Theory of International Relations

Classical geopolitical analysis comes to remind us that it is still present as a tool for decoding the interstate antagonisms as well as the global and the regional re-distributions of power. To be accurate , this never stopped happening; the post-Cold War 'neo-liberal vertigo' simply permitted many well-known fi gures of the greater academia to forget, to ignore and to doubt. The evolutions, during almost the last decade in the Greater Middle East, have made geopolitical analysis timelier than ever. The subsystem of Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Turkey is the operator of the geopolitical factor of the Islamist movement and, in these terms, it represents a main set of forces behind the pressures for redistribution of power and roles in the region. The current paper refers to the systemic geopolitical analysis to focus on Turkey's historical role in the Greater Middle East, its current ambitions and the mistakes having led its strategy to a stalemate. In this context, it is questioned which mistakes Turkey made, whether the overall neo-ottoman geostrategic policy recommendations are feasible and which elements of power are available for Turkey. Undoubtedly, power is the key towards an effective maximization of gains and a substantial increase of infl uence. For instance, Turkey's emphasis on the energy reserves of its greater region is still reasonable, while their nature itself underlines the worth of geopolitical analysis since it is identifi ed with the ontology of space and the intervening roles of group interests.

States often invoke international norms to justify their foreign policy--making. However, the absence of a centralized authority capable of enforcing and providing unambiguous interpretations of norms often leaves states, particularly great powers, free to decide whether to recognize or reject the legitimacy of norms. Operating in a decentralized system, international norms crucially depend on state support for their legitimacy and effectiveness. Variations in the way states respond to norms call for an investigation into the domestic conditions that lead states to recognize or reject their legitimacy.
These conditions will be investigated through a qualitative analysis of U.S. foreign policy towards the norms contained in the 1998 Rome Statute on the International Criminal Court. The analysis identifies the actors that were responsible for how this group of norms was interpreted at the domestic level and the transmitters through which they came to be viewed as illegitimate and inconsistent with U.S. interests.

Keywords: International Norms, United States Foreign Policy, International Criminal Court, International Institutions, Constructivism.

DOI: 10.1007/s12142-016-0427-1

Ao longo de quase um século de desenvolvimento das Relações Internacionais, alunos e acadêmicos deparam-se com uma variedade de campos teóricos, métodos e temas de pesquisa. Este artigo resume a evolução histórica da disciplina, aponta os principais métodos utilizados e identifica debates contemporâneos, buscando auxiliar estudantes recém-ingressos no curso.

Action-­sentences about states, such as 'North Korea conducted a nuclear test', are ubiquitous in discourse about international relations. Although there has been a great deal of debate in IR about whether states are agents or actors, the question of how to interpret action-­sentences about states has been treated as secondary or epiphenomenal. This article focuses on our practices of speaking and writing about the state rather than the ontology of the state. It uses Hobbes' theory of attributed action to develop a typology of action-‐sentences and to analyze action-sentences about states. These sentences are not shorthand for action-­sentences about individuals, as proponents of the metaphorical interpretation suggest. Nor do they describe the actions of singular agents, as proponents of the literal interpretation suggest. The central argument is that action-­sentences about states are 'attributive', much like sentences about principals who act vicariously through agents: they identify the 'owners' of actions—the entities that are responsible for them—rather than the agents that perform the actions. Our practice of ascribing actions to states is not merely figurative, but nor does it presuppose that states are corporate agents.

Fenomena hubungan internasional semakin lama semakin mendekat ke persoalan sehari-hari penduduk di berbagai belahan dunia, termasuk Indonesia. Cara kita menjalani kehidupan sehari-hari sangat jelas dipengaruhi oleh kejadian-kejadian di arena internasional. Keberhasilan kita untuk memenuhi kebutuhan fisik, seperti pangan, sangat ditentukan oleh fenomena internasional. Upaya kita untuk menjadi pintar, juga sangat terkendala oleh banyak hal yang terjadi di luar wilayah kita. Itu berarti bahwa kita mesti belajar untuk memahami apa yang sebenarnya terjadi di luar sana. Kita mesti belajar mendiskripsikan apa yang terjadi. Mencoba mengerti mengapa itu terjadi dan bagaimana mengatasi dampaknya terhadap kehidupan kita. Karena itulah saya menyambut dengan gembira penerbitan karya-karya seperti yang terhimpun dalam buku ini: Refleksi Teori Hubungan Internasional: dari Tradisional ke Kontemporer. Buku yang tidak hanya menyajikan analisis ilmiah, tetapi juga menyajikan perspektif nilai mengenai apa yang mesti dilakukan sehingga kehidupan di arena internasional itu bisa relevan dan bermanfaat bagi upaya manusia menyelesaikan masalah keseharian mereka.

