Public Order Law

The Constitution (First Amendment Act), 1951 remains one of the most deeply contested changes to the Indian Constitution. This article revisits the debates in the Interim Parliament focusing on aspects related to crowd action and unrest related to the shortage of food, clothing and shelter in this period that have not received enough attention in the existing literature. The article also focuses on institutional arguments related to the role of the Provisional Parliament in relation to the Indian people and future generation of Indians.

Public Order, Private Rules:
Representations of the Crowd and Behavioural Recommendations in Italian Police Handbooks

This article aims at contributing to the debate on policing protest, focusing on police knowledge and its role in the management of public order. To this end, the article, by means of the conceptual tools provided for by critical discourse studies, examines some police handbooks. Although these textbooks allow a reader to observe only part of the whole of police knowledge and do not supply a completely realistic description of actual practices of the operators, they do show an interesting perspective on public order and its management. The police handbooks on which the article focuses express both an articulate philosophy of security and a quite clear idea of the role played by police forces in keeping public order. Moreover, they examine fieldwork procedures in depth, show detailed descriptions of crowds and their behaviours, and describe for operators the attitudes they must exhibit while performing these services. More in general, police handbooks give precious information on the discretionary power that characterizes police activities in policing protest.

This article focuses on the problems related to the freedom of circulation of default judgments in the EU judiciary space, in particular with the public order exception concerning the respect of the right of defense and fair trial in the involved proceedings.

In Italy, Marco Minniti was appointed Minister of the Interior in December 2016. Since then, he has not radically changed the norms and the policies about immigration, although he has added some original elements. Specifically, Minniti has proposed an actual “philosophy” of the immigration management, hinging on the signifiers of “order” and “security”.
The article aims to reveal this philosophy, by focusing on both its material and ideological dimensions. While the first consists of concrete policies and actions, the second has to do with the values inspiring political choices and the reasoning that justifies them. To this end, two different kinds of empirical evidence are used in the analysis: formal acts, such as laws, decrees, plans, and circulars; and discourses, contained in press conferences, public speeches, and interviews with newspapers.

L'articolo unico della l. 17 aprile 2014 n. 62, entrata in vigore il giorno immediatamente successivo, ha integralmente sostituito il testo dell'art. 416-ter c.p. (Scambio elettorale politico-mafioso). Il presente commento si prefigge di dare una prima valutazione della novella sotto il profilo dell'armonia con i principi costituzionali in materia penale e della razionalità politico-criminale. A tal fine sono esaminate le principali modifiche apportate alla fattispecie, in maniera congiunta alle problematiche applicative evidenziate dalla ultraventennale vigenza dell'incriminazione. Si cerca altresì di cogliere l'impatto sistematico del nuovo ti-po legale nel sistema penale antimafia, in particolar modo attraverso le dinamiche del suo rapporto con il concorso esterno nell'associazione di tipo mafioso. Le ragioni di una riforma La promulgazione della l. n. 64/2014 costituisce il punto di arrivo del laborioso iter della riforma che ha interessato il delitto di scambio elettorale politico mafioso (art. 416-ter c.p.) nella XVII legislatura, già più volte annunciata e procrastinata nelle legislature precedenti. La fattispecie originaria aveva infatti mostrato, sin dalla sua introduzione, una strutturale inadeguatezza -immediatamente riconosciuta dalla dottrina- tale da rendere evi-dente la discrasia tra l'esibita affermazione della volontà legislativa di reprimere il fenomeno della contiguità politico-mafiosa e l'effettivo mantenimento di una tale promessa. In questo senso, l'art. 416-ter risultava espressione paradigmatica ed estrema della «grande tendenza» rinvenibile nella legislazione penale repubblicana verso un uso simbolico della sanzione penale.

This paper looks at the response to the 1992 Los Angeles Riot for insight into the organizational factors which can contribute to the failure or shortcomings of response. An analytical model first developed to examine the causes of military defeat is applied as a means of disclosing and evaluating the impact of organizational behavior and command pathways on police actions. This paper should be viewed as a tool for stimulating improved future responses, not a criticism of individual action or non-action.

