Song Dynasty

The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art's Illustration to the Second Prose Poem on the Red Cliff, attributed to Qiao Zhongchang, has been long celebrated as a major achievement of early Chinese literati painting. Nevertheless, the lifelike portraiture of Su Shi and the depiction of an actual site, as well as the contemporary colophons, all point to a memorial function for the scroll. The early provenance of this handscroll indicates that Liang Shicheng, the eunuch at Emperor Huizong's court, was the one who commissioned it. The painting bears witness to the appropriation of the Li Gonglin style in the late Northern Song court.

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In the past, researchers who studied ceramics tended to focus on the imitation of marbled ware in the pattern, or to incorporate it into the lead-glazed pottery system to be discussed. Research focused on marbled ware is relatively rare so far, and the value of historical data is still potential to be explored. In addition, in the newly unearthed archaeological information in recent years, marbled ware is widely found in tombs and ruins in East Asia. However, the use of this batch of materials and the export route have not been systematically studied.

In this research, we will first investigate the unearthed materials and related documents, then organize the marbled ware collections of museums in various countries to build a systematic research database. Furthermore, by comparing the styles of each type, this research will try to illustrate the relationship between the production time period and evolution of each type of marbled ware.

After sorting out the basic information of marbled ware in the Tang and Song dynasties, this article will also study the foreign trade status of marbled ware, the class of users and the group of sponsors, and its special significance in religion and political rights. By comprehensively analyzing the historical information revealed by marbled ware, this research will try to restore its context of use during the Tang and Song Dynasties.

Özet Fahri KAYHAN* Yapmış olduğum bu çalışmada Çin'i tamamen hâkimiyet altına almış ve Moğol bölgesiyle Çin'i birleştirerek burada Yuan İmparatorluğu kurmayı başaran Moğol Han'ı Kubilay'ın dönemi incelenmiştir. Orta Asya'da adından uzun dönem söz ettiren Kubilay, Moğolları yağmacı bir toplum olmaktan çıkarmaya çalışarak bir medeniyet haline getirmek için uğraş vermiştir. Çin kültürüne olan hayranlığı ve kendini aynı zamanda bir Çin imparatoru olarak görmesi, göçer Moğollar tarafından kötü karşılanmış ve onun karşısında her zaman muhalif bir kesimin durmasına sebep olmuştur. Tüm bunları yaparken kendi Moğol kimliğini de kaybetmemiş ve Çinlileşmemek amacıyla önemli mevkilere Moğolları ve farklı etnik kökenden insanları getirmiştir. Yaşamı boyunca vermiş olduğu meşruiyet sorunu onu kötü etkilemiş ve sürekli kendini kanıtlamak amacıyla savaşmasına neden olmuştur. Özellikle yaşının ilerlediği dönemlerde bu kaygı onu yanlış tercihlere itmiş ve devletin mali yönden zayıf düşmesine sebebiyet vermiştir. Kubilay Han'ı Avrupalılara tanıtan ünlü gezgin Marco Polo'dur. Polo, Han'ın yakınında olması ve Moğol ülkesinde kendisinin iddia ettiği üzere bazı önemli görevlerde bulunması onun hakkında birçok bilgi edinmesini sağlamıştır. Ayrıca dönem hakkında İranlı tarihçi olan Reşüdüddin' de seyahatnamesinde önemli bilgiler verir. Çalışmamda Kubilay'ın muhaliflerine karşı verdiği mücadele, Ulu Han olmadan önceki dönemi, yapmış olduğu seferler, Çin'i hakimiyet altına alışı ve dinlerle yaşadığı münasebetler ayrıntılı olarak ele alınmıştır.

This article explores the literary genre of Buddhist bell inscriptions in Song Dynasty China and discusses them in the broader context of Song ‘bell culture.’ These inscriptions were written to commemorate the casting of a temple bell – an event of major significance for both the temple and the surrounding community – and therefore tended to be commissioned from famous writers and influential officials. Close reading of these inscriptions reveals that the prevailing image of Buddhist bells was shaped by both Song academic interest in bells as the preferred musical instruments of ancient rulers and a firm belief that tolling bells helped to advance Buddhist teaching. Some authors even insisted that the bell itself embodied the Buddhist principle of emptiness.

北宋神宗朝因应内外政治局势之需，更革时弊，振举朝政，呈现出与前几朝不同的时代气象。表面上这是延续仁宗朝一些士大夫意图“有为”的主张，但实则接续前朝的努力而有了新的政治内涵。神宗在王安石的协助下，在目标和内容上明确了此前尚且模糊的“有为”或“大有为”的政治主张，但君相二人对“大有为”目标及侧重均有不同。在具体实践过程中，伴随着熙丰之际君相关系的变化，“大有为”之政的施行方式由君相共治而行独断转为神宗独断理政。“大有为”及其施政方式有助于突破困境，推进改革，但也带来新的问题，对此后朝政产生了深刻影响。