Prof. Dr. Mohtar Mas’oed

Contested Memories in Chinese and Japanese Foreign Policy explores the relationship between the construction and the contestation of collective memories and the process of elaboration of foreign policy in the cases of China and Japan. The author looks at how different interpretations of national myths, glories, and traumas influence political leaders choices in foreign policy. The book presents an innovative theoretical framework to explain the relationship between collective memory and foreign policy, based on the interpretive approach, and rooted into concepts such as beliefs, traditions, dilemmas, and narratives. The Japanese case highlights how in the post war period the basic Japanese strategy, the Yoshida doctrine, rested on a compromise between conservative and progressive traditions, rooted on the shared idea of victimization. After the end of the Cold War this compromise unravelled. Conservatives aimed at turning Japan into a " normal nation " , with a less " self punitive vision of history ". Progressives, on the contrary wanted to build a more positive relations with the rest of Asia, building a shared discourse about the past. The Chinese case highlights an even deeper evolution in terms of collective memory. Mao promoted a " victor narrative " based on the class struggle against the Nationalist and the triumph of the Revolution. During the Reform era the Communist Party shaped a new narrative rooted on the memories of the century of humiliation and the historical necessity of the CPC, as saviour of the Chinese nation. More recently Beijing leaders also re-evaluated the role of the Confucian tradition, considered the origin of the Chinese weakness both by Mao and by earlier Chinese reformers. This book is directed to academics, students and practitioners interested to East Asia, Japanese and Chinese history and foreign policy as well as to role of identity and memory in international politics. The book analyzes how the construction and contestation of collective memories influences key foreign policy choices.

Much of Africa's independent history has been conflict-ridden leading to several intervention efforts on the continent. The UN has been a significant actor in African conflict resolution. To this end, considering the 2005 summit and its sanction of the 'Responsibility to Protect', this paper attempts an assessment of the UN's structure and resources as it affects its capacity to respond to conflict situations in Africa. It lastly tries to highlight lessons learnt from the UN's approach to peacekeeping, as well as the prospect of an AU/UN partnership as a means of evolving a more efficient response mechanism to threats of peace, security and stability within the African continent.

This article explores the issue of international system category in the discipline of international relations after the Cold War. The analysis provides the perspective of international system contextual redefi nition. The first section develops theoretical framework for further work – containing various conceptions describing relationships between notions, factors and determinants in international relations’ analysis. The following section investigates the most signifi cant issues and scientifi c agenda concerning discipline of international relations after the Cold War. The third and fourth sections examine several approaches explaining the possible development of the category of international system. I argue that both material and ideational factors may be used in order to provide credible systemic framework for a complex theoretical expertise in
the contemporary international relations. Issues of anarchy, agents and structures as well as the famous debate between constructivist and neorealist approaches to the international system are depicted in the last part of the article.

No phenomenon is arguably more central to the study of international relations (IR) than war. The history of armed conflict is deeply intertwined with the formation of virtually every nation-state and it was the very superiority of the modern territorial polity's mobilization of the war machine that ensured its historical dominance over other types of units. The exercise of armed force is still viewed today by states as their singular prerogative and the greatest calling they can make on their populations and, as realist scholars keep reminding us, the ever-present possibility of war always lurks in the background of international relations. Yet for all its centrality, the concept of war itself was until relatively recently rarely submitted to sustained scrutiny within IR scholarship. This is a paradox given the importance accorded to war within the modern academic discipline of IR at its foundation. Back then, figures such as E. H. Carr (2001) and Hans Morgenthau (1948) insisted on a clear-eyed recognition of the inherent propensity of states to employ bellicose means to further their interests as the surest way to avert, or at least mitigate, the evils of war. The original emphasis on war is hardly surprising given that the field established itself in the shadow of two world wars and a tense confrontation between American and Soviet superpowers. But it is precisely the weight of these historical conditions that gave scholars little reason to probe the concept of war in any great depth, so self-evident did it appear to them that it primarily referred to the kind of large-scale interstate conflict that had so dominated recent world affairs.

