly whether one identifies as ‘Greek’ or ‘Roman’, is mutable, and satire is its natural playground. The characters in both authors’ works claim specific identities, but concurrently undermine and invert them so that it becomes difficult to determine exactly which qualities define a Greek or Roman – even those who seem certain of their cultural identity can be exposed as simply playing a part. Additionally, neither author’s works are consistent in their attitudes towards different ethnicities, a fact which underscores the flexibility of cultural identity in these texts. (MA Thesis, 40,000 words)

Das spannungsreiche Verhältnis zwischen "patroni" und "clientes" hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend das Interesse der Forschung geweckt. Die literarische Darstellung dieser Spannung ist Thema des vorliegenden Buches. Eine zentrale Rolle spielt hierbei die Untersuchung von Plautus’ "Menaechmi" sowie von verschiedenen Texten der Kaiserzeit, allen voran Horaz, Martial und Juvenal. Der Verfasser präsentiert die Ergebnisse seiner Forschung und gewährt interessante Einblicke in die verschiedenen Facetten dieser Problematik bei den entsprechenden Autoren. Ob es sich um einfache Römer, ausländische Neuankömmlinge oder Dichter auf der Suche nach Muße handelt: Die diversen Sprecher dieser Texte kontrastieren ethische Maximen wie Freundschaft, innere Freiheit oder Standesbewusstsein mit dem Problem der ständigen Abhängigkeit des Klienten aus humorvoll-kritischer Perspektive. Daraus ergibt sich ein literarisches Panorama des dekadenten römischen Patronage-Systems.

Wichtige Rezensionen:
- BMCR 2020.04.42 (John Godwin)
- AnzAW 73/3 2020 (Angela Ganter)
- Gnomon 93/3 2021 (Sandra Citroni Marchetti)
- CR 71/2 2021 (Brian S. Hook)

Edizione critica a cura di Daniela Gallo e Stefano Grazzini con la collaborazione di Frédéric Duplessis
🔗 https://bit.ly/39Rurqh

Il volume, che segue l’edizione delle redazioni φ e χ degli scholia recentiora a Giovenale (Pisa, 2011-2018), rappresenta il completamento della editio princeps delle redazioni carolinge al satirico aquinate finora note. L’analisi del materiale scoliastico non riconducibile direttamente alla vulgata φχ, tràdito anche da manoscritti emersi dopo l’imponente sistemazione di Paul Wessner, ha permesso di individuare una nuova redazione λ che, pur condividendo nella prima parte ampie porzioni di testo con φ e χ, costituisce una fase esegetica cronologicamente anteriore, ma probabilmente ancora riconducibile alla figura di Remi di Auxerre e non, come pure si era pensato, al più colto e raffinato Heiric. Il suo esame consente di seguire lo sviluppo dell’esegesi altomedievale a un autore emblematico qual è Giovenale, osservando sia il filo tenue che la lega all’attività dei grammatici tardo-antichi, conservatasi negli scholia uetustiora, sia, in particolare, l’apporto robusto che essa ha fornito all’interpretazione del satirico fino all’Umanesimo avanzato.
L’edizione critica è corredata da indici dettagliati che permettono al lettore di muoversi agevolmente nella fitta trama dei commenti e fanno del volume uno strumento di consultazione efficace per chi voglia valutare l’impatto del testo di Giovenale nella tradizione scolastica del X secolo.
📚
The volume follows the publication of redactions φ and χ of the scholia recentiora on Juvenal and completes the editio princeps of the currently known Carolingian versions of the scholia. Even though the recensio λ shares significant portions of the text with φ and χ, it represents an earlier phase of exegesis, prior on a chronological level, but still attributable to
Remigius of Auxerre. A series of detailed indexes allows for an easy consultation of the extensive commentary.

This article offers a new interpretation of Juvenal’s thirteenth Satire and a call to place religion, as well as politics and poetics, at the forefront of Juvenalian interpretation. The text is typically viewed as an ironic version of a Stoic consolatio. I argue instead that both the speaker and the addressee of the poem are recognizable types: the addressee Calvinus is the victim of superstition, and the speaker is the sardonic, mocking atheist. While Plutarch clearly mediates between these two opposing figures in his De Superstitione, Juvenal dramatizes their clashing views of the gods, and the spectacle of religious argument becomes the object of satiric critique.

The Juvenal’s Satires, also because of an elliptical style often scarred by an inventive gnomic language, were the privileged field where some of the most influential magistri humanitatis operating in the second half of the 15th century could show off their philological and exegetical skills. A systematic collation between the four first-printed commentaries on Juvenal written by Angelo Sabino, Domizio Calderini, Giorgio Merula and Giorgio Valla, as well as the recollectae of the lectures on Juvenal given by Politianus at the Florence’s Studium in the academic year 1485/86 and the autographical notes by Bartholomaeus Fontius dating from the Nineties of the 15th century, let us to make clear the most meaningful philological and exegetical novelties brought to the Satires’ text by the Giorgio Valla’s commentary, which includes marks of a scholiastic tradition dating from the Late Antiquity (the so-called Probus Vallae).

