Greek and Roman History

New Approaches to Greek and Roman Warfare brings together essays from specialists in ancient history who employ contemporary tools and approaches to reveal new evidence and increase knowledge of ancient militaries and warfare. In-depth yet highly readable, this volume covers the most recent trends for understanding warfare, militaries, soldiers, non-combatants, and their roles in ancient cultures. Chronologically-organized chapters explore new methodologies, evidence, and topics while offering fresh and original perspectives on recent documentary and archaeological discoveries.
Covering the time period from Archaic Greece to the Late Roman Empire, the text asks questions of both new and re-examined old evidence and discusses the everyday military life of soldiers and veterans. Chapters address unique topics such as neurophysiological explanations for why some soldiers panic and others do not in the same battle, Greek society’s handling of combat trauma in returning veterans, the moral aspects and human elements of ancient sieges, medical care in the late Roman Empire, and the personal experience of military servicemembers and their families. Each chapter is self-contained to allow readers to explore topics in any order they prefer.
Providing new material and topical focus, New Approaches to Greek and Roman Warfare is an ideal text for Greek History or Roman History courses, particularly those focusing on ancient warfare, as well as scholars and general readers with interest in the ancient militaries.

The grid model was used to plan cities world-wide in the nineteenth century. By redeveloping and expanding on rectilinear schemes, these cities were brought into line with the image of a rational, productive and modern industrial age, a process which often involved demolishing more organic features of the urban fabric: its winding roads, walls, and monuments, or at least those which were deemed a threat to order and cleanliness. In this paper I examine how the study of ancient cities, and the Roman colonial city in particular, shaped the course of urban planning in Barcelona by analysing the Teoría de la Urbanización (1867), written by Ildefonso Cerdà, the Catalan engineer responsible for the Barcelona grid extension. The history contained therein shows us the importance of Greco-Roman urbanism to modernist planning in a context which is understudied, and diversifies our understanding of the values which grid planning represented in the nineteenth century. I discuss contemporary impressions of Rome, and argue that we should no longer assume that Cerdà and Spanish planners ‘inherited grid planning from the Romans’. By the end of this chapter, it will be obvious that Cerdà did not intend Barcelona, a city with a Roman past, to embody ‘Roman’ values at all.

William Gurnee Sinnigen was a Classicist and Roman historian, active in the mid-to-late 20 th century. Trained at the University of Michigan by noted Roman administrative historian Arthur E. R. Boak, Sinnigen continued his mentor's work in administrative history, producing several articles on different aspects of Roman and Byzantine administrative topics. Sinnigen was also responsible for the revision and update of Boak's acclaimed textbook on Roman history, as well as Charles Alexander Robinson's textbook on Ancient history. This article will provide a brief biography of Professor Sinnigen, along with a bibliography of his published works and reviews by other scholars of his work.

Journal of Ancient History and Archaeology Vol. 3, No. 1 (2016) pp. 47-51.

Studio sul famoso Artemision di Sardi, capitale dell'antico regno di Lidia. In questo testo si tratta della cronologia del sito archeologico, della storia degli scavi, dell'analisi tipologica e architettonica del complesso cultuale e di alcuni confronti con i grandi santuari ionici dell'Asia Minore.
Study on the famous Artemision of Sardis, the capital of the ancient Lydia's kingdom. This text talk about of the chronology of the archaeological site, the history of the excavations, architectural and typological analysis of the cultural complex and some comparisons with the great  Ionic shrines of Asia Minor.