If the greatness of a philosophical work can be measured by the volume and vehemence of the public response, there is little question that Rousseau's Social Contract stands out as a masterpiece. Within a week of its publication in 1762 it was banished from France. Soon thereafter, Rousseau fled to Geneva, where he saw the book burned in public. At the same time, many of his contemporaries, such as Kant, considered Rousseau to be “the Newton of the moral world,” as he was the first philosopher to draw attention to the basic dignity of human nature. The Social Contract has never ceased to be read in the 250 years since it was written. Rousseau's “Social Contract”: An Introduction offers a thorough and systematic tour of this notoriously paradoxical and challenging text. David Lay Williams offers readers a chapter-by-chapter reading of the Social Contract, squarely confronting these interpretive obstacles, leaving no stones unturned. The conclusion connects Rousseau's text both to his important influences and those who took inspiration and sometimes exception to his arguments. The book also features a special extended appendix dedicated to outlining his famous conception of the general will, which has been the object of controversy since the Social Contract's publication.

Від теорії міжнародного права до практики захисту прав людини. Liber Amicorum до 60-річчя проф. В.В. Мицика : моногр. / авт. кол. ; за ред. О.В. Задорожнього та О.Р. Поєдинок. – Київ; Одеса : Фенікс, 2016. – С. 45–70.

Формування дискурсу верховенства права як на національному, так і на міжнародному рівнях зумовлює необхідність пошуків нових підходів до осмислення верховенства права як такого. При цьому суттєві відмінності між національним та міжнародним правом унеможливлюють пряму аналогію між верховенством права в національних правових системах та верховенством права в міжнародно-правовій системі. Це приводить до появи концепту міжнародного верховенства права, осмислення якого поступово стає важливим викликом для міжнародно-правової теорії.
Розгляд верховенства права в його міжнародному вимірі пов’язаний з протиставленням реалізму та формалізму як двох протилежних підходів до розуміння сутності та призначення міжнародного права. Реалізм, скерований на пояснення міжнародного права в інструментальному дусі, тобто як оформлення політики, унеможливлює верховенство права в міжнародно-правовій системі. Натомість, формалізм, в якому міжнародне право розглядається як система, що принаймні частково протиставлена політиці, дає змогу говорити про можливість побудови системи міжнародних відносин на основі ідей та принципів верховенства права. Для цього міжнародне право має визнаватися таким, що має в своїй основі неінструментальні правила співіснування та співробітництва держав, і що ці правила є основними для функціонування міжнародно-правової системи.
Міжнародне верховенство права може осмислюватися, виходячи як із класичних, властивих національній правовій доктрині, підходів, так і з позицій спеціальних концепцій, розроблених з урахуванням особливостей міжнародного права. Так, формальні та матеріальні концепції верховенства права можуть бути застосовані для пояснення міжнародного верховенства права, однак з деякими спрощеннями та застереженнями, пов’язаними, передусім, з неможливістю національної аналогії. Альтернативний класичним формальній та матеріальній концепціям функціональний підхід до міжнародного верховенства права передбачає його розгляд передусім як сфери міжнародної взаємодії. Міжнародне верховенство права тут розуміється як інструмент, який може застосовуватися в різних проблемних сферах міжнародно-правової системи, включаючи перехідну юстицію, захист прав людини, право розвитку тощо. Інтернаціоналізовані концепції міжнародного верховенства права більшою мірою схильні розглядати його не як самостійний міжнародно-правовий феномен, а радше як результат інтернаціоналізації концепту, сформованого в національних правових системах. Через це міжнародне верховенство права розглядається в ракурсі взаємодії національних та міжнародної правових систем.
Формальні, матеріальні та функціональні концепції міжнародного верховенства права мають розглядатися не як альтернативні, а як комплементарні, тобто такі, що розкривають різні аспекти міжнародного верховенства права. У цьому сенсі міжнародне верховенство права є ідеологією, яка поєднує принципи та аксіоми, що пов’язані зі створенням та застосуванням міжнародного права, його інституціоналізацією та розвитком.