Strategie del commento a testi greci e latini Atti del Convegno [Fisciano 16-18 novembre 2006] a cura di Paolo Esposito e Paola Volpe Cacciatore Rubbettino © 2008 -Università degli Studi di Salerno © 2008 -Rubbettino Editore 88049 Soveria Mannelli -Viale Rosario Rubbettino, 10 -Tel. (0968) 6664201 www.rubbettino.it 240 Les manuscrits des lexiques et glossaires de l'antiquité tardive à la fin du Moyen Âge, Actes du colloque international organisé par le «Ettore Majorana Centre for Scientific Culture», Erice, 23-30 septembre 1994, Louvain-la-neuve 1996, pp. 254-282; Ead., "Un glossaire carolingien inédit de mots rares extraits des satires de Juvénal", in C. Leonardi (a cura di), Gli umanesimi medievali, Atti del II Congresso dell'«Internationales Mittellateinerkomitee», Certosa del Galluzzo, Firenze 11-15 settembre 1993, Tavarnuzze-Impruneta-Firenze 1998, pp. 273-282. Sulla scuola di Auxerre vd. L'école carolingienne d'Auxerre. De Murethach à Remi, 830-908, Entretiens d'Auxerre 1989, publiés par D. Iogna-Prat, C. Jeudy, G. Lobrichon, préf. de G. Duby, Paris 1991. Per quanto riguarda i commenti più tardi vd. G. de Conches, Glosae in Iuvenalem, edited with introduction and notes by B. Wilson, Paris 1980 e B. Löfstedt, Vier Juvenal-Kommentare aus dem 12 Jh., Amsterdam 1995. 4 Riproduco l'apparato dell'edizione di W.V. Clausen (Oxford 1992 2 ), a cui rimando per maggiori dettagli sui testimoni: P = Montepessulanus 125; S = lemmata scholiorum quae in P et Sang. servata sunt (cioè gli scholia vetustiora); R = Parisinus 8072; Arov. = fragmenta Aroviensia; S = scholia vetustiora.

Nella Roma dell’inizio del II secolo, nell’Urbe che ha ormai consolidato la propria posizione di potenza egemone, nella grande capitale dimentica delle sue gloriose origini – dove si aggirano individui di ogni etnia, lingua, religione e costume –, un uomo vede il mondo cambiare. Con un’inquietudine che sconfina nello sdegno osserva e dipinge in versi sferzanti la disgregazione, lo svuotamento di tutto ciò che ritiene indispensabile per il vivere civile: le istituzioni romane, il senso di amicitia, il patronato artistico, la famiglia. Ovunque imperversano invece vizio e sregolatezza. Quel poeta, Giovenale, ci offre così un ritratto della società del suo tempo, a volte più vibrante di indignazione, altre più saggiamente riflessivo, altre ancora stemperato nei toni di una bonaria ironia. Ma soprattutto ci regala un’immagine dell’animo umano, con i desideri e le ambizioni che guidano il suo agire nel mondo, le ansie, le brame, il tormento del vivere quotidiano.

In this dissertation I will show that references to epic in Juvenal’s Satires, through allusions to epic subject matter or use of epic language, have a more prominent role than has often been assumed. Rather than labelling these epic elements ‘mock-epic’ or ‘epic parody’, I will examine epic references from across the Juvenalian corpus in order to build a picture of the central themes with which epic is associated in Juvenal. I do not have space to discuss every reference to epic, and so I will be selective: I have focussed on Juvenal’s use of epic in relation to the typical satirist’s themes of greed and luxury (which stand in opposition to traditionally Roman virtues). For Juvenal, those at both ends of the social hierarchy are guilty of the moral crimes of avaritia and mollitia, but in different ways. Aristocrats evoke the heroes of martial epic while engaging in no such virtuous activity, while upstart merchants and other ‘lower’ characters evoke the heroes of adventure epic, and although they embark on adventures, they are compromised either by their desire for financial gain, or by their unheroic effeminacy. In the final chapter I will explore the possibility that the epic past to which Juvenal’s characters are so desperate to lay claim holds none of the prestige it is assumed to hold: at times, Juvenal follows the topos of decline and nostalgia, idealising the past, but at others he undermines it, denigrating the past in the same way he denigrates the present. This may have ramifications for the actions of his Roman characters, removing any hopes they have of elevating themselves through epic associations.

Expanding on a short discussion in my Ph.D. dissertation, I argue in support of a 1934 paper by Ronald S. Crane that 18th century sentimentalism was unprecedented in its scope, even though inklings of sentimentalism have existed (more perhaps than Crane had allowed) throughout the history of western thought. Among the many historical figures considered are the Cambridge Platonists (notably Isaac Barrow), Hermann Boerhaave, Nahum Tate, Edward Young, Juan Luis Vives and David Hume.

This working paper was written in 2013 and posted on the Literary Interactions website maintained by Alice König at the University of St Andrews (https://arts.st-andrews.ac.uk/literaryinteractions/?page_id=4). It was later reworked in a slightly different form into 'Childhood Education and the Boundaries of Interaction: [Plutarch], Quintilian, Juvenal’, in A. König & C. Whitton, Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96-138 (Cambridge), 385-401.