This paper deals with the House of Leukaktios, which has been discovered during Polish excavations at Ptolemais, Libya, in 2001– 2007. The house has almost completely preserved mosaic pavements and the plan of Graeco-Roman type with an open central court (atrium), acting as the focal point around which the rooms were arranged. The name of one of the last owners, Leukaktios, is written twice on the mosaics in the atrium and in the triclinium. The author proposes the identification of several rooms. Room 1, a triclinium, has a mosaic with the characteristic U-shaped geometric frame around a central figural panel that depicts a personification of Victory or Nike. Room 14 is identified as an andron/triclinium with a similar U-shaped version lay out of the mosaic pavement. Room 9, which is situated in front of the andron/triclinium, could be interpreted as a gyneceum. The central panel which represents Dionysos and sleeping Ariadna has a parallel from the House of Dionysos in Cyrene, where the mosaic bears a rare Greek inscription dedicated to a woman.
Room 4 is identified as a reception hall. The mosaics are homogeneous in style and belong to the last phase of the building between AD 215 and 225.

Lo studio traccia le linee dello sviluppo della superficie in diritto romano. L’istituto sorse tra secondo e primo secolo a.C., in conseguenza di rilevanti mutamenti demografici e urbanistici e fu probabilmente modellato sulle concessioni vettigali. Inizialmente, la superficie fu basata sul contratto di locazione a tempo determinato e poi anche su quello a tempo indeterminato (ovvero in perpetuum) e i superficiari conduttori furono tutelati mediante l’interdictum de superficiebus, modellato su quello de loco publico fruendo. Poiché nel corso del tempo, sul finire del primo secolo a.C., si ammise nella prassi la possibilità di costituire diritti di superficie mediante compravendita, legato e donazione, la tutela interdittale non fu più sufficiente e così, forse tra primo e secondo secolo d.C., il pretore inserì nell’editto la tutela reale per via di azione, a vantaggio di tutti i superficiari, con l’eccezione di quelli che fossero meri conductores ad modicum tempus. Si esaminano tutti i tipi di azioni decretali in factum che il diritto romano conobbe a vantaggio dei superficiari.
Fonti particolarmente esaminate: Ulp. 16 ad ed. D. 6.2.11.10; Ulp. 70 ad ed. D. 43.18.1; Ulp. 68 ad ed. D. 43.9.1pr.; Paul. 29 ad ed. D. 13.7.16.2; Ulp. 17 ad ed. D. 6.1.73.1; Paul. 21 ad ed. D. 6.1.74; Ulp. 16 ad ed. D. 6.1.75; Ulp. 71 ad ed. D. 43.24.15.12; Paul. 19 ad ed. D. 6.2.12.2-3; Ulp. 16 ad ed. D. 6.2.11.1.

Experts have recently reported false bronze nummi with large reverse monograms of late Roman Imperial and Ostrogothic leaders. The experts include Alain Gennari and other members of Lamoneta.it, but not the present author. He is simply presenting this supplement to his paper “The Ricimer Monogram with Its Mysterious Additional A” and informing readers about the likelihood of spurious pieces thought to be of modern Serbian origin. His previous paper presented two Ricimer pieces, and here he presents two pieces with monograms interpreted as Eraric’s by some sources, but as mere fantasies by others. Some disagreement regarding authenticity appears to remain among some  experts and dealers.

In the Laudatio Turiae, Turia saved her property from her male relatives, and provided her husband (who was under her protection) with money. She also gave financial support to her sister, who was under legitimate guardianship. During the defence of her father’s will, she undertook the case. Being childless, she suggested to her husband to remarry, willing to share her property with the eventual children. In the Laudatio Murdiae, Murdia, had been married twice to worthy husbands and had children from both marriages. She left a will settling all her legal issues, making all her sons equal heirs after she made a bequest to her daughter. She also left her second husband a fixed sum, as a dower. Hortensia delivered a speech in front of the members of the Second Triumvirate against their decision to impose taxes on 1400 wealthy women, in order to sponsor the military legions. The women refused to contribute because their social position would be seriously aggravated if they lost their properties. These texts give a unique insight into the Roman family ideology and mentality, related often with the Roman law. In this article we try to illuminate the legal aspects dominating Roman society, but also the wife's position as the true guardian of the house.