International relations must distance itself from its Eurocentric and masculine moorings if it is to address its increasing irrelevance in the modern world and become more "international" and truly inclusive. The theoretical position of postcolonial feminism gives the discipline the best chance of doing so. The effect of conflict on women in Kashmir and the North East illustrates how a postcolonial feminist perspective enriches an understanding of the issue and enables international relations to reflect the lived reality of the people. - See more at: http://www.epw.in/journal/2017/20/special-articles/can-postcolonial-feminism-revive-international-relations.html#sthash.YHvmoJy9.dpuf

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama, kaip tarptautinių santykių disciplina apibrėžia ir aiškina mažų valstybių problematiką. Išskiriant pagrindinius klausimus, formuluojama iki šiol mažų valstybių studijų lauke plačiai netaikyta post-struktūralistinė teorinė ir metodologinė prieiga, kreipianti dėmesį į mažumą, kaip šalies identiteto dimensiją, ir reikšmes, kuriomis buvimas maža valstybe yra formuluojamas, siejamas arba sietinas su saugumo bei užsienio politika. Pateikiama Lietuvos ir Naujosios Zelandijos atvejų analizė ir jų palygini-mas pristatant pagrindines mažumą apibrėžiančias reikšmes, jų santykį su saugumo bei užsienio politika. Remiantis atlikta analize, pasiūlomi į studijų lauko plėtojimą referuojantys principai, kurie gali būti svarbūs toliau tiriant ir aiškinant mažas valstybes. Justinas Lingevičius – Vilniaus universiteto Tarptautinių santykių ir politikos mokslų instituto tarptautinių santykių ir diplomatijos magistro programos absolventas. Straipsnis parengtas pagal VU TSPMI 2016 m. apgintą magistro darbą (el. paštas: justinas. lin@gmail.com).

Castro’s perseverance, strong sense of destiny and mission assured the survival of his Revolution throughout those decades in which shortcomings abounded. Economic collapse, insurgence, propaganda, military intervention, none of these obstacles where enough to depose Castro, who skillfully employed elements of ritual and rhetoric to legitimate, maintain and reinforce the power of his leadership.
Since 1959 the CIA had been planning an invasion near Guantanamo Bay at the Bay of Pigs (Playa Girón) in Cuba, an endeavor that was approved under the Kennedy’s administration. However, being ill-conceived, rapidly staged and based on the CIA expectation of popular support, the invasion was doomed to failure. Master in guerrilla warfare, Fidel took command from the beginning to prevent attackers from establishing a beachhead and led his revolutionaries to victory in three days.
The victory of Giron is regarded as a date of great importance in the history of Cuba, that triumph has restated the power of Cuba as a truly sovereign country and prevented the history of the country from once again being under the scrutiny of the U.S. government.
Moreover, the triumph has strengthening Castro’s revolution by proclaiming the first defeat of Yankee imperialism on the continent. Fidel has made the most of his victory, which raised his popularity and authority to new heights, and additionally inflamed powerful nationalist sentiments among Cubans.
Through the orchestration of political ritual and a dramatic rhetoric, Castro has managed to mobilize his population, instill Cubans patriotism and loyalty to the regime. Anniversaries of Giron, its memorials and monuments are key elements of the Cuban government political actions, when they come to remind Cubans of their goverments’ major victory.

The 'English School' of international relation theory, also known as Harold Mackinder, the International Society School or the British institutional which is have a same meaning to maintains relationship as a 'society of states' at the international level, despite the condition of 'anarchy' (the lack of a ruler or world state). The English School is a fundamentally constructive theory, emphasizing the non-deterministic nature of anarchy in international affairs. Generally, The English School stands for the conviction that ideas, rather than simply material capabilities, shape the conduct of international politics, and therefore deserve analysis and critique.