This paper addresses the status of artists at the imperial court during the early Northern Song dynasty, from the second half of the X century to the middle of the XI century. The problem of the status of court artists illuminates the polarization of the artistic world of the Song. Connoisseurial texts of the late XI and XII centuries adopted the view of an artistic world polarized along lines of social status and profession. Although artists serving at court in the Department of Painting held nominal status as court officials, Song connoisseurs considered them as belonging to the ranks of professional painters, distinct from scholars and other officials who produced paintings. This classification continues to dominate contemporary scholarship. The origin of the social polarization, however, has not been fully explored. This paper explores the historical basis for the commonly accepted division of the artistic world of the Song into officials and professional artists. The author suggests that this division did not occur, as scholarship has often argued with the rise of the literati-painters in the second half of the XI century. Rather, the division took place over a much longer period of time. The court’s decision to limit the privileges available to the institutions that employed technical specialists (including artists) in the first half of the XI century played a key role in the decline of the status of court artists.  The contextualization of court artists within the bureaucratic system of the Song government provides crucial insights into their status at court. The jishuguan, or court technical specialists did not belong to the main body of ranked officials, but could receive honorific titles, dignities, prestige titles and other forms of promotion. As Song sources demonstrate, some of the court artists serving during the reign of the first Song emperor Taizong (967–997) received many official privileges, including minor administrative posts in local government.  However, as the bureaucratic system of the Song government grew and became more mature, the court tried to separate technical personnel from dedicated administrative officials. Imperial decrees and other historical sources demonstrate that both during and after the Zhenzong (998–1021) period, the court pursued a policy of limiting privileges enjoyed by the jishuguan. The growing distance between narrowly specialized court experts on the one hand and government officials on the other became one of the pre-conditions for the polarization of the artistic world along the axis of social status in the second part of the XI century.

提要：北宋末洪芻（1066-1127？）所編香譜，實乃增修北宋中葉沈立《香譜》而成，原名《香後譜》。其主體部分，徽宗崇寧三年（1104）已近完成，時當洪氏中年。受舅父黃庭堅株連，洪芻捲入崇寧黨禁二十餘年，繼而靖康失節。洪譜因之禁毀散佚，存世者無不錯漏淆亂。南宋初曾慥《類說》所據洪譜之舊鈔祖本，迥異且遠早於南宋末左圭《百川學海》所據洪譜之祖本。百川本的四部架構「品、異、事、法」缺亂，據宋元之際陳敬、陳浩卿父子《新纂香譜》繼承的隱含架構，可恢復洪譜原有的五部分類，即香之「品、異、法、事、文」。洪譜卷帙相應為五卷，非百川本的上下兩卷。洪譜原有篇幅，遠較百川本147條鴻富。據類說本及《郡齋讀書志》等，可新輯22條並洪芻自撰短跋1則。

關鍵詞：北宋、洪芻、《香後譜》、《類說》、《新纂香譜》、版本、輯佚

Abstract: Hong Chu (1066-1127?), a scholar-official in the Northern Song Dynasty, compiled an encyclopedia of incense during the final years of the dynasty. His encyclopedia revised and expanded the entities of the previous The Encyclopedia of Incense compiled by Shen Li in the middle period of the dynasty. Hong thus titled his book “The Updated Version”. It can be estimated that Hong, at his middle age, had already finished the major part of the Encyclopedia by 1104. Unfortunately, as a nephew of Huang Tingjian, Hong had been entangled in the Factional Conflict for more than two decades. He had never got his work printed because his uncle suffered political persecutions. Hong was reportedly “conducting improperly” when the Jurchens were invading Capital Bian Liang. As a result, the court banned Hong’s works and destroyed the manuscripts. Only a few texts have survived history while all of them are in disorder and plagued with mistakes. Some contents of the Encyclopedia can be found in Zeng Zao’s book of digest Leishuo and Zuo Gui’s collection of books Baichuan Xuehai. This study proves that the two must have excerpted from different versions of the original manuscripts. While the former was published in the first half of the 12th century, the latter appeared about 100 years later when Song Dynasty was about to collapse. According to Baichuan Xuehai, the 2 fascicles Encyclopedia falls into four categories: “The Species” (pin品), “The Miracles” (yi異), “The Anecdotes” (shi事), and “The Formulas” (fa法). However, the entries excerpted in Baichuan Xuehai were incomplete, and the contents were in disorder. The study shows that there should be five, rather than four, categories in Hong’s Encyclopedia, and the fifth should be the “The Verses”(wen文). Thus the Encyclopedia should have 5 fascicles and the number of its entries would be much higher than 147 that have been included in Baichuan Xuehai. The study has also gleaned additional 22 entries quoted by Leishuo and Junzhai Dushu Zhi (Abstracts and Brief Introductions of the Collections of Library Junzhai). Moreover, Hong Chu was found to compose a short Epilogue for the Encyclopedia. (Translated by Ms. CHEN Yuexi)

Keywords: The Northern Song Dynasty, Hong Chu, The Updated Version of the Encyclopedia of Incense, A New Version of the Encyclopedia of Incense, Edition, Finding Lost Contents.

Wang Anshi (1021–1086) is well known as one of the greatest statesmen of classical China, but it is rarely recognized that his 1058 ‘Wan Yan Shu’ is one of the first texts of public management in the modern sense. This is because Wang addressed still current concerns of a civil service—selection, training, motivation, remuneration—often presenting solutions that are completely in line with today’s perspectives. Wang’s work is particularly relevant now given the current global state of public management—post-NPM but with no clear new paradigm having emerged.