Nuova serie dei delitti e delle pene Fassin (2013), "La forza dell'ordine. Antropologia della polizia nelle periferie urbane" (La Linea). Recensione di Enrico Gargiulo 3 gennaio 2017 centrostudiricerca Rivista Ci‫ظ‬à, Police e policing, Razzismo, Recensioni, Rivista, Sicurezza, ssqc Per la sezione Recensioni di Studi Sulla Questione Criminale on-line pubblichiamo la recensione di Enrico Gargiulo (h‫ظ‬ps://unipmn.academia.edu/enricogargiulo) (Università del Piemonte Orientale) a "La forza dell'ordine. Antropologia della polizia nelle periferie urbane" di Didier Fassin. Il libro è uscito nel 2013 ed è ancora a‫ظ‬ualissimo. Una le‫ظ‬ura necessaria per comprendere certe dinamiche del controllo poliziale e della cultura di polizia, usando come esempio un'etnografia delle interazioni tra polizia e ci‫ظ‬adini considerati di serie B nelle periferie parigine. Ringraziamo Enrico Gargiulo per questo post. Buona le‫ظ‬ura!

The surveillance capacities of professional sports clubs and Leagues are directly related to their modes of governance. This paper identifies how private sports clubs enact surveillance through processes of inclusion and exclusion. Using three examples to demonstrate these processes, we argue that the surveillance mechanisms associated with sports governance at times replicate, at other times contradict, and at other times influence those associated with broader law enforcement and security developments. These examples also suggest potential increases in surveillance activities that emerge in club governance often flow from external concerns regarding allegations of crime, national security breaches and corruption. These context-specific case studies (Flyvbjerg 2001) demonstrate how surveillance and identity authentication are closely tied to the complex, multi-tiered governance structures and practices in three distinct sports. We then explore how these patterns can be interpreted as either connected to or distinct from equivalent developments involving the surveillance surge (Murakami Wood 2009) and concepts of inclusion and exclusion under the criminal law. We conclude by discussing how both internal and external regulatory forces can shape interrelated facets of surveillance, governance and exclusion in elite sports.

Con sentenza n. 24001/2014 la Corte di Cassazione italiana ha stabilito che, poiché la maternità surrogata è contraria all’ordine pubblico, il minore nato a seguito di contratto di surrogazione di maternità concluso ed eseguito all’estero non può considerarsi figlio della coppia committente ai sensi dell’ordinamento giuridico italiano e deve quindi essere dichiarato adottabile

This article concerns the internal security acts of France and Portugal as well as – in contrast – India. These states have adopted such kind of laws due to various reasons and motives. In the paper a set of factors is identified which have influenced internal security rules in the above-mentioned states.

"This paper examines an aspect of how public order offences have been used in the context of Intervention in Central Australia, and explores the question of whether the criminalisation of certain events is legitimate from a socio-legal perspective.

Public order offences are best understood, not as offences that are legitimate in themselves, but as a mechanism by which police can lawfully (but not necessarily fairly or justly) increase their powers and those of the State; this is ostensibly to facilitate the ‘maintenance of the peace’ and to pre-empt crimes. Key concepts of ‘public places’, ‘offensiveness’ and ‘social disorder’ are highly constructed, culturally contingent concepts. When these ideas are transplanted to a liminal or frontier space, their common sense appeal is destabilised, and their legitimacy becomes tenuous, particularly for those who are the new objects of such ideas.

Since the commencement of Intervention, police have been authorised to exercise unprecedented powers with respect to Aboriginal people and use an array of offences that have facilitated the suppression of resistance to Intervention and cultural assimilation, and to finally secure control of this space in which Aboriginal people have continued to exercise domain as Aboriginal people, despite Australia’s ongoing colonial project.

By reference to a case study in which an attempted Aboriginal dispute resolution process is criminalised as a ‘riot’, this paper examines the early impacts of the use of public order offences and its object to suppress cultural practices, including increased political resistance to Intervention through deliberate flaunting of public order offences, lawlessness (where successful suppression of tribal practices results not in embrasure of mainstream values and practices but instead creates a vacuum where no social constraints operate), an exacerbation of the cycle of criminalisation and victimisation of Aboriginal people, and the possibility that tribal dispute resolution processes are withdrawing to spaces where Aboriginal people remain sovereign.

