Ethymology

Аннотация Лексический пласт любого языка представлен исконными словами и заимствованиями из других языков. В настоящей статье рассматриваются арабизмы и история их появле ния в русском языке. Материалом для исследования послужили этимологические слова ри. В результате проведённого анализа удалось составить список из 41 косвенного арабизма, распределив их по тематическим группам и проследив этапы вхождения каждого из них в русский язык. Было выявлено, что заимствование из арабского в русский проходило через турецкий, латинский, французский, английский, немецкий, испанский, итальянский и польский языки, отражая экономическое, политическое и культурное взаимодействие России с соответствующими странами. Источники ряда арабизмов попрежнему остаются спорными и нуждаются в дальнейшем изучении.

В статье рассматривается диалектная лексика, связанная с традициями собирательства на Русском Севере: наименования грибов и ягод, отражающие особенности их приготовления и кулинарные свойства, а также названия блюд из лесных продуктов. Материал статьи составили диалектные, фольклорные и этнографические сведения из Архангельской, Вологодской и Костромской областей, в том числе неопубликованные данные, собранные Топонимической экспедицией Уральского федерального университета. Статья направлена на выявление специфики категоризации лесных продуктов в языке севернорусских крестьян, локальных особенностей растительного рациона, а  также возможного влияния финно-угорской пищевой культуры. Этнолингвистический подход предполагает учет
количественного соотношения лексем, идеографический и ареальный анализ лексики, выявление ее семантико-мотивационных связей. В результате анализа материала устанавливается, что с темой сбора грибов и ягод на Русском Севере связан значительный круг языковых единиц и текстов фольклора. Выявляются характерные для культуры  собирательства категории и понятия: «количество грибов / ягод, принесенных за один раз», «лесные хозяева грибов
и  ягод», «родовые наименования лесных продуктов» (волога, обоща), «особо ценные лесные продукты» (царские
грибы, ягоды, рыба). Наименования блюд из грибов и ягод указывают на различные способы их приготовления, питательные свойства, состав. Названия блюд из ягод отразили влияние финно-угорской кулинарной традиции (вероятно, заимствованные обозначения мучных каш с ягодами галагатка, кипришиха, ляс). Представления о собирательстве сохраняются в фольклорных сюжетах и нарративах: мужчины как типичные сборщики грибов, дети и девушки — собиратели ягод; наличие у каждой деревни своей территории для сбора; неприятие «чужих» в своих местах; пищевые привычки локальных групп (прозвища вологодские рыжики, обабки и пр.).

This article deals with the dictionary, Kleines Lexikon deutscher Wörter arabischer
Herkunft" (Small Dictionary of German Words of Arabic Origin), published in
German by Nabil Othman in 1982, in which he etymologically analyzes about five
hundred German words of Arabic origin.

Praca magisterska obroniona w Katedrze Slawistyki Południowej Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego w 2006 roku.
Autor przedstawia neologizmy pojawiające się w "Kongresie futurologicznym" S. Lema oraz ich ekwiwalenty pojawiające się w bułgarskim przekładzie, przeprowadza ich analizę słowotwórczą i etymologiczną. Do pracy dołączony jest polsko-bułgarski słownik neologizmów "Kongresu futurologicznego".

Lucrarea de faţă încercă să stabilească raporturile între principalele trei tipuri de cuvinte (disfemisme, eufemisme şi ortoepisme), modurile în care acestea se fomează şi îşi modifică valenţele, în funcţie de contexul social în care sunt folosite. VConcentrarea atenției are loc mai ales asupra termenilor licenţioşi. Lucrarea încercă să clarifice tabuul lingvistic şi cenzura ca principalii factori care justifică necesitatea existenţei acestor categorii de termeni.

У науковій літературі не існує однозначного трактування явища популізму, що повною мірою відповідає основним етапам розвитку цього поняття. У повсякденному розумінні популізм набув негативного значення і сприймається як щось тотожне демагогії чи індоктринації, або ж маніпуляції свідомістю.