This article provides a focused review of the current literature on global environmental governance. In the first part, we differentiate between three usages of the term " global environmental governance, " which we describe as analytical, programmatic, and critical. In the second part, we highlight three key characteristics of global environmental gover-nance that make it different, in our view, from traditional international environmental politics: first, the emergence of new types of agency and of actors in addition to national governments, the traditional core actors in international environmental politics; second, the emergence of new mechanisms and institutions of global environmental governance that go beyond traditional forms of state-led, treaty-based regimes; and third, increasing segmentation and fragmentation of the overall gover-nance system across levels and functional spheres. In the last section, we present an outlook on future study needs in this field.

While much of the English School has focused on liberal aspects of solidarism, forms of “illiberal solidarism” in contemporary international society remain underexplored. Drawing on archival material and elite interviews conducted in Central Asia in the period 2013–2019, this paper advances the claim that the Central Asian elites have developed the institution of authoritarianism in their region through the mechanisms of mimicry/emulation and praise/blame. By looking at specific discourses and practices over the last two decades, the paper discusses how the Central Asian governments have been using the new elements of the “democratic transition” in combination with the traditional legitimation offered by diplomatic recognition to secure authoritarian regimes in the democratic age, to create authoritarian state-centric solidarity in the region, and to make “avtoritet” and “stabil'nost'” fundamental pillars of the Central Asian regional order. The paper contributes to the English School literature by providing an initial account of illiberal solidarism and by showing how authoritarianism can potentially be an institution of specific regional international societies; to the authoritarian diffusion literature by demonstrating that authoritarianism can have a deontic component alongside considerations of domestic survival; and to the broader norm diffusion literature by focusing on the spread of illiberal values.

Abstract
This article examines the longstanding rivalry of Rome and Parthia, which began as an unintended consequence of Crassus’ decisive defeat at Carrhae in 53 BCE. It synthesizes the accounts and opinions of numerous Graeco-Roman writers from the Augustan Age to late antiquity in order to help illustrate the new and interconnected post-Carrhae world and its legacy. The rivalry of the Romans and Parthians became a primary focus of their foreign policies and drastically expanded their perceptions of the world in which they interacted. Even after the fall of the Parthians to the rebellious Sassanid Persians in the 220s CE, the Romans continued to find their three-century-long rivalry with the Parthians of interest and relevant to the changing world of late antiquity.

Recent scholarship on John Stuart Mill has illuminated his arguments about the normative legitimacy of imperial rule. However, it has tended to ignore or downplay his extensive writings on settler colonialism: the attempt to create permanent “civilized” communities, mainly in North America and the South Pacific. Mill defended colonization throughout his life, although his arguments about its character and justification shifted over time. While initially he regarded it as a solution to the “social problem” in Britain, he increasingly came to argue that its legitimacy resided in the universal benefits—civilization, peace, and prosperity—it generated for humanity. In the final years of his life Mill seemed to lose faith in the project. Finally recognizing the prevalence of colonial violence and the difficulty of realizing his grand ambitions, yet refusing to give up on colonization altogether, his colonial romance gave way to a form of melancholia.

Резюме За последние двадцать лет (1995–2015) китайская школа международных отношений (МО) про­ шла интенсивный путь развития от «копирования» и «переписывания» западных идей до выра­ ботки вполне самостоятельных концепций, некоторые из которых претендуют на универсаль­ ность. Ученые из КНР, опираясь на западные теории и часто полемизируя с их постулатами, привносят свой исторический опыт, философское осмысление и императивы традиционной культуры. В дополнение к западной рациональности они предложили «отношения», «мораль» и «семейные принципы» в качестве оснований новой организации мирового политического про­ странства. Процесс заимствования в китайском академическом сообществе продолжается, но китайские исследователи перешагнули порог интеллектуальной самоколонизации и стали «фабрикой по производству международных знаний». В Китае уже сформулированы главные концепции международных отношений «с китайской спецификой», которые можно рассматри­ вать как попытки создания собственной «большой теории». В статье дается краткая периодизация развития китайской теории международных отношений (ТМО) и рассматриваются основные положения концепции мирового института «Тянься» Чжао Тиняна, «теории морального реализма» Янь Сюетуна и «теории отношений» Цинь Яцина, кото­ рые сегодня представляют главные тренды китайской теории международных отношений, осмысленные в формате больших теорий – идеализма, реализма и конструктивизма, обогащен­ ные собственным научным языком и богатой политической практикой.