The heritage of artifacts requires long lasting constructing and sculpting on the part of promoters to be established as a paradigm. These promoters are usually neglected through history, but they played an important role in how people in later periods interpret the image and figure of a paradigm. In the process of establishing a paradigm, the way of preserving and inheriting can be the most vital thing that needs to dealt with, no matter the promoter or the researcher. The family members and close friends of the artist were doubtless often the first and most indispensable characters for researchers to consider.
The present study focuses on Mi Fu’s (1051-1107) family as an example. By researching Mi Fu’s family members and their activities, we can not only know about Mi Fu’s ancestors and their environment but also how the descendants of Mi Fu collected and organized his heritage. The descendants of Mi Fu regarded Mi Fu as the centre of their family culture, which simultaneously established Mi Fu’s image and tradition. The assiduous efforts of Mi Youren (1074-1151) are well known due to his calligraphy and painting style inherited from Mi Fu, and so was his connoisseurship for Song Gaozong (1107-1187, r. 1127-1162). Similar activities were continuous till Mi Fu’s great grandson. The endeavors of Mi Fu’s descendants included collecting Mi Fu’s calligraphies and verse, book publishing, epitaph carving, and calligraphy style learning. All of these were intended to preserve and propagate Mi Fu’s artworks that were scattered during the Jingkang Incident. The Mi family constructed Mi Fu’s image based on their family tradition and memories by means of these efforts. The fruitful results have had a prodigious and unremitting influence on how people interpreted Mi Fu, which is worth of researching and emphasizing.

作為宋代以來佛、道教濟幽科儀最主要的薦拔對象，孤魂並非一開始就出現的。“孤魂”一詞的被選定以及孤魂概念與類型的形成，歷時漫長，過程複雜，也是道教消化與應對佛教“餓鬼”觀念衝擊的一個最終結果。而在道教創造出孤魂概念之後，佛教水陸儀在延續餓鬼救濟的同時，也將孤魂納入其賑濟序列，儘管在適用中也存在一些觀念上的衝突和表達上的困境。而最值得注意的是，孤魂在佛、道教幽科中被按照社會身份予以分類，包括十類以上，反映齊同慈愛的關懷。同時，作為幽科服務的提供者，僧、道二類也被列入孤魂，反映對修行者遭遇死亡的正視與應對。

This article seeks to reconstruct the implicit epistemic assumptions that shaped descriptions of visuality and vision in three mid-eleventh-century collections of painters' biographies-Liu Daochun's 劉道醇 (fl. 1050-1060) Shengchao minghua ping 聖朝名畫評 (c. 1057) and Wudai minghua buyi 五代名畫補遺 (1059), and Guo Ruoxu's 郭若虛 (c. 1041-c. 1098) Tuhua jianwen zhi 圖畫見聞志 (c. 1074). Through a close reading of these texts, which record how these two Northern Song literati viewed and recalled paintings both lost and extant, this article will explain how they imagined the processes of visual perception and memory to function. Liu and Guo's written descriptions of the experiences of observers viewing paintings, and of painters viewing and painting pictorial subject matter, provide evidence of two distinctive understandings of visuality that involved both optical visualization in the present and mentalized visions in memory. For Liu and Guo, writing about viewing paintings reactivated the experience of seeing for themselves, which involved reconstituting images from their own visual memories, or describing other observers'-as well as visual experiences from a further remove. By analyzing these corpora of painters’ biographies, we can understand more than just the critical apparatus of connoisseurship at its formative stage. More important, we can reconstruct how Liu and Guo represented these acts of seeing, and what kinds of visual experiences and qualities they chose to remember and record. Liu and Guo articulated three types of visuality: the experience of viewing paintings firsthand, the mimetic abilities of painters to convey the life-likeness or form-likeness of painted subjects, and the capacity of painted images to induce mentalized visions of augmented realities. By revealing how textuality, visuality, and materiality were interconnected, this article demonstrates how these two writers presented distinctive and divergent conceptions of the visual experience of viewing and creating paintings.

These maps are designed to be used along with Li Qingzhao's Epilogue to "Records on Metal and Stone" (Jinshilu), a good translation of which can be found in Stephen Owen's Anthology of Chinese Literature. The excellent base map is again by Ian Mladjov. Please e-mail me if you notice any errors.

Map 1: The geopolitical situation ante bellum.
Map 2: The Jurchen conquest of the Liao and the unsuccessful Song attempts at capturing Yan (Beijing) from the Liao.
Map 3: The Jurchen conquest of the Song capital, following the breakdown of the Song-Jin alliance, and Li Qingzhao's flight to the south with her husband Zhao Mingcheng.
Map 4: Li Qingzhao's journey to Zhao's deathbed in Hangzhou (Lin'an).
Map 5: The Jurchen raiding expedition of 1129-1130, Song Gaozong's flight to sea, and the beginning of Yelu Dashi's western expedition to reestablish the Liao in Central Asia.
Map 6: Li Qingzhao's efforts to evade the Jurchen raiding expedition of 1129-1130, which culminate with her joining Gaozong's court at sea.
Map 7: The origins of the Jurchen-installed puppet state of Qi (1130-1137) and the Qara Khitai (Western Liao); Li Qingzhao's return to Hangzhou; Jin conquest of Shaanxi and Gansu.
Map 8: The state of Qi is expanded westward and southward; Yue Fei's campaigns in 1134-1135; Jin abolishes Qi in 1137 and begins negotiating peace with Southern Song.
Map 9: Borders established by the Song-Jin treaties of 1138 and 1141; 1140 Jin attempts at retaking territory ceded to the Song in 1138; Yue Fei's 1140 counter-attack on the Jin, eventually aborted on imperial orders.