Vi{egodi{nji rad na temi Epski gradovi u Balkanolo{kom institutu SANU omogu}io je -izme|u ostalog 1 -i da se prvi put u punoj meri i na osnovu vi{estruko proveravanih podataka, sagledaju predstave o broju, vrstama i na~inu prostiranja gradova i drugih naseljenih mesta 2 u srpsko-hrvatskoj usmenoj desetera~koj epici. U razumnoj meri ta~an pregled epskih ojkonima mogao bi unaprediti poetiku epskog`anra nepo-1 Rad se odvijao na projektima oeMitolo{ko-religijske predstave balkanskih narodaOE (2168) [2002][2003][2004][2005]. i oeEtni~ka i socijalna stratifikacija BalkanaOE (148011) od 2006. U saradnji sa Fondom za otvoreno dru{tvo u Beogradu, Centrom za nau~ni rad SANU u Kragujevcu i Odborom za prou~avanje istorije knji`evnosti SANU, objavljen je CD Rom Gradovi u hri{}anskoj i muslimanskoj usmenoj epici, upor. Deteli}-Loma-Pavlovi} 2004, a u {tampi je monografija Epski gradovi. Leksikon (Deteli} 2006). Uz to, pune~etiri godine, koliko je trajao period finansiranja projekata Ministarstva za nauku i`ivotnu sredinu, u okviru ovog projekta objavljivani su kra}i i du`i radovi u doma}im i stranim nau~nim~asopisima i izlagana saop{tenja na me|unarodnim nau~nim skupovima. Podaci o tome prilo`eni su u bibliografiji uz ovu studiju. 2 U ekscerpciju su bili uklju~eni svi ojkonimi, bez obzira koji tip naseljenog mesta stoji iza njih: grad, {eher, selo, varo{, kasaba, palanka, pa~ak i {anac ili karaula. To je u~injeno zato {to je grad izuzetno nestabilan pojam koji u razna vremena ima razli~ita zna~enja. Zavisno od istorijskih promena i turbulencije, neki su gradovi nastajali i nestajali sve u jednom veku, neki su po~injali kao va`ni gradovi-tvr|ave a zavr{avali kao sela i palanke, kao {to je i obrnuto bivalo -~ak i~e{}e: od sela i palan~ica nastajali su gradovi i tvr|ave. U epskom svetu neki su gradovi potpuno nestali (npr. @rnovan/Avala na Avali kod Beograda) i nikad se vi{e nisu obnovili, a iza nekih su ostala istoimena sela (npr. Deligrad)~ija su imena jedina svedo~anstva o nekada{njem gradu. Ve}ina srednjovekovnih gradova postoji jo{ uvek u vidu ostataka poru{enih fortifikacija, manje ili vi{e prepoznatljivih i dokumentovanih. Uz sve to, mirovnim ugovorom kod preuzimanja srpskih gradova od Turaka 1876. oni utvr|eni gradovi koji su jo{ uvek bili sa~uvani u celosti mehani~ki su ru{eni ili dizani u vazduh kako bi se obezbedio mir novopostavljene srpsko-turske granice. Samo nekoliko godina potom (1912)(1913), ta je granica potpuno promenjena u dva balkanska rata, a srpska ba{tina pretrpela je neprocenjivu {tetu od ru{enja gradova, koji bi danas bili spomenici istorije i kulture prvog reda. Zbog svega toga, nijedno naseljeno mesto u epskim pesmama nije izostavljeno iz ekscerpcije, iako je u naslovu zadr`an termin gradovi. Ogre{enje o fak-ti~ko stanje je suvi{e malo u pore|enju sa zna~ajem koji ima formiranje kompletnog fonda epskih ojkonima. 10 BELI GRAD 3 Korpus na kome je vr{eno istra`ivanje~ine srpska, hrvatska i muslimanska desete-ra~ka epika, i to celokupne zbirke Vuka Stefanovi}a Karad`i}a (II-IV), uklju~uju}i Dr`avno izdanje (VI-IX) i izdanje SANU (II-IV), zatim Pjevanija Sime Milutinovi}a Sarajlije i zbirke Matice Hrvatske (I-II; VII-IX), te muslimanske zbirke Matice Hrvatske (III-IV), Koste Hormana (I-III) i Esada Had`iomerspahi}a. To~ini ukupno 1258 epskih pesama. Detaljni podaci o zbirkama dati su u poglavlju VII -PRILOZI Podaci o gra|i. 4 Ovaj je broj zapravo ve}i jer u kona~nu cifru nisu ura~unata 23 problemati~na naziva za koje se ne mo`e utvrditi za kakvo se mesto vezuju, naseljeno ili nenaseljeno (npr. Gunjan, Meraj, Pogrde, Bara, \us, Po{}ela itd.). 5 Za razliku od Un|urije kojom je ozna~avan turski deo Ma|arske. 6 Zbog toga bi bilo gotovo nemogu}e napraviti doslovne mape doga|aja u pesmama koje uz radnju u Bosni, Krajini ili Ravnim Kotarima -na primer -pominju jo{ i careve u Stambolu i Be~u, i moskovsku i englesku kraljicu (npr. KH I, 2, 17, 21 itd.).

