Development cooperation

La relación entre la paz, la seguridad, y las políticas de desarrollo es una cuestión debatida y con importantes implicaciones para la cooperación internacional. En el escenario de la posguerra fría, esa relación se definió a través del concepto de Naciones Unidas de “seguridad humana”, y de las políticas de “construcción de la paz” (peace building) adoptadas para la prevención y resolución de los conflictos armados, así como para las políticas de reconstrucción post-conflicto de ese periodo. Los atentados del 11-S, sin embargo, han dado lugar a un periodo de “securitización” de las políticas de desarrollo en el que éstas se han subordinado a los imperativos del antiterrorismo y de las visiones tradicionales de la seguridad nacional.
Este volumen, coordinado por José Antonio Sanahuja (Instituto Complutense de Estudios Internacionales, ICEI ) aborda los conceptos, interpretaciones y actores relevantes en este debate, incluyendo estudios de caso de Afganistán, Angola, Palestina, Timor Leste o Latinoamérica, con aportaciones de Isaías Barreñada (Universidad Complutense de Madrid); Volker Boege, Anne Brown, Kevin Clements y Anna Nolan (Australian Center for Peace and Conflict Studies, ACPACS, Universidad de Queensland); Julia Schünemann y Luis Elizondo (Instituto Complutense de Estudios Internacionales, ICEI); Nils Petter Gleditsch (Peace Research Institute Oslo, PRIO); Dirk Kruijt (Universidad de Utrecht); Carmen Magallón (Seminario de Investigación para la Paz de Zaragoza); y Karlos Pérez de Armiño (Hegoa, Universidad del País Vasco).

Resumen:

La posguerra fría permitió definir un nuevo vínculo entre paz, seguridad y desarrollo orientado a la construcción de la paz (peacebuilding) y a promover la seguridad humana. La lucha
contra la pobreza se situó en el centro de las estrategias de prevención de conflictos, de promoción de la paz en situaciones de conflicto, y de reconstrucción y desarrollo tras el conflicto armado. Esa visión fue reconocida por Naciones Unidas y por los donantes de ayuda al desarrollo en la Declaración del Milenio de 2000. Sin embargo, la estrategia neoconservadora que se ha desplegado tras el 11-S ha significado el retorno de la concepción clásica de seguridad nacional basada en las políticas de fuerza, lo que causa que la agenda de la seguridad y el desarrollo entren en conflicto. Con la «securitización» de la ayuda, ésta se convierte en un instrumento de la «guerra contra el terrorismo», dificultando la consecución de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio.

Abstract

Post-cold war allowed to re-define new linkages among peace, security and development, oriented to peace building and human security. Poverty reduction was at the centre of the strategies of conflict prevention, peace promotion and development and reconstruction strategies after the cessation of armed conflicts. The United Nations and the development aid donors recognized this vision in the UN Millennium Declaration of 2000. However, neoconservative strategies displayed after 11-S attacks means the return of a classic concept of national security that rest in power politics. Therefore, development and security agendas became conflictive. The securitization of development aid makes it an instrument of the «war on terror», making more difficult to achieve the Millennium Development Goals.

Resumen: El ascenso de los países emergentes y la cooperación Sur-Sur plantea un escenario de adversidad para la UE en el ámbito de la cooperación al desarrollo. Afecta a su posición de liderazgo, influencia, legitimidad y normatividad. Este artículo examina este desafío y la respuesta de la UE a través de
las importantes reformas adoptadas a partir de 2011 y, en particular, del «Programa para el cambio» de la política de desarrollo y los nuevos instrumentos que vinculan comercio y
desarrollo. El artículo concluye que la UE se ha situado entre un difícil acomodamiento y el atrincheramiento en un paradigma de ayuda Norte-Sur tradicional, que impide buscar fórmulas de cooperación triangular y nuevas asociaciones para el desarrollo de carácter horizontal con los países de renta media.

Abstract: The rise of the emerging countries and South-South cooperation has created a scenario of adversity for the EU in the field of development cooperation. It affects its leadership position, its influence, legitimacy and normatively. This article examines this challenge and the EU’s response to it through the significant
reforms adopted from 2011 onwards, particularly, the «Agenda for Change» of the development policy and the new instruments
that link trade and development. The article concludes that the EU has found itself stuck between a difficult adjustment and entrenchment in a traditional North-South aid paradigm
that impedes the search for triangular cooperation formulas and new associations for development of a horizontal nature with
middle-income countries.

Over its history, ASEAN has reduced the possibility of war among its members and created a platform for member states to project their common concerns and to advance shared interests. ASEAN enabled what were relatively new, developing and in some cases small states collectively to play a sort of quasi-middle power role with which more powerful actors have to contend. But it may no longer be able to inhabit such a sweet spot. Established at the height of the Cold War, ASEAN was entrenched around an understanding among conservative, anti-communist elites with at least some authoritarian sympathies. These elites accepted autonomy, mutual non-intervention, consensus on issues that required collective action and mutual restraint from the use of force as the basis for coordination, if not cooperation. Such commitments reduced tensions among member governments and enabled them to focus on consolidating domestic political authority, economic development and, where convenient, diplomatic cooperation.