[Revised 7/14/2018]

This essay addresses why poetry is a privileged means of expressing Zen Buddhist dialectics by analyzing Hongzhi Zhengjue’s (1091-1157) verses on the “Five Ranks.” Hongzhi’s poetry synthesizes ultimate and conventional truths in a performative manner by crafting multiple layers of non-dual meaning within conventional, dualistic language.

This article argues that diplomacy of imperial China was not only carried out under the tribute system with sinocentric assumptions, but also practiced with multiple patterns and traditions, reflecting its adaptation to changes in external environment. During the Song Dynasty (960 - 1279 AD), Chinese diplomacy, under threats from the Liao, Xixia and Jin, was implemented with flexibility and pragmatism which resulted in the Song survival for three centuries.

The relationships between dao(道) and wen (文) (or the Way and literary
form) was one of the key issues during the development history of Tang andSong’s classical prose. Zhu Xi(朱熹) corrected the theoretical flaws of NorthernSong’s Confucian moralists with the idea that “literariness originates from theWay.” He thus established a writing theory comparable to those proposed byliterary giants of the past. Yet, how is this theory realized in his own writing?This is the main concern of this article.
Ji (記) is one of the most popular Song prose genres. Most classical prosewriters in Northern Song tried their best to create and invent new writing ideasfor ji, making this genre of prose one of the richest of those practiced in theSong dysnasty. However, in terms of quantity, Zhu Xi wrote the most ji in theSong dynasty. This is interesting when the literary inclination of the ji genre istaken into consideration.
Discussion is presented based on five categories of ji. Through the
comparison of content differences between Zhu Xi’s and those written duringNorthern Song, this article attempts to define the characteristics of Zhu Xi’s jiand identify how he implemented his theory in practical writing.
Keywords: ji􀩃, Zhu Xi 􀑦􁍸, Song dynasty, writing, the Way, classical prose

In the past, academic circles paid more attention to the local kiln production and the trade status of its export porcelain in the research of Fujian ceramics in the Song Dynasty. This article mainly focuses on the investigation of the ceramics unearthed from the Song tombs in Fujian, and then analyzes the local residents' color selection tendency on glazed porcelain, and will pay special attention to the role of Qingbai Ware in it.

The thesis submitted for Candidate of Philology degree. Specialty 10.01.04 – Literature of Foreign Countries. – Oles’ Honchar Dnipropetrovsk National University, Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, Dnipropetrovsk, 2015.
The outstanding Chinese poet Li Qingzhao (1084–1155?) occupies a leading place in China’s literary and cultural history. However, her writings have never been the subject of comprehensive monographic research in either Russian or Ukrainian literary scholarship.  This thesis focuses on the evolution of her wring style and its genre specificity, covering her 64 extant ci-poems in the context of the life events conveyed in her autobiographical essay “Postface to a Catalogue on Bronze and Stone Inscriptions” (“金石錄後序”) and with reference to her poetic principles formulated in her theoretical essay “On Song Lyrics” (“詞論”). For a long time, the ci genre (詞 or 曲子詞) had been on the sidelines of the classic shi poetry (詩) – the most influential genre during the Tang dynasty – and it reached its apex as a poetic form only in the Song dynasty (960–1279). It still remains one of the least studied poetic genres in the history of Chinese literature. The comprehensive analysis of the great number of historical and literary sources reveals two approaches to the study of ci. One shares the idea of ci as “song lyrics” (曲子詩), as it appears in the late Tang: “music is first, the words are later” «因聲度詞» / «依調填詞». The other approaches ci as a textual phenomenon: «the words are first, music is later» («以樂從詞» / «選詞配樂»). Since most of the original melodies had been lost during the Southern Song dynasty, many insoluble problems concerning the historical and literary interpretation of ci were set forth.
The analysis of Li Qingzhao’s artistic achievement within the poetic tradition of Tang and Song writings and with a view on generic transformation of ci-poems gives grounds to divide her artistic development into two stages: early (1098–1108) – profoundly molded by techniques of traditional Chinese poetry – and mature (1108–1155) less mechanical, more pervasive and genuinely personal. Li Qingzhao introduced a new theme for ci poetry – an expat longing for her motherland, projecting her physical self of a poet, realizing the limits of the poetic language. It is impossible to separate her life from her poetry. It can hardly be disputed that she introduced the lyric element into conventional ci-genre, creating the lyric with strong personal engagement, revealing her personal troubles as a lonely widow as well as a talented and disillusioned poet. The analysis manifests that her genre innovations lie in overcoming the limits and conventions of the genre, legitimating the Self of a poet in her distinctive personal style – Yi’an style (易安體). The analysis of her lyrical poetry outlines her personal presence, the essential oneness of her grief and love experience. The lyric presence is a state of her intensely personal feelings and concerns.
The thesis contributes to the existing body of knowledge about Li Qingzhao’s achievement as a poet and as an early poetologist. Besides it initiates the theoretical study of personal self-expression in the Chinese medieval poetry opening up a poetic latitude where Li Qingzhao’s ci-poems loom large.
Key words: Li Qingzhao, ci-poem, shi-poem, melody, lyric poetry, lyrical self, lyricism, personal, autobiographical, subjectivity, genre, style.