Το ελληνικό λέξημα ριζικό έχει πολλές σημασίες, ανάμεσα στις οποίες είναι μοίρα, τύχη, προέλευση, καταγωγή, γένος, η ρίζα ενός δέντρου κ.α. Με αυτή τη λέξη έχουν σχέση και άλλα παράγωγα όπως ριζικάρης, ριζικάρι, καλορίζικος – κακορίζικος κ.α.
Μεγάλο ενδιαφέρον παρουσιάζει αυτή η ρίζα στην Βαλκανική προοπτική. Είναι γνωστό, ότι στις νοτιοσλαβικές γλώσσες υπάρχουν πολλά δάνεια από το ελληνικό ρήμα ορίζω κυρίως στον χώρο της λαϊκής μυθολογίας. Πρόκειται για τα μυθολογικά πρόσωπα που ορίζουν κατά τις λαϊκές αντιλήψεις την μοίρα του νεογέννητου μωρού: στην βουλγαρική και στην σέρβικη γλώσσα - орùсници, ουσιαστικά орисùя, уресùя – μοίρα, орисняк, урùсницы, орùснишки, юдорùсница, ρήματα: орисам, орисвам, орисувам, ориша, орисна, врысам, урисам, урисувам, уриша, παράγωγα: орисаник, урисаник, орисаница, урисаница, орисница,злоорисан, злоурисан κ.α..
Είναι σημαντικό, ότι όλα αυτά τα παραδείγματα έχουν άμεση σχέση με την έννοια της μοίρας. Τα δάνεια αυτά πέρασαν ευρέως στα Βαλκάνια και έδωσαν πολλά παράγωγα στις νότιες σλαβικές γλώσσες, παρόλο που δεν έχουν κάποια ακριβή αντιστοιχία στην νέα ελληνική γλώσσα. Στη σύγχρονη ελληνική παράδοση είναι γνωστά ονόματα μυθολογικών προσώπων, που προέρχονται από την αρχαία ελληνική γλώσσα, από τη ρίζα –μοίρ- (μοίρα): Μοίρες, Καλομοίρες. Θα πρέπει να σημειώσουμε ότι το  ρήμα ορίζω στη σύγχρονη ελληνική βρίσκεται σε μια ισχυρή σχέση με τη λέξη μοίρα, («Οι Μοίρες του όρισαν την τύχη ...» κτλ.).
Έτσι, στην ελληνική γλωσσική κοσμοθεωρία είναι συνυφασμένες στενά δύο ρίζες:  -ριζ- και -ορίζ-, και οι σημασίες τους διασταυρώνονται στα πλαίσια των αντιλήψεων για την μοίρα, την τύχη, το πεπρωμένο. Η ετυμολογία της λέξης ριζικό(ν) πρέπει να εξετάζεται σε μια ευρύτερη προοπτική, σε σύγκριση με το υλικό που προσφέρει η περιοχή των Βαλκανίων. Έτσι μπορεί να επιβεβαιωθεί η εκδοχή προέλευσης αυτής της λέξης από την ρίζα –ορίζ-(ορίζω) με την εθνογλωσσική επίδραση, την σύγκλιση με την ρίζα –ριζ- (ρίζα).