The surveillance capacities of professional sports clubs and Leagues are directly related to their modes of governance. This paper identifies how private sports clubs enact surveillance through processes of inclusion and exclusion. Using three examples to demonstrate these processes, we argue that the surveillance mechanisms associated with sports governance at times replicate, at other times contradict, and at other times influence those associated with broader law enforcement and security developments. These examples also suggest potential increases in surveillance activities that emerge in club governance often flow from external concerns regarding allegations of crime, national security breaches and corruption. These context-specific case studies (Flyvbjerg 2001) demonstrate how surveillance and identity authentication are closely tied to the complex, multi-tiered governance structures and practices in three distinct sports. We then explore how these patterns can be interpreted ...

Sul sapere di polizia e sulle sue ambiguità lavoroculturale.org/dieci-anni-ordine-pubblico/ Una lettura ragionata del volume "Dieci anni di ordine pubblico". Presentato nella sede istituzionale della Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri il 27 ottobre 2015, il volume Dieci anni di ordine pubblico. Focus sulle manifestazioni politiche -sindacali -sportive (Roma, Eurilink, 2015) si pone l'obiettivo di tracciare il bilancio di una decade di gestione delle piazze e degli stadi mettendo a disposizione del lettore «elementi oggettivi di conoscenza» (p. 26). Più in dettaglio, il libro curato da Armando Forgione [1], Roberto Massucci[2] e Nicola Ferrigni[3] -i primi, alti gradi della polizia; il terzo, ricercatore sociale -fornisce un'analisi socio-statistica, ossia basata sui dati quantitativi prodotti principalmente dall'Ufficio Ordine Pubblico e dal Centro Nazionale di Informazione sulle Manifestazioni Sportive (CNIMS), relativa a diversi tipi di eventi collettivi.

The Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) is the informal, privately run body that manages the Domain Name System. ICANN recently expanded the top level of domain names by launching the new generic Top-Level Domain (gTLD) Programme and it has already introduced more than 1,000 gTLDs into the DNS (for example, '.CHURCH', '.HEALTH'). This programme is expected to have a great impact on how Internet users search and experience the web in the future. The public(like) nature of ICANN's operation and the global ramifications of its decisions raise accountability and legitimacy concerns. In order to address some of these concerns, ICANN decided to protect certain interests and rights within the new gTLD programme by providing the opportunity for third parties to submit an objection to gTLD applications on specific grounds, including a limited public interest objection. This paper concerns the limited public interest objection, according to which an applied-for gTLD string will not be registered if it is found to be contrary to generally accepted legal norms of morality and public order recognised under the principles of international law. The paper shows that the LPI objection is notable for three reasons. First, it aims to protect the interests of the global Internet community and not merely private interests; second, ICANN introduced an international legal standard to evaluate the applied-for strings; and third, a novel institution has been created to support the limited public interest objection: the Independent Objector acting solely in the best interests of the general public. Interestingly, Professor Alain Pellet served as the Independent Objector from 2012 to 2014. The paper argues that the Independent Objector is a novel mechanism with the potential to enhance ICANN's responsiveness to the global public interest. Although international lawyers have now started to pay attention to Internet governance bodies when discussing global governance, ICANN is very often excluded from these discussions due to its complexity and specificity. The discussion draws insights on the feasibility and desirability of the objection and the Independent Objector as means to remedy a gap in global governance. The analysis critically assesses how the Independent Objector has developed the limited public interest objection and evaluates the potential and limitations of international law for articulating and protecting the public interest at a global level. The paper concludes by making a series of recommendations with a view to improving the future implementation of this mechanism.

ID scanners are promoted as an effective solution to the problems of anti-social behavior and violence in many urban nighttime economies. However, the acceptance of this and other forms of computerized surveillance to prevent crime and anti-social behavior is based on several unproven assumptions. After
outlining what ID scanners are and how they are becoming a normalized precondition of entry into one Australian nighttime economy, this chapter demonstrates how technology is commonly viewed as the key to preventing crime despite recognition of various problems associated with its adoption. The implications of technological determinism amongst policy makers, police, and crime prevention theories are then critically assessed in light of several issues that key informants talking about the value of ID scanners fail to mention when applauding their success. Notably, the broad, ill-defined, and confused  notion of “privacy” is analyzed as a questionable legal remedy for the growing problems of überveillance.