Дисертація на здобуття наукового ступеня кандидата філологічних наук зі спеціальності 10.01.04 – література зарубіжних країн. – Дніпропетровський національний університет імені Олеся Гончара Міністерства освіти і науки України, Дніпропетровськ, 2015.
У дисертації вперше здійснено філологічний аналіз усього корпусу лірики Лі Цінчжао (64 ци), виявлено теоретичні та історико-літературні проблеми розвитку ліричних жанрів ши та ци в китайській літературі середньовіччя, простежено етапи творчої еволюції поетеси в аспекті жанрово-стильових пошуків та знахідок, роль її трактату-поетики «Роздуми про ци» в розумінні нових завдань жанру ци.
Аналіз ліричних особистісних ци Лі Цінчжао крізь призму теоретичних і загальноестетичних проблем жанру і стилю дозволив актуалізувати низку перспективних літературознавчих завдань, пов’язаних з подоланням вузькості трактувань і змістового дефіциту в розумінні її творчості.
Ключові слова: Лі Цінчжао, жанр ци, жанр ши, мелодія, лірика, ліричне «я», ліризм, особистісність, автобіографізм, суб’єктивність, жанр, стиль.

すみません。「口絵」「目次」「はじめに(方法論)」「中文摘要」のみです。
This book examines the processes that led to the formation of the history of paintings in China’s Northern Song dynasty, focusing on the Three Libraries and Imperial Archives, the public agencies established during the Northern Song era to collect and exhibit cultural artifacts. The book questions the significance of the existence and function of these artifacts, which collectively can be said to have constituted one of the most fundamental institutions of Chinese society. It also examines the overall process by which these objects “travel” (focusing on their history of exchange) and how their forms and significance transform. It explains the history of these artifacts as woven by the relationship between humanity and works of art from the perspectives of both human self-awareness and historical awareness. Therefore, this book casts a wide net and explores paintings, calligraphy, rubbings and writings, Buddha statues, Buddhist relics, and bronzeware. It also examines the processes by which these artifacts are produced, collected, and exhibited to the public; these are processes that reconstruct the significance of the referenced culture. Furthermore, the book clarifies the significance of the setting that produced these artifacts—the Northern Song court, which reigned as the center of the East Asian world during its heyday—as well as the significance of the circulation of these artifacts throughout the world.
 
In studying the history of Northern Song paintings—one of the landmark achievements of Chinese art—the book uses as its foundation the stylistic approach conventionally taken by art history, but it confronts cultural artifacts as objects, not art. This approach allows the book to identify for the first time the processes by which objects that have previously been scattered and disconnected come together and create meaning. This is the focus of the first half of the book; the second half is devoted to an investigation of the processes by which these artifacts lose the settings that provide them with meaning, are subsequently cast out into society, and are then attributed new meaning in new communities. The Northern Song court was forever lost following the Jingkang Incident, but many of its cultural artifacts lived on. Once the settings that give artifacts meaning are lost, these artifacts are jettisoned into society, discovered in the future by new recipients, and conferred new meanings handed down by a variety of communities. The book’s foremost and most consistent concern, however, is examining not only the significance appended to these objects by their artists at the time of their creation but also the significance handed down to them in human societies and the processes by which significance is created. That is the reason behind the book’s title: The Formation of the History of Northern Song Painting.
 
In truth, this book strongly reflects the author’s experiences related to working at a museum. Through collecting, preserving, researching, and exhibiting artifacts, a curator is constantly posing questions to society regarding these objects and their significance. The book examines how cultural artifacts were distributed in the Chinese imperial court during the Northern Song Dynasty; in its conclusion, however, it discusses how exhibiting these same artifacts in present-day museums creates new meaning for them. Humans create objects, hand them down, and use them to create communities. What, then, is the nature of humans whose talents are put to work in this process? In the future, how will objects and human societies shape and give each other meaning? These are the questions we must continually ask ourselves from now onwards.