Heralds and heraldry are generally thought to have a close, even essential relationship, dating back to their origins. However, recent research on the office of heralds has demonstrated that this close connection between ‘heralds’ and ‘heraldry’ did not exist in the Middle Ages, and that for the most part the two institutions developed independently of each other. Only over the course of the history of the herald’s office—and only at the end of the Middle Ages—did heraldry become one of their more important duties.
Our understanding of ‘the herald’ as a historical phenomenon, therefore, has to be reconsidered in the same way as the proliferation and impact of heraldry as a means of communication in the Middle Ages needs to be reevaluated.
Such insights allow the herald’s office to be reconsidered in its own right, separately from heraldry, and heraldry to be assessed as a means of mass communication that was available to the whole of medieval society, far from being the ‘secret science’ of heralds. But how did the misconception that equated and confused ‘heralds’ and ‘heraldry’ originate?
In this paper, I suggest three reasons for the tendency of modern historiography to run together heralds and heraldry. The first reasons lies in the shared historical roots of heralds and heraldry: They both came to life in the context of the twelfth century tournaments, which lured historians into equating them from their very beginning. Although their common origins are evident, I argue that at the time heraldry was not at all the heralds’ primary occupation. The second reason that seems to be responsible for the misconception is the etymological origin of both terms. Here, I demonstrate that the definition of ‘heraldry’ as the study or science of coats of arms is in fact a modern interpretation that did not(!) exist in the Middle Ages, where ‘heraldry’ (if used at all) had a much broader sense. The third reason, finally, lies in the fact that for a long time heralds were almost exclusively studied by heraldists who, following their research interests, were primarily concerned with coats of arms.
This misconception of the relationship between ‘heralds’ and ‘heraldry’ points to the importance of close sensitivity to the evolving terminological and historiographical background, and invites us to reconsider our perspectives on heralds and heraldry.

Öz Türk dilinin çeşitli kaynaklarına baktığımızda ala sözcüğünün geniş bir şekilde kullanıldığını görüyoruz. Tarihî ve çağdaş Türk lehçererinde ala sözcüğü renk bildirmenin yanı sıra canlı türlerini, bitki ve ağaç çeşitlerini, kumaş ve bez cinslerini, hastalıkları, karmaşıklığı, hava durumunu, zaman dilimini, insanın çeşitli hâllerini, yemek türlerini ve hatta soyut kavramları adlandırmak için de kullanılmıştır. Moğolca ve Mançuca gibi dillerde de görülen bu sözcük zamanla anlam değişimine uğramıştır. Türkçede ala sözcüğünün çok renkli anlamının yanı sıra bir de yarı anlamı vardır. Bu makalede ala sözcüğü ve bu sözcükle oluşturulan birleşik kelimeler dikkate alınarak, sözcüğün tarihî ve çağdaş Türk lehçelerinde kullanım alanı belirlenip temel ve yan anlamı ayırt edilmeye çalışılmış, temel anlamdan yan anlama nasıl geçildiği izah edilmiştir. Anahtar Sözcükler: Türkçe, ala Sözcüğü, Tarihî Türk Lehçeleri, Çağdaş Türk Lehçeleri. Abstract Considering different references on the Turkish language, we observe that the word ala has been utilized widely. Besides indicating color, the word ala has been employed in the historical and modern Turkish dialects for naming different types of creature, trees and plants, different types of cloth and fabric, diseases, disorders and complexities, weather conditions, periods of time, man's various moods, different types of food, and even abstract notions. Also seen in Mongolian and Manchu, the word has undergone gradual semantic change. The Turkish word ala means half as well as colorful. Considering the word ala and the compound words made with it, this research has sought to specify the domain of application of the word in the historical and modern Turkish dialects and to differentiate its primary and secondary meanings. Furthermore, it has been investigated how it has been transformed from the primary to the secondary meaning.