This paper presents an analysis on United Nation’s humanitarian intervention strategies. United Nations humanitarian work includes peacekeeping initiatives. The impacts of national interests and independent states usually determine the probability of interventions. The development of human rights acts on what constitutes threats to peace certainly has effects on the international community’s expectations. United Nations peacekeeping can be seen to provide assistance to civil powers, as well as troop deployments and withdrawals. Moreover, the agency could be used to prevent boundary violations following armed attacks or infiltrations.

This article presents the application of quantitative methods of analysis in International Studies in Russia and abroad. The role of formalized quantitative methods and modeling in research methods used in the articles in the world leading and top-rated journals on international relations and political science indexed in Scopus is described, based on a review of foreign publications. The genesis of mathematical methods in the foreign IR studies is shown, as well as the basic mathematical techniques used by foreign IR researchers in relation to the basic paradigms of theory of IR. The case of the international conflict studies - by far the most quantified sub-discipline within political science - is analyzed in details. The basic schools for the quantitative analysis of international relations, formed in the Soviet Union and Russia, are mentioned as well as basic bibliography in this area is provided. The role of the Soviet and Russian schools of cliometrics and quantitative history under the leadership of academic Koval'chenko I.D. in the application of quantitative research in the humanities is revealed.
The author presents the results of his own study of the use of quantitative methods in the articles published in six leading Russian IR scientific journals in 2014. Three groups of magazines - do not use mathematical methods, occasionally applying and regularly applying- are segregated. The main reasons of low usage of quantitative methods in the domestic IR studies are revealed.
The main practical difficulties of constructing formal models of IR related to interdisciplinary synthesis in educational and research activities in the Russian realities are enumerated. The authors pays a special attention at the lack of appropriate textbooks in mathematics, adapted for the humanities, as well as of the specialized software needed for quantitative analysis and visualization of research data. The successful experience of the cooperation Department of theory and history of international relations of the Peoples Friendship University of Russia with the corresponding Departments of Applied Mathematics and Applied Informatics for the development of students' skills in quantitative analysis of IR is described.

This essay analyzes the film Arrival (2016) in order to understand how the international system works. The film presents some insights about international actors and how they would react under a global threat, according to their beliefs and ways of thinking. The essay explains how the school of realism influences the analysis of international relations and at the same time it reveals its lack of objectivity through reflectivism.

Identity discussions are very essential for understanding Turkish political life and its manoeuvres in
foreign policy. The constructivist approach is the most striking idea about identity in the theories of
international relations. Constructivists, who emphasize the power of actors in determining foreign
policy, formulate that identities are constantly evolving; interests and priorities change once identities
change, and place greater emphasis on phenomena such as culture, norms and discourses than other
theories of international relations in the analysis of foreign policy. For these reasons, the theoretical
foundations of our memory are the hypotheses of constructivist thought. In this context, discussions
around identity and the new groups that emerged during the period from the modernization of the
6
Ottoman Empire to the era of the Turkish Republic were examined. We observe structural changes in
both countries after 2000 and the emergence of new actors (AKP, PJD) in the political arena. It is
obvious that the change in Turkey's identity and then the redefinition of its interest in the Middle East
region with the AKP’s government. During this period, the similarities of the Justice and Development
Party of Turkey and Morocco contributed to the construction of the collective identity between two
countries with the discourse as "brother country". In the light of these phenomena, the economic,
political and sociological rapprochement between two countries has been studied. Finally, Turkey's
changing identity over the last decade with social and political developments in the Middle East and
with new partnerships in Turkey's domestic politics were discussed in order to see the effects of these
developments on the weakened relationship between Turkey and Morocco.