From: G. CIFANI, L'architettura romana arcaica. Edilizia e società tra Monarchia e Repubblica, Roma: L'Erma di Bretschneider, 2008, pages 80 -109. 80 182 Sintesi schematica sul monumento, con riferimenti alle fonti letterarie, epigrafiche e numismatiche: TAGLIAMONTE 1996 e DE ANGELI 1996 con bibl.; per una rassegna completa delle fonti letterarie: (L. Da Riva) FONTES VI.2, pp. 274-344. FONTES VI.2, pp. 274-344. FONTES 183 Sull'argomento vedi: PALOMBI 1997 b. 30. TEMPIO DI GIOVE CAPITOLINO Il tempio di Giove Capitolino è l'edificio più importante del periodo arcaico e, insieme alle mura urbane, l'opera di maggior impegno dell'età dei Tarquini; la sua memoria si è trasmessa inalterata dall'antichità all'epoca moderna 182 . Di seguito vengono riportate separatamente le fonti letterarie da quelle archeologiche su cui vengono basati i modelli ricostruttivi. -Le fonti letterarie Il voto della costruzione del tempio viene attribuito in maniera pressoché concorde dalla tradizione letteraria a Tarquinio Prisco all'epoca della guerra contro i Sabini (Cic. rep. II.20.36; Liv. I.38.7; I.55.2; Dion. Hal. III.69.1; IV.59.1; Plut. Publ. XIV.1; Tac. hist. III.72). Nell'area capitolina destinata al cantiere insistevano già: templa (Serv. Aen. 9.446), arae (Varro ling. V.74), fana sacellaque deorum (Liv. I.55.2; Fest. 160 L; Lact. inst. I.20.38) relative a culti più antichi, alcuni dei quali risalenti a Tito Tazio e a Numa (Varr. Ling. V.74; Aug. civ. 4.23). La loro exauguratio sarebbe stata effettuata dall'augure Attus Navius (Dion. Hal. III. 70.1); solo i culti di Terminus, Iuventas e Mars avrebbero rifiutato di cedere loco (Aug. civ. 4.23) e furono quindi inglobati nel tempio della triade capitolina (Dion. Hal. III.69.5; Aug. Civ. 4.23). Tarquinio Prisco avrebbe quindi dato inizio ai lavori che si sarebbero svolti negli ultimi quattro anni del suo regno (583-579) e avrebbero comportato la realizzazione di un terrapieno cinto da un grande muro di sostruzione, su cui si sarebbero impostate le fondamenta (Dion. Hal. III.69.1-2; IV.53.1; Liv. I.38.7; Tac., hist. III.72; Eutr. I, 6); lo stesso monarca avrebbe commissionato la statua di culto al coroplasta veiente Vulca (Varro in Plin. N.H. XXXV.45.157). La costruzione del tempio venne ripresa però solo da Tarquinio il Superbo che, per finanziare il cantiere, utilizzò il bottino frutto del saccheggio delle città latine di Suessa Pometia, e Apiolae, mentre la manodopera sarebbe stata reclutata in parte a Roma (Liv. I.56.1) e verosimilmente nel Lazio, come rivela una fonte tarda sull'impiego di un contingente di fabri coacti dalla città di Cora (Gloss. ps. Plac. f5) f5) f 183 , nonchè dall'Etruria, per gli artisti e gli artigiani specializzati nella decorazione coroplastica (Liv. I.56.1; Plut. Publ. XIII.1; Fest 342 L; Serv. Aen. VII. 188). Il costo dell'operazione, finanziata ex manubiis, viene quantificato dallo storico L. Calpurnio Pisone (fr. 16 P) in 40.000 talenti di argento e, più verosimilmente da Fabio Pittore (fr. 10 J ) in 400 talenti equivalenti a 40.000 libbre, secondo una stima preferita anche da Livio (I.55.88-89) e poi ripresa da Dionisio di Alicarnasso (Dion. Hal. IV.50.4-5) e da Plutarco (Plut. Publ, XV.3). L'inaugurazione del tempio sarebbe avvenuta nel 509 a.C. ad opera del primo console della repubblica: M. Horatius Pulvillus (Polyb. III.22.1; Cic. dom. XLIV. 139; Liv. II.8.6; VII.3.8; Dion. Hal. V.35.3; Plut., Publ. XIV.2 ; Cass.Dio III, fr. 13.3-4; Tac. Hist. III.72) Secondo una preziosa testimonianza di Dionsio di Alicarnasso (Dion. Hal. IV. 61. il tempio aveva un perimetro di 800 piedi, con ogni lato di quasi 200 piedi, una differenza tra lunghezza e larghezza di soli 15 piedi, un triplo ordine di colonne sulla facciata, tre celle di cui quella centrale era dedicata a Giove (Dion. Hal. IV.61.4), quella destra a Minerva (Liv. VII.3.5), quella sinistra a Giunone (C.I.L. VI, 32329.9).