Rozprawa doktorska obroniona na Wydziale Filologii Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego w 2011 roku.

Praca poświęcona jest szeroko pojętej stylizacji leksykalnej w utworach groteskowo-ludycznych S. Lema i ich przekładach na język bułgarski. Autor przeprowadza zarówno analizę leksykalną i słowotwórczą neologizmów, archaizmów oraz dialektyzmów w tekście oryginału, ale też analogiczną analizę ich odpowiedników w tekstach bułgarskich, dokonuje także krytycznej analizy przekładu, prezentując swoją typologię translatorskich strategii wykorzystywanych przez tłumaczy. Do pracy dołączony jest polsko-bułgarski słownik Lemowych neologizmów z badanych utworów.

Авестанско (други миленијум пне) ŠRAVAS = ZRAVAS = SLAVA истиче из корена ШАР и није исто што и Sarbat, Širwun(um) (18. век пне-Аморитски облици) = Šerabeli (11. век пне) и вероватно Sarrabanu (8. vek pne, оба Асирски облици) и истичу из корена ДАРБХ, а аналози су облика које је Вук забележио Србаљ и Србин. Настало је у раном другом миленијуму пне и опстало до времена Медске империје у подручју северно од Иранског платоа, који окружује Каспијско језеро. У даљем, продире до средње Европе преко Понтијске степе, заустављајући се на ободима Алпа и сазрева до данашњег облика Словен преко облика Σταυανοί/Σουοβινοι, док је СРБ насталог губитком самозвучника од тисућљећа упорабе од облика Србаљ/Serapill/Sarapar/Šerabel или Сербин/Шерфек/Serbator/Servili-Servius, са значењем скалпер/главосек односно ЧУВАР.

В статье рассматриваются проблемы восприятия и презентации того этимологического наследия, которое накопилось в отечественной исторической русистике с момента вхождения в исследовательскую практику сравнительно-исторического метода. Подчеркиваются огромные заслуги Макса Фасмера как составителя на настоящий момент наиболее полного этимологического словаря русского языка. Отмечается активизация интереса к этимологии и, наряду с этим, возникновение негативного отношения неспециалистов в области этимологии к личности и научному творчеству М. Фасмера в связи с развитием ложноэтимологических тенденций в интерпретации русской лексики. Характеризуется сложность этимологической работы, вы-нужденная множественность этимологических интерпретаций одного слова и, в то же время, строгая обоснованность выводов достижениями современной компаративистики. Манифестируется необходимость грамотного, компетентного прочтения этимологических словарей, отсутствие какового позволяет сделать неверные выводы о содержании словарных статей. Обсуждаются при-меры альтернативных этимологических интерпретаций, основанных на вкусовом подходе к проблеме происхождения русских слов и ложно понятом языковом патриотизме. Ставится задача расширения сведений о происхождении русских в учебной практике средней школы. Осуществляется обзор информации и практических заданий, связанных с происхождением русской лексики, в современных школьных учебниках по русскому языку для 5-11 классов. Обращается внимание на явный перевес в пользу изуче-ния заимствованной лексики и пренебрежение этимологией исконных слов русского языка в школьной практике. Автор призывает произвести переоценку значимости сведений по истории русского языка в школьной практике, усилить исторический компонент в преподавании русского языка в школе. Ключевые слова: история русского языка; русская этимология; русский язык; методика русского языка в школе; ме-тодика преподавания русского языка; заимствованные слова; этимологическая лексикография; происхождение слов.
The article deals with the problems of perception and presentation of the etymological heritage that has accumulated in the Russian historical studies of the Russian language since the introduction of the comparative historical method into the research practice. The great merits of Max Fasmer as a compiler of the most complete etymological dictionary of the Russian language are emphasized. There is a growing interest in the etymology and, along with this, the emergence of a negative attitude of non-specialists in the field of etymology to the individual and scientific work of M. Fasmer in connection with the development of false-etimological trends in the interpretation of Russian vocabulary. The complexity of the etymological work, the forced plurality of etymological interpretations of one word and, at the same time, the strict validity of the conclusions of modern comparative studies are characterized. The necessity of competent interpretation of etymological dictionaries, the absence of which allows to draw incorrect conclusions about the content of dictionary entries is manifested. The examples of alternative etymological interpretations based on the "taste" approach to the problem of the origin of Russian words and falsely understood linguistic patriotism are discussed. The task is to expand information about the origin of Russian vocabulary in the educational practice of secondary school. The information and practical tasks related to the origin of Rus-sian vocabulary are reviewed in modern school textbooks on the Russian language for grades 5-11. Attention is drawn to the clear advantage of the study of the borrowed vocabulary and disregard for the etymology of the primordial words of the Russian language in school practice. The author calls for reassessment of the importance of information on the history of the Russian language in school practice , to strengthen the historical component in the teaching of the Russian language at school.