In recent years, a growing emphasis has been placed on the use of zonal banning to address violence and anti-social behaviour associated with alcohol consumption. While we recognise the longer historical links between territory and crime, this article focuses on recent efforts to govern territory through new zonal regulations. Recent processes in Australia involve the conflation criminal law principles with processes of managing order in and around private spaces through new administrative approaches to alcohol-related law enforcement. The article outlines the nature of sub-sovereign ‘police laws’ and the extent to which they have been used based on Victorian data. We conclude by suggesting these developments need ongoing critical scrutiny given evidence of the ongoing expansion of proprietary-based principles in the management of urban disorder, and the potential for these developments to promote the increased use of surveillance technologies to exclude undesirable populations from the night-time economies of Australian cities.

Computerised ID scanning technologies have permeated many urban night-time economies in Australia, the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom. This paper documents how one media organisation’s overt and tacit approval of ID scanners helped to normalise this form of surveillance as a precondition of entry into most licensed venues in the Australian city of Geelong. After outlining how processes of governance “from above” and “from below” interweave to generate distinct political and media demands for strategies to prevent localised crime problems, a chronological reconstruction of media reports over a three-and-a half year period demonstrates how ID scanning became the centrepiece of a holistic reform strategy to combat alcohol-related violence in this nightclub precinct. Several discursive techniques helped to normalise this “technological fix”, while suppressing critical discussion of viable concerns over information privacy, data security and system networking. These included pairing reports of an initial “signal crime” with examples of “virtual victimhood” to stress the urgency of a radical surveillance-based response, which was supported by anecdotal statements from key “primary definers” highlighting the success of this initiative in targeting a wider population of antisocial “others”. The implications of these reporting practices are discussed in light of the media’s central role in reforming the Geelong night-time economy and broader trends in using novel surveillance technologies to combat urban crime problems at the expense of alternative measures that protect individual liberty

il lavoro culturale ISSN 2384-9274 L'Idra dalle molte teste: le folle nel sapere di polizia lavoroculturale.org /le-folle-nel-sapere-di-polizia/ Conoscere le soggettività sociali con cui si trova quotidianamente a interagire è un'attività strategica per la polizia.

""Public order became significant at the end of the period of the Roman Republic. Ongoing civil wars, all kinds of formal and informal gathering, as well as organized crime led to growing problems of public order. In this social context, Roman legislator issued several laws containing provisions against the use of force in public places, including the use of offensive weapons (telum) or resistant (arma). The beginning of this series include lex Caluprnia (149 BC). The most important of these laws was the lex Iulia de vi
publica. The subject of legal protection was public order. The Act provided penalties and countertypes. Violence and using weapon were described as crimen de vi. In the second century BC, permanent tribunal (quaestio) has been appointed entitled to settle cases of unlawful use of force.

Porządek publiczny stał się wartością w okresie końca republiki rzymskiej. Toczące się wojny domowe, wszelkiego rodzaju zgromadzenia formalne i  nieformalne, a  także narastająca przestępczość zorganizowana powodowały zaburzenia porządku publicznego. W  tym kontekście społecznym rzymski ustawodawca wydał kilka ustaw zawierających przepisy przeciwko stosowaniu siły w miejscach publicznych, w tym z użyciem broni zaczepnej (telum) czy odpornej (arma). Za początek tej serii ustaw należy zaliczyć lex Caluprnia (149 przed Chr.). Najważniejszym jednak z tych aktów prawnych była lex Iulia de vi publica. Przedmiotem ochrony prawnej był porządek publiczny. W ustawie zostały przewidziane sankcje karne oraz kontratypy. Przestępstwo użycia przemocy oraz broni było określane jako crimen de vi. Już w II w. przed Chr. został powołany stały trybunał (quaestio) uprawniony do rozstrzygania przypadków bezprawnego użycia siły. ""