《北宋繪畫史的成立》
中文摘要
　　本書考察的是「文物」的歷史。「文物」的概念，是指某件「物品」，與人類社會接觸時產生了意義。因此，近代以來形成的「美術」，與本書指稱的「文物」，表面看起來一樣，實際上有著全然不同的內容。
　　在中國，以首都和宮廷為中心構成廣大的宇宙。歷代文物又以皇帝為中心被收集、展示、保管，文物各自有著重要的意義，在傳統社會中運作。可以說這是中國文物之所以能夠促使社會成立，最為根源的一個制度。因此敘述文物的歷史，同時也是敘述支持文物的社會、人類的歷史。本書首先提出的課題，即是以「文物」來看「美術」，探討其在社會中存在的意義。
　　本書的另一項課題，是以交流史為連接點，將物品移動、改變形式與意義的過程視為一個整體，記述由人類與作品關連性交織出的文物歷史。文物因被置於交流的場所，得以擴大、變化其意義。正是在不同人類社群間「交流」，物品的「文物」性質得以充分發揮，這樣的「場域」可謂至為重要。
　　過去岡倉天心曾謂，新出現的外來美術猶如一波波湧向海岸的波浪，向日本源源不絕地流入與受容，以此比喻日本美術史的形成。此「受容」與「創造」的連環運動所形成的文化史結構，是美術史在具歷史學性質，追究作品成立的歷史條件之餘，不可或缺的命題。然而另一方面也產生有趣的問題：交流的「主體」為何呢？此文化的主體論，與近代國民國家的概念深深結合，導致近代日本美術史學的形成。其探討的方向，是從過去全部的「物品」中選出優秀的「美術」品，以此「名品」為主，去述說以國家與民族為中心關於美的意識變遷。結果是在無意識中設定了「日本」與「中國」為文化主體，由影響、被影響，能動、被動間的固定關係說明歷史的展開。然而
如此侷限於主體的存在，無法涉入所謂物品的移動與意義的變化，此一更為複雜重層的空間進行論述。
　　基於這樣的考量，1990 年代以來，日本的美術史學會開始大幅進行方法論的反省。一是重視美術史於近代成立的問題，二是「日本美術史」嘗試使用「東亞」的架構，超越「一國史」，導向更自由、廣域的美術史觀。
　　美術作品的構成大致可分為兩項要素，一是「造型」（形式），二是「意義」（內容），藉多樣的物質和空間構成，醞釀出感動人心的美。研究者要如何面對這樣複雜的「交流」空間，與從中大量留存的物品呢。本書並非以近代「國家」的架構，或國民國家特有「美的意識變遷」為探索的視點，而是將物品移動且「交流的空間」視為整體，作為探討的出發點。整體存在的「物品」如何被賦予意義，意即作為「文物」，在人類社群中如何形成、運作、變化，以如此「物品」和「人i類社群」交互關係存在的空間為視野，進行考察。
　　針對這樣的課題，本書企圖將焦點置於以北宋為中心存在的三館秘閣。過去中國美術史研究中，雖然已知「秘閣」與「皇帝收藏」的存在，但僅將其視為作品的「倉庫」或作品權威性的所在，其收藏至今仍是觀眾眼前的珍品，被當作過去權力者奢華的象徵。關於其社會性的功能，缺乏深入的考察。不過，正是此「天子的庫藏」，意即此收藏的存在，與眾多為其服務的人類活動，至今繼續促成語言與物品的兩相交會，成為意義不絕的根源。
　　本書不單是以中國「皇帝收藏的歷史」為研究對象，而是追究收藏活動與作品、作者的關係，思考對此進行管理的人類自我意識與歷史意識的問題。由收藏活動產生的作品，應與這樣的意識有密切關係。本書並加入東亞交流的視點，考察其在東亞地域的意義和變化。藉此得以探討物品跨地域移動，形成地域新的價值觀與共同體，如此多面的魅力。
　　一般而言，近代為「古物」向「美術」轉化的時期。這是置於國民國家的架構下，在博物館、大學、美術史家三者的連結中，由所有者・觀者將古物重新編列，向國民、大眾呈現的過程。本論文企圖超越這樣的近代經驗，復原「文物」原本在「交流」的空間中，至今已遺失、豐饒的世界觀。本書各章的構成，如以下所述。

This dissertation proposes a new framework for understanding changing Chinese ideas about barbarians (Yi-Di) and barbarism during the Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1276) periods. Much previous scholarship has drawn a sharp contrast between what is characterized as a “cosmopolitan” early Tang period (618–755) and the growing xenophobic ethnocentrism ascribed to the late Tang (756–907) and Song periods. I argue that this view underestimates the importance of ethnocentric tropes in early Tang political rhetoric and also overlooks the emergence of a new and arguably less ethnocentric interpretation of the classical Chinese-barbarian dichotomy in the late Tang and Song. This new interpretation originated as a rhetorical trope in the ninth century before developing into a true philosophical concept in the eleventh, the key figures in this process being the polemicist Han Yu (768–824) and the Daoxue moral philosophers (or “Neo-Confucians”). The new interpretation of the Chinese-barbarian dichotomy was characterized by a fluid, shifting boundary between Chineseness and barbarism, predicated on Classicist (“Confucian”) moral standards rather than ethnic, racial, or geopolitical boundaries. Modern historians have termed this interpretation of Chinese identity as “culturalism,” on the assumption that it was centered on “culture” instead of “race,” and have followed Han Yu and the Daoxue philosophers in identifying Confucius himself as its originator. My dissertation revises this picture by demonstrating that the so-called “culturalist” interpretation was the product of a new discourse on ideological orthodoxy and morality that involved representing any deviation from Classicist values as a descent into barbarism. The core of this new discourse was thus an attempt at making Classicist ideology and morality (not “culture” per se) essential to the definition of Chinese ethnic identity, but its users also generally chose not to undermine their ethnic identities by acknowledging the possibility that barbarians could become Chinese by becoming good Classicists. The resulting tension or dilemma between moralistic and ethnocentric understandings of barbarism remained unresolved until the Mongol conquest of the Southern Song (1127–1276) led to the ethnocentric understanding’s temporary eclipse.

Kaifeng, the capital of the Northern Song (960-1127) dynasty,
boasted sophisticated siege defence installations, which were ultimately breached by the Jurchen invasion of 1126-1127. According to both the archaeological and textual evidence, its concentric city walls and militarized gates with barbicans and bastions represented a crucial stage in the militarization of urban form in early-modern China, as well as a more open approach to planning. While Kaifeng’s urban defences evoked imperial majesty and personal security for Northern Song residents who described them, diasporic literati of the Southern Song (1127-1279) invoked the violation of this defensive perimeter as a metonym for the invasion of their lost homeland. The concept of security theatre explains how Northern Song Kaifeng’s city walls and gates could simultaneously function as efficacious siege defence installations and be perceived as symbolic defences.