Thucydides' “History of the Peloponnesian War” is the main source of information on war between the two ancient Greek city-states of Sparta and Athens the destroying conflict most of the Eastern Mediterranean. The book is not only main source of information on the war, it is a very good quality source: well researched and carefully assembled, and a thoughtful and fair analysis of events. More recently, Thucydides' work has become a key resource for several academic disciplines, notably classical history, military history, political science, and international relations. It is in this last academic branch that Thucydides has had a particularly strong influence.
For most of the twentieth century, what is known as “ realism” has been a highly influential school of thought in the field of international relations. According to this approach, relations among countries are anarchic, amoral, and self-interested. It suggests that countries should shape their policies to promote stability, increase a power and their own security. But while this approach had a large following during the Cold War, it has lost much of its appeal since the end of the Cold War and collapse of the Soviet Union. Significantly, however, the scholars who have pushed aside international relations realism have not abandoned Thucydides in the process. Rather, they have argued that viewing the book as supporting realism is the result of a shallow and selective reading of the work.
Readers today can also find inspiration in the way Thucydides goes from his accurate analysis of why the Peloponnesian War occurred to considering the nearly timeless question of why wars in general take place. Likewise, his close examination of the forces that fueled that ancient conflict leads him to consider, in ways that seem fully relevant today, the impact of self-interest, justice, honor, fortune, hope, fear, and lust.

The reading by Weaver, introduces the inter-paradigm debate and the future of International Relations as a discipline. Realism, pluralism and Marxism are the three standard paradigms of IR, therefore when one is using the term 'inter-paradigm debate' (the third debate), it leaves many scholars with the image of three competing paradigms of IR, while not the number, but the form and content are important for the debate 1. According to Weaver, each paradigm, constructs its own basic concepts/units and questions, thus its data, criteria of judgment, 'language' and stories are narrated to suit its own views, hence paradigms are deemed as incommensurable.' 2 Each of the three schools, basically tells a different story of IR. The incommensurability and the variety of IR schools led to a triangular debate. On one hand, both realists and radicals, agree and recognize the role of power and struggle, unlike the liberals, and on the other, radicals and liberals, together attack the narrowness of the realists. 3 Liberalism was labeled as 'pluralism', given the many actors that it recognizes, while Marxism was labeled as 'structuralism' because it sees the whole system as much more organized and ordered. James Rosenau, coined terms such as state-centric, multi-centric and global centric, to capture the late 1970's debate. 4 The third debate did not give any winner, but it established a plurality within the IR debate and as an outcome it acknowledged that each paradigm contains it's own truth, that is valuable. 5 It was also focused on: politics (detente vs. power politics), ontology (the nature of IR) and methodology. The self-conception as 'incommensurable paradigm', its 'ontologically' different conception of nature, units and content of IR, and the three schools, make the third debate differ from the preceding two. 6 The third debate started by adopting 'incommensurability'

This article offers a fresh critique of the work of political scientists and historians who have propagated the Eurocentric history of democracy. The paper argues that such work can be dissected and critiqued along several key lines: their reliance on a distinctly patriarchal discourse riddled with prejudices; the assertion that one can understand the history of democracy via the etymology of the word itself; and the deeply Eurocentric
roots of the study of democracy’s past embedded in the canon of Western political thought. The paper concludes by calling on contemporary political scientists and political historians concerned with the history of  democracy to be careful in re-iterating this deeply flawed history of democracy and to instead work towards a history of democracy that retrieves the silenced histories and the forgotten democratic moments that lay behind the roar of Western power.

Conflict, in time past and in recent years, has been an ill in human relations the world over. On the African continent, precisely in the Central African sub-region, armed conflicts originating from power struggle, resource control and, ethno-religious differences erupted from the late 20th century into the 21st century. In the resource-endowed Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the horrendous First Congo War (1996–1997) and the Second Congo War (1998–2003) between the Congolese government and rebel groups not only caused the death and internal displacement of millions of people, but also the trauma of sexually assaulted women. Intermittently, peace accords were negotiated and accordingly signed by the Congolese government, rebel groups and the neighboring States that participated in the wars. However, none of the agreements brought a lasting peace to the country, especially to the Eastern region of the DRC were pockets of violence still occur. This informative research paper takes a critical look at the armed conflicts in the DRC and how its natural resources fueled such conflicts. Theoretically, this study was predicated on Paul Collier et al.’s Conflict Trap Theory. Also used were the historical and analytical approaches with the qualitative method of secondary data collection.

The paper analyzes the structure and mechanism of the process of foreign policy-making in Mongolia in group of senior foreign policy elite. Some practical recommendations for optimizing the management of foreign policy process are introduced.