In Africa, and Tanzania in particular, international donors increasingly exert influence on governments to embrace accountability reforms as a pre-condition for receiving bilateral and multilateral development aid. This influence is noticeable in the Washington Consensus ideas about economic development and in concomitant funding programs by the World Bank, International Monitory Fund, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and even Non-Governmental Organisations. This is exemplified by World Bank funded programs to improve public service delivery in Africa through the Water Sector Development Programs, Water Sector Reform Programs and the subsequent Water Policies. In this context, accountability is a key determinant in defining power relations between African countries and their western counterparts.

This study sought to answer the research question “how are public officials held to account in Tanzania in the context of water service delivery?” To answer this question, accountability practices in three levels of governance were analysed: national, regional and local, as well as the impact of trans-national arrangements on accountability practices at these levels. The study also examined the potential of enlisting ICT and mobile phone initiatives for enhancing accountability in the water sector.

The results indicate that accountability practices in the water service delivery sector in Tanzania can be understood as an interplay of different and often conflicting governmentalities where conflicting rationalities, mentalities and technologies are intertwined. This gives rise to complex and self-contradictory drivers, the result of which is that formal international donor accountability reforms are difficult to implement and can lead to counterproductive results. Thus, holding national and local level public officials to account should not be understood only through the lenses of principal-agent (PA) and collective-action (CA) theory, because these do not capture all drivers and interactions. In practice, the locally understood informal accountability governmentalities compete with the donor-driven formal accountability governmentalities.

Only by quitting their roles do donors help give Tanzanian citizens a chance to hold their government accountable. Likewise, only by having a more encompassing, balanced incremental approach to various conflicting governmentalities, the people of Tanzania can start to fight corruption, and maybe introduce other changes that draw on the good elements of governmentality.

The anthology Social Media in Development Communication, edited by Ricky Storm Braskov, is an outcome of the Ørecomm Festival 2011. It brings together voices from key institutions and experts central in the established world of development cooperation, invited to share their experiences in using social media.

The much discussed role of social media in recent social mobilisations has sparked a historical attention to communication for social change in the spheres of media and communication scholars. Which current conferences or new calls for publications are not about voice and participation, mobilisation and rights, citizenship and change? Communication for social change as a terrain of practice and as a cross-disciplinary field of research is at the verge of drowning in success!

In this environment, communication for development and social change has proliferated, it is becoming increasingly institutionalised, and Ørecomm is striving to take up the challenges, help set the agendas and explore the actual practices on the ground.

Este cuaderno examina los desafíos que enfrenta la política de desarrollo de la UE en América Latina, una región de renta intermedia en la que los flujos de ayuda pierden relevancia en el conjunto de la financiación externa. Es necesaria una estrategia específica que responda a las exigencias de la agenda internacional de eficacia de la ayuda, a las políticas de desarrollo del “regionalismo postliberal”, y a la creciente relevancia de la cooperación sur-sur. En ese contexto, se analizan los cambios experimentados por la política de desarrollo de la UE, su estrategia hacia América Latina, y los instrumentos y programas regionales. Se plantean también diversas propuestas para asegurar la relevancia y eficacia de dicha política.

""“There cannot be sustainable development without peace and security, and without development and poverty eradication there will be no sustainable peace”.  The commitment to intertwine development and security policies of both the European Union and the Member States has increasingly been put forward in policy documents since the early 2000s. While the security-development nexus seems at first sight obvious and rather unremarkable, it has nonetheless become one of the main trouble spots of inter-institutional coherence in EU external action. The fuzzy boundaries between both policy domains and their impact on the distribution of competences turned the implementation of the nexus into a particularly complex and tense exercise.
The rationale behind many of the Lisbon Treaty innovations is to address coherence issues by reducing the potential for conflict to a minimum. This paper focuses on the European External Action Service (EEAS) and analyses to what extent it could contribute to reconciling the distinct policies, strategies and institutional cultures of development cooperation and  Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The new diplomatic service constitutes a functionally autonomous body with considerable policy discretion regarding both CFSP and development cooperation. Moreover, it assembles staff and resources from the Council, the Commission and the Member States that previously stood in sharp competition. Yet, the author argues that this integration has only been partial and without the necessary political will, the EEAS might become a new battleground for continued inter-institutional turf wars and thus undermine the EU’s international credibility.
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Este trabajo examina la cooperación española con América Latina a partir de un marco explicativo integrado por los intereses, las identidades y los valores, en los tres casos entendidos como construcciones sociales. Se analizan cómo han evolucionado en la política de cooperación española desde los gobiernos del Partido Popular (1996-2004) y el primer gobierno del PSOE (2004-2008). A partir de la contradictoria relación entre esos tres elementos el capítulo analiza cómo España ha optado por una cooperación orientada a los países de renta media baja de América Latina, y una agenda "ODM-plus" que trata de incorporar metas de cohesión social y no solo de lucha contra la pobreza. la relación de los objetivos de desarrollo y los relacionados con intereses empresariales y con la inmigración también es abordada.