The Roman father and son of the same name, P. Decius Mus, became paragon patriotic heroes by deliberately giving their lives in battle that Rome might win over a fierce enemy.  Both engaged in a special ritual called devotio (from which our word devotion derives) to offer themselves to the gods of the Underworld, with whom regular people have very little interaction and to whom they rarely sacrifice.  While the Mus family is the most famous for this act, it turns out the willingness to sacrifice oneself for the good of Rome frequently occurs within stories of great patriots, including the story of Horatius Cocles, Mettius Curtius, Atilius Regulus, and in a completely backwards fashion Coriolanus and Tarpeia the traitors.     
            Romans regarded self-sacrifice as a very high noble endeavor, whereas they loathed and persecuted practitioners of human sacrifice.  Therefore it is quite amazing to read that the Romans thrice engaged in state sponsored human sacrifice, a fact they rarely mention and generally ignore.  The most famous practitioners of human sacrifice whom the Romans exterminated were the Druids, whom they massacred on Mona Island on Midsummer Night’s Eve at the great Druid convention.  But others include the Carthaginians, small religious cults in the BC and AD world, and obviously the Germans, the Celts, and Thracians as nations.  To Romans the act of human sacrifice falls just short of cannibalism in the spectrum of forbidden practices, and is the occasional accusation thrown upon an enemy to render them totally barbaric and not worth saving.  On the other hand, Romans will sometimes recognize voluntary acts of self-sacrifice for the good of the society, even when that individual is fighting the Romans.  The most famous example of this is probably the surrender of Vercingetorix, who elevates his doomed self to a sort of noble-savage.
            The crux of the matter for Romans divides over when is self-sacrifice voluntary and thus noble, and when it is compelled and thus horrible to behold.  There is no gray zone, such acts of humans being sacrificed for society are either admirable or horrible with no middle ground.  This question has a two more components, because the act of voluntary self-sacrifice to avert the future and alter destiny conflicts with the expected, fatalistic view that is inherent in believing in destiny.  How can one change what has already been determined, unless the original supposition is other than commonly understood?  And finally, why is it that gods of the Underworld, rather than Zeus/Jupiter or the Fates/Parcae are the ones who can interfere with destiny?