宋徽宗朝花鳥畫成就，長久以來一直是學界關注課題。其多數存世作品上詩畫二種藝術並呈，從詩畫關係切入的研究觀點也因此成為重要角色。不過，由於詩畫關係的論述容易因主觀作用招致批評，解讀圖像與文字之際，其二種藝術類型的互換過程如何取得共識，亦是此類研究的挑戰。本文的研究取徑，擬從「題畫文化」的視野進行修正，旨在留心題跋活動之歷史脈絡研究，從詩文、圖繪各別藝術型態的分析，更為深入其題詠創發活動之際的互動歷程。而透過這一脈絡研究的思考，冀能對徽宗花鳥中的詩畫成就提出新的解析，以能掌握其畫史意義。

全文首先將透過北宋中期士人論畫強調形意二元的新趨勢，觀察其對北宋徽宗朝階段之作用。其次，解析《宣和畫譜》敘論文字，釐清「形意」二元論畫趨勢的延續情況，而此趨勢也與徽宗畫學目標互有作用。再從《宋會要輯稿》重新掌握北宋瑞異活動以及其呈報瑞物流程，可知徽宗題詩是一新增程序，更成為確認瑞物的重要環節，顯示徽宗題詩與圖繪之間的緊密相輔程度。接著，本文將分別解析〈祥龍石〉、〈五色鸚鵡〉、〈蠟梅山禽〉與〈芙蓉錦雞〉之詩畫內容，由於並重「形意」進而說明這些徽宗朝花鳥畫並非可任意解讀詩文、圖繪的素材。其功能明確為朝廷畫院之製，既是聖人治世之績，也是君臣共覽之物，對其內容意義的解讀當限於此一政治架構內。

中文關鍵詞：宋徽宗、徽宗畫學、北宋花鳥畫、瑞異、祥瑞圖繪、題跋活動、題畫文化

The Significance of Northern Song Dynasty Painting Inscriptions
and Bird-and-Flower Paintings During the Huizong Reign
Abstract

Bird-and-flower paintings from the reign of Song Emperor Huizong have long been a popular area of research among scholars. As most extant bird-and-flower paintings from this period come with poems, the relationship between painting and poem occupies a significant position in the research on these paintings. However, this type of research is often criticized for its tendency to use subjective interpretation. While scholars seek to interpret the paintings’ imagery and text, coming to a consensus about how the two art forms interact is a challenge that has yet to be overcome. The present study will take a different direction from the methods of previous research by investigating the culture of painting inscriptions and will focus on the historical context and development of inscriptions and analyze poems and images in order to deepen our understanding of how they interact. By examining this relationship from the perspective of the culture of painting inscriptions, it is hoped that this paper can shed new light on the bird-and-flower paintings of the Huizong reign and their significance in the history of Chinese painting.

This study will first discuss a new trend in the mid-Northern Song dynasty that meant literati focused on both form and meaning when evaluating paintings and how this new trend influenced court paintings during the reign of Huizong. Next, we will analyze the texts in the Xuanhe huapu [Xuanhe painting catalogue] to investigate the continuation of the trend, which influenced and was influenced by the court painting aesthetics of the Huizong reign. Third, the study will use the Song Huiyao Jigao [Song dynasty manuscript compendium] to examine ruiyi (auspicious omens) recorded during the Northern Song dynasty and the approval process. It will be suggested that Huizong’s writing poems to complement pictorial records of auspicious omens was a new and important part of the approval process. Last, the study will analyze the poems and images in the following five paintings: Auspicious Dragon Rock, Five-colored Parakeet, Birds in a Blossoming Wax-Plum Tree, and Hibiscus and Golden Pheasant. Because of the equal emphasis on form and meaning, these bird-and-flower paintings produced during the Huizong reign were not subject to arbitrary image composition or interpretation; they were produced by the imperial painting academy to record peaceful and prosperous times under the rule of sages and for the perusal of the emperor and his officials. Any interpretation of these paintings has to be effected with an understanding of this political framework.

Keywords: Song Emperor Huizong, Huizong’s aesthetics, Northern Song dynasty bird-and-flower paintings, auspicious omens, auspicious paintings, colophons, painting inscriptions

folksong "Froggy Went A-Courtin'" popular when I was a child in the US) probably matched with enjoyable tunes as well; certainly their rhythms would be fun. Idema's translations here are like Idema's translations in his many other publications in English. They are clear, but beyond some incorporation of slang and vulgar language when it directly reflects the original, there is little visible attempt to translate different styles into different styles. If it were not for his introductions, the reader could only distinguish prose from poetry by the hard returns at the ends of lines of verse. The stories here are his focus, and in presenting them in a form that encourages comparative study with the folklore of other cultures, Wilt Idema has provided another signal service. Moreover, Idema's "Epilogue: Some Comparative Perspectives" (pp. 285-94) provides valuable clues about productive places to start with this research. As we might expect, the notes and bibliography here are copious, of tremendous help in pursuing these insect tales farther.