This chapter contains a brief analysis of the institutional evolution of Colombian international development aid cooperation, and its organisation and mandates. It deals with Colombia’s approach to both ‘traditional’ relationships between established donors and recipients, and the newer paradigm of partnership relations with other developing countries; and concludes with some evaluation of strengths and weaknesses in the system.

En el marco de la crisis centroamericana de los años ochenta, la ayuda económica y militar de Estados Unidos fue uno de los instrumentos más destacados de su política hacia la región. Basándose en el marco de análisis de la economía política internacional, la tesis plantea una concepción de la ayuda al desarrollo, y analiza como se aplicaron las políticas de ayuda en los cinco casos nacionales: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras y Nicaragua. De este análisis se desprende que los objetivos de la ayuda fueron: alinear a los países de la región en una estrategia regional contrainsurgente, estabilizar las economías, obstaculizar el proceso de paz y -solo cuando no pusiera en riesgo los objetivos de seguridad, claramente los predominantes- deberían promover también políticas de apertura, liberalización y ajuste estructural de orientación neoliberal. Estas últimas permitieron recuperar los equilibrios macroeconómicos básicos y el crecimiento económico, pero también han tenido fuertes costes sociales y medioambientales, que ponen en peligro el desarrollo futuro de la región, además de comprometer sus frágiles procesos de paz y de democratización.

Cooperation in the area of innovations comes down to active participation of enterprises in innovation processes taken up with other commercial and/or non-commercial entities. The data in this respect – in accordance with the Oslo Manual 2005 recommendations – should be collected using the identifying questions: cooperation partners (e.g. competitors, clients, consultants, universities), cooperation objects (innovation types – e.g. product or process specific ones) and the geographical range (local, national, international). It is suggested to apply either binary or ordinal response scale in these arrangements. The recommendations presented in such way are of fairly general nature and can be implemented in various ways in public statistics. The purpose of the presented discussion is to provide the critical analysis of the Oslo Manual 2005 recommendations and a comparative analysis of the suggested (Oslo Manual 2005) and applied procedures (Central Statistical Office; PNT-02, PNT-02/u reports) in terms of collecting information about the cooperation of enterprises with entities operating in their environment regarding innovation oriented processes. The critical observations in this regard were considered the reason for the modification of reports about innovations in the sector of industry and services.

This document examines EU development cooperation with Latin America, considering, first, the changes in the international development agenda that are relevant to the region, including the debate about the relevance and methods of cooperation with middle-income countries (MICs), the implementation of the Paris Declaration about the effectiveness of aid and South- South development cooperation in Latin America, in the context of the redefinition of regionalism and integration in this region. Second, it analyses EU cooperation with Latin America, considering especially its regional dimension, the strategies adopted, and the challenge represented by adapting cooperation to the creation of a ‘network’ of association agreements on which it is intended to base bi-regional relations. Special attention is paid to cooperation in science and technology, an increasingly important area of cooperation with the region, particularly with upper MICs.

This paper investigates how the legacy of the South Korean developmental state influences the way the country conducts its development cooperation (DC) policies. We argue that institutions of the developmental state remain instrumental in structuring South Korea’s cooperation with the developing world. Two country case studies of South Korean DC and investment projects in Mozambique and Rwanda show that state initiative and a strong state–business partnership are defining elements of South Korean DC. At the same time, both cases show substantial differences when it comes to type of project, type of state–business partnership in the South Korean approach, degree of project ownership by the recipient country, and quality of governance in the recipient countries.

The characteristics of indigenous groups make participatory approaches especially critical to safeguarding their interests in the development process. Such approaches, recognizing the right of indigenous peoples to participate actively in planning their own futures, are supported by major donors and international organizations, including the World Bank, but have proved very difficult to implement. They call for changes in attitudes, policies and legislation to address the key issues: recognizing rights to land and natural resources; ensuring culturally appropriate procedures for consultation and communication; and building on the strengths of traditional lifestyles and instititutions.

Este Estudio ofrece un diagnóstico de la situación actual de la educación para el desarrollo en el ámbito estatal, regional y local. Se analiza el marco institucional en el que se inserta la educación para el desarrollo, los procesos educativos y en particular las metodologías, la participación, la formación, los materiales y los discursos dominantes y la coordinación entre losa actores y sus ámbitos de actuación. El Estudio finaliza con un conjunto de recomendaciones orientadas a consolidar este ámbito de actuación en el marco de la cooperación al desarrollo