All the terminology related to hair dressing in the Croatian language is derived from a galicism friseur, for two reasons: (1) the concept of hair dressing didn't exist in widely spoken language, thus there was no need for related terminology; and (2) when the concept appeared, it was inherited from the higher social groups, so the lower groups took the already adopted, yet foreign, vocabulary for it. Since the phonetic structure of the adopted semantic system is unnatural to any Slavic language, here we derive the hair-dressing terminology from a Croatian word kòsa, the root of which (kos-) can be found in all the Slavic languages and was derived by apophony from the common Indo-European root *kes-.
We show that the formation space of this root is free and therefore it is the best choice among the 3 different possibilities (kòsa, vlȃs and šíšati). Consequently we form a completely new semantic-formation system from it, even introducing new terms which haven’t evolved due only to the mentioned phonetic barriers, and concepts of which have been expressed only descriptively. Moreover, we derive an equivalent system from an analogous Old Slavonic root kosmъ. These systems do not only indicate the formation possibilities of substitutions for some loanwords in Croatian, they also reveal the new dimension of the concept-formation relation (1-2 above) which we prove to be particularly fruitful for the formation of native substitutes.

Abstract. The article presents a retrospective analysis of the Old Slavic form of the ethnonym slovĕnje (Slavs). The oldest desemantized roots slo- and skla- (from sklaviny) are found in the hydronyms Vi-sla, Vi-stla, Vor-skla, all of which mean ʻSlavic (river)ʼ. The initial consonant in the root slo- is a result of satem palatalization of the roo t IE *k̑el- ʻ(Arias) ploughmenʼ. Contacts with Germanic tribes brought about the ethnonym -vĕnje (from slovĕnje), and later Veneten/ Veneden. Strong reduction of the latter resulted in the appearance of the form Anty.

ХОРС је древно словенско соларно божанство. Помиње се у више писаних споменика, претежно источнословенских (Велесова књига, Несторова Хроника, Слово о полку Игорову, Повест времених лет), али и у оним насталим на Балканском полуострву (Откриће св. Марије, мајке Божје, о паклу).

The General estoria contains the first translations of fragments from the Metamorphoses and the Heroides. This allows the entry in Castilian language of words that only existed in Latin until then. When explaining the original Latin term, the compilers often referred to etymology, sometimes with the help of glosses they found in the source facing the text. This article describes the making of neologisms in the Castilian text through examples taken from Ovid’s translation. This allows me to establish links between this translation processes and a long tradition of reading and explaining classic texts that goes back to the accessus ad auctores and to the interlinear gloss with a linguistic aim present in the manuscripts.