（See abstract in English at the end of the file）：This study investigates the blossoming of woodblock print illustration in late Tang, Song, Liao, and Xi Xia regimes during the late ninth to twelfth centuries. To date, studies of early Buddhist prints have primarily focused on the relationship between text and image, and less on how the images themselves were derived and transported across vast regions to be adapted and transformed by other artisans. This study explores the way in which multiple sources contributed to the stock of imagery used by print artisans, how they standardized visual motifs into modules, and how this distilled imagery was transferred geographically. The prints studied were produced in a number of important centers including Beijing, Dunhuang, Hangzhou, Kaifeng, and Yinchuan. Compared to wall paintings in caves, temples, and tombs, printed images were portable, mass-produced, and wide-spread, hence an efficient medium for spreading these materials across regions well beyond China. This study proposes that Buddhist printed images had multiple visual sources including other prints, painting, and bas-relief tiles, many of which were not Buddhist but secular. It also shows that Buddhist illustrated prints were not necessarily related to the accompanying texts; rather, they were composed of motifs adapted from an existing pictorial vocabulary and used in a modular fashion by print artisans. In conclusion, this exploration of media transfer and modular design evident in Buddhist prints sheds light on the active role played by print artisans. Though anonymous, they were decisive in standardizing a repertoire of popular motifs and assembling, selecting, and modifying these stock images to create original and coherent compositions.

The thesis submitted for Candidate of Philology degree. Specialty 10.01.04 – Literature of Foreign Countries. – Oles’ Honchar Dnipropetrovsk National University, Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, Dnipropetrovsk, 2015.
The outstanding Chinese poet Li Qingzhao (1084–1155?) occupies a leading place in China’s literary and cultural history. However, her writings have never been the subject of comprehensive monographic research in either Russian or Ukrainian literary scholarship.  This thesis focuses on the evolution of her wring style and its genre specificity, covering her 64 extant ci-poems in the context of the life events conveyed in her autobiographical essay “Postface to a Catalogue on Bronze and Stone Inscriptions” (“金石錄後序”) and with reference to her poetic principles formulated in her theoretical essay “On Song Lyrics” (“詞論”). For a long time, the ci genre (詞 or 曲子詞) had been on the sidelines of the classic shi poetry (詩) – the most influential genre during the Tang dynasty – and it reached its apex as a poetic form only in the Song dynasty (960–1279). It still remains one of the least studied poetic genres in the history of Chinese literature. The comprehensive analysis of the great number of historical and literary sources reveals two approaches to the study of ci. One shares the idea of ci as “song lyrics” (曲子詩), as it appears in the late Tang: “music is first, the words are later” «因聲度詞» / «依調填詞». The other approaches ci as a textual phenomenon: «the words are first, music is later» («以樂從詞» / «選詞配樂»). Since most of the original melodies had been lost during the Southern Song dynasty, many insoluble problems concerning the historical and literary interpretation of ci were set forth.
The analysis of Li Qingzhao’s artistic achievement within the poetic tradition of Tang and Song writings and with a view on generic transformation of ci-poems gives grounds to divide her artistic development into two stages: early (1098–1108) – profoundly molded by techniques of traditional Chinese poetry – and mature (1108–1155) less mechanical, more pervasive and genuinely personal. Li Qingzhao introduced a new theme for ci poetry – an expat longing for her motherland, projecting her physical self of a poet, realizing the limits of the poetic language. It is impossible to separate her life from her poetry. It can hardly be disputed that she introduced the lyric element into conventional ci-genre, creating the lyric with strong personal engagement, revealing her personal troubles as a lonely widow as well as a talented and disillusioned poet. The analysis manifests that her genre innovations lie in overcoming the limits and conventions of the genre, legitimating the Self of a poet in her distinctive personal style – Yi’an style (易安體). The analysis of her lyrical poetry outlines her personal presence, the essential oneness of her grief and love experience. The lyric presence is a state of her intensely personal feelings and concerns.
The thesis contributes to the existing body of knowledge about Li Qingzhao’s achievement as a poet and as an early poetologist. Besides it initiates the theoretical study of personal self-expression in the Chinese medieval poetry opening up a poetic latitude where Li Qingzhao’s ci-poems loom large.
Key words: Li Qingzhao, ci-poem, shi-poem, melody, lyric poetry, lyrical self, lyricism, personal, autobiographical, subjectivity, genre, style.

Диссертация на соискание научной степени кандидата филологических наук по специальности 10.01.04 – литература зарубежных стран. – Днепропетровский национальный университет имени Олеся Гончара Министерства образования и науки Украины, Днепропетровск, 2015.
В диссертации впервые проведен филологический анализ всего корпуса лирики Ли Цинчжао (64 цы), выявлены теоретические и историко-литературные проблемы развития лирических жанров ши и цы в китайской литературе средневековья, прослежены этапы творческой эволюции поэтессы в аспекте жанрово-стилевых поисков и достижений, роль ее трактата-поэтики «Размышления о цы» в понимании новых задач жанра цы.
Анализ лирических личностных цы Ли Цинчжао сквозь призму теоретических и общеэстетических проблем жанра и стиля позволил актуализировать ряд перспек¬тивных литературоведческих задач, связанных с преодолением узости трактовок и смыслового дефицита в понимании ее творчества.
Ключевые слова: Ли Цинчжао, жанр цы, жанр ши, мелодия, лирика, лирическое «я», лиризм, личностность, автобиографизм, субъективность, жанр, стиль.