The article addresses the problem of Medieval Novgorod colonization of the Russian North and NorthEast and examines it in light of historical, archaeological, and dialectal data. Many Northern Russian lexical
units are interpreted as elements of Old Novgorod origin by their distinctive characteristics; their etymology and dialectal history is analyzed. Priority is given to facts with an additional Old Novgorod specificity,
which are therefore more revealing and reliable. Among them are such geographical terms as shelónik, rel’,
relka, khib, khı́bina, khı́ben’, limenets, vódos’, sholón’, kámnik, phraseological unit provalit’sya kak v kamskii mokh, toponyms Khibiny, Nal’ostrov, Obradovo, Nekshino, Volma (Volmenskoe), Kholunitsa, Kholunaya,
Nokrat (Nukhrat), Vyatka, Volkhov, Solpa, Solopovka, Vishera, Visherka, Pes’yanka, Polyudovo, Polyudyata,
etc. Conclusions are drawn on the ways and the time of penetration of the listed lexical, phraseological, and
toponymic units far to the North and East.

In the article was analyzed the Lorenzo Valla’s attempt to apply the methods of the philological criticism to the juridical texts. I am showing that the humanist method used by Valla was inadequate for this purpose and that the famous humanist had used the illegitimate arguments proving his position.

Abstract

Vernacular translations of Latin texts in the Middle Ages are intimately permeated with the gloss that comes with the original works in the manuscripts. The gloss can be inserted  at  the  heart  of  the  translation,  which  alters  the  choice  of  words  or  the  meaning  of  the  syntagmas,  or  it  can  be  added  after  a  translated  section  to  provide  an interpretation. Ovid’s texts receive one of the most prolific exegeses from the end of the 12th century. His Metamorphoses are extensively glossed with a view to neutralising their  supernatural  character  and  assimilating  them  into  Christian  thought.  As  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  13th  century,  the  first  Castilian  and  French  translations  of  the Metamorphoses appear. These versions, inherited from  a common exegesis of French origin, are inserted in much longer historiographical and Christian works: the General estoria by Alfonso X (1270-1284), 7,000 pages long in its modern edition, and the Ovide moralisé (ca. 1320), that contains more than 72,000 verses. Because of these common features, it is appropriate to undertake a comparative study of Ovid’s translation together with its gloss, and their interaction with other translated texts that complete the Latin verses or put them into context. This paper will present a few conclusions drawn from this comparative approach and future lines of research. A more thorough study will have to take into account the complexity of these glossed translations compiled with other works that have themselves been translated and glossed.

Résumé français
La traduction vernaculaire de textes latins au Moyen Âge est intimement imprégnée de la glose qui accompagne les œuvres dans les manuscrits. La glose peut être insérée au cœur de la traduction, ce qui modifie le choix des mots ou le sens des syntagmes, ou ajoutée à la fin des paragraphes traduits pour en proposer une interprétation. Les textes d’Ovide reçoivent une des exégèses les plus prolifiques à partir de la fin du XIIe siècle. Ses "Métamorphoses" sont glosées longuement pour en retirer leur caractère surnaturel et pouvoir les assimiler à la pensée chrétienne. Dès la fin du XIIIe siècle apparaissent les premières traductions des "Métamorphoses" en castillan et en français. Ces versions, héritées d’une exégèse commune de provenance française, sont insérées dans des œuvres bien plus longues à caractère historiographique et chrétien : la "General estoria" d’Alphonse X (1270-1284), de 7.000 pages dans son édition moderne, et l’Ovide moralisé (vers 1320), qui contient plus de 72.000 vers. À cause de ces caractéristiques communes, il est pertinent de mener une étude comparative de la traduction d’Ovide accompagnée de sa glose, et de l’interaction de celle-ci avec d’autres œuvres traduites qui complètent ou remettent dans leur contexte les vers latins. Cette communication présentera quelques conclusions tirées de cette approche comparative et les lignes de recherche à venir pour une étude complète. Cette dernière devra prendre en compte la complexité de ces traductions glosées qui sont compilées avec d’autres œuvres, elles-mêmes traduites et glosées à leur tour.

Abstract
Vernacular translations of Latin texts in the Middle Ages are intimately permeated with the gloss that comes with the original works in the manuscripts. The gloss can be inserted at the heart of the translation, which alters the choice of words or the meaning of the syntagmas, or it can be added after a translated section to provide an interpretation. Ovid’s texts receive one of the most prolific exegeses from the end of the 12th century. His "Metamorphoses" are extensively glossed with a view to neutralising their supernatural character and assimilating them into Christian thought. As early as the beginning of the 13th century, the first Castilian and French translations of the "Metamorphoses" appear. These versions, inherited from a common exegesis of French origin, are inserted in much longer historiographical and Christian works: the "General estoria" by Alfonso X (1270-1284), 7,000 pages long in its modern edition, and the "Ovide moralisé" (ca. 1320), that contains more than 72,000 verses. Because of these common features, it is appropriate to undertake a comparative study of Ovid’s translation together with its gloss, and their interaction with other translated texts that complete the Latin verses or put them into context. This paper will present a few conclusions drawn from this comparative approach and future lines of research. A more thorough study will have to take into account the complexity of these glossed translations compiled with other works that have themselves been translated and glossed.

Boarding an aircraft, a passenger immediately enters into a different world and encounters a different culture. For this reason, airlines are often viewed as national symbols, which is oftentimes strengthened by their names (e.g. Koninklijke Luchtvaart Maatschappij, Brussels Airlines, Polskie Linie Lotnicze LOT or Air Aruba). However, there are also airlines whose names were created in a totally different way (e.g. Transavia, Jetairfly or Bingo Airways). In this paper, I will make an attempt at providing the answer to the question of how the names of the airlines functioning in Poland and the Dutch-speaking territories were created and what influence the cultures of those countries had on this name-formation process. The major goal is thus to present the outcomes of a semantic analysis of the names of 113 Dutch, Belgian, Surinamese and Polish (both contemporary and non-existent) airlines. The study will also involve tracing the differences and similarities in the history of the formation of the names under analysis.

INTRODUÇÃO
A questão pesquisada neste projeto de doutorado "Problemas de Equivalência em Terminologia e Dicionários - Termos Técnicos da Estética Médica em Alemão, Polonês, Francês e Ucraniano” tem como base a seguinte reflexão: como funciona essa linguagem técnica e quais estratégias lexicográficas permitem que a terminologia ainda obscura da Estética Médica seja tipologicamente transparente?
PROJETO DE PESQUISA: PENSAMENTOS ATUAIS E FUTUROS
O corpus é a base para qualquer tipo de pesquisa terminológica, visto que se aplica também neste caso. Para uma lematização e codificação subsequente(s) foi compilado o corpus dos textos científicos (em quatro idiomas: alemão, francês, polonês, ucraniano), daqueles foram selecionados os lemas/lexias, que foram objetos de uma análise mais aprofundada. Desta forma, foram realizadas as análises morfológica, etimológica, semântica e pragmática (Danilets, 2016, 2018). Os resultados obtidos sugeriram novos espaços de relação com a formação e o desenvolvimento da terminologia da Estética Médica (Śpiewak, 2012) como desconstrução das terminologias modernas, hibridização, trivialidade, afinidade, redundância lexical, etc.

What is the origin of Polish names of colours

The article attempts to explain the origin of some Polish names of non-basic colours. Lexemes that serve as bases for forming the names of colours in Polish have been divided into four semantic categories. The most numerous one consists of the names of colours derivative
from the names of certain plants. Second most numerous group of lexemes is based on the names of minerals, metals, stones. The third one refers to the names of animals, birds, fish and reptiles. The last, and least numerous group consists of the names of colours that originate
from the names of the staining substances. Among the names of the colours presented in the article some examples can be found that do not belong to any of the four groups. The name of the colour can also originate from grocery articles, atmospheric phenomena, drinks or proper nouns.

This article sheds new light on the history of the Italian word CRUMIRI "strikebreakers, scabs". It seems that the use of this word (originally the name of a Tunisian tribe) originated during some strikes in Marseilles and Genoa in the year 1901. The appearing and the first uses of this term in the Italian unionist press are shown and commented.