L’indagine svolta ha permesso di fare apparire come meglio condivisibile, tra le varie prospettive in tema di origine della compravendita consensuale romana, quella secondo cui essa sorse come istituto sganciato dalle radici del ius civile. In tal senso, almeno, depongono due ordini di considerazioni. In primo luogo, l’ipotesi sostenuta si può argomentare sulla base del passo di Paolo conservato in D. 18.1.1 e in D. 19.4.1pr.-2, dal quale emerge la convinta opinione del giurista classico, secondo la quale la compravendita consensuale doveva essere qualificata iuris gentium nel senso che i suoi caratteri fondanti erano emersi prima nel ius gentium e, solo successivamente, da esso erano stati recepiti nel ius civile (e non invece nel senso che, come viceversa accaduto per la traditio o per la stipulatio, essa fosse sorta nel ius civile e quindi fosse stata estesa ai rapporti con i peregrini). In secondo luogo, l’opinione può essere motivata sulla scorta di alcune osservazioni di dettaglio, che sono state sviluppate, da cui è sembrato emergere con sufficiente nitidezza che i Romani, in materia di compravendita con i peregrini, a partire da una certa epoca in poi, che si deve probabilmente collocare nel terzo secolo a.C., abbiano ritenuto non più soddisfacente il modello che avevano seguito fin dall’età arcaica. Tale modello arcaico era stato basato su quella che abbiamo potuto definire l’estensione “nei limiti del possibile” della disciplina civilistica ai casi di compravendite che intervenivano tra Romani e stranieri. Si trattava di un’estensione difficoltosa e a tratti anche illogica, dovuta al fatto che il diritto romano era stato pensato solo per la comunità dei cives: solo i Romani potevano avere la proprietà delle cose; solo ai cives era accessibile la mancipatio e pertanto solo per loro aveva senso compiuto la distinzione tra res mancipi e res nec mancipi; conseguentemente, solo per i cives poteva dirsi che esistesse una garanzia automatica dall’evizione in caso di vendita (reale) di res mancipi (in quanto tale garanzia derivava dalla mancipatio). L’estensione “nei limiti del possibile” di una siffatta disciplina ai rapporti di compravendita tra Romani e stranieri aveva prodotto un regime complesso, ma anche spurio e in gran parte contraddittorio, che infine apparve insoddisfacente, ciò che costituì la premessa per il suo superamento.

rapports de fouille constituent des documents administratifs communicables au public dès leur remise au Service Régional de l'Archéologie, suivant les prescriptions de la loi n° 78-753 du 17 juillet modifié relative à l'amélioration des relations entre l'administration et le public. Aux termes de la circulaire du 26 mars 1993, ils pourront être consultés ; les agents des Services régionaux de l'archéologie rappelleront à tout demandeur les droits de propriété littéraires et artistiques possédés par les auteurs et les contraintes qui en résultent pour tout consultant. Les prises de notes et les photocopies sont utilisées pour un usage exclusivement privé et non destiné à une utilisation collective (article L122-5 du code de la propriété intellectuelle). Toute reproduction du texte accompagnée ou non de photographies, cartes ou schémas, n'est possible que dans le cadre du droit de courte utilisation, avec les références exactes et complètes de l'auteur et de l'ouvrage. Par ailleurs, l'exercice du droit à la communication exclut, pour ses bénéficiaires ou pour les tiers, la possibilité de reproduire, de diffuser ou d'utiliser à des fins commerciales les documents communiqués (Loi n°78-753 du 17 juillet, art. 10) Le non respect de ces règles constitue un délit de contrefaçon puni par l'article 425 du code pénal. Etudes spécialisées : Thierry ARGANT et Coren tin BOCHATON (archéozoologie) Rachel CARDON (enduit peint) Benjamin CLEMENT (matériaux de construction) Aline COLOMBIER (verre) Arnaud GALLIEGUE (lampe) Amaury GILLES (céra mique) Lucas GUILLAUD (céramique, métal et monnaies) Bertrand MOULIN (géomorphologie) Yves-Marie TOUTIN (mosaïque) Aurélie TRIPIER (céra mique) 5

Η εργασία αυτή, διδακτορική διατριβή του Σωτήρη Ραπτόπουλου εξετάζει ζητήματα οικονομικής ιστορίας των Κυκλάδων, μέσω της επαναξιολόγησης των παλαιότερων ερευνών και της παρουσίασης νέων. Στόχος είναι η εύρεση των βασικών στοιχείων των οικονομιών των Κυκλάδων –αλλά και οι διαφοροποιήσεις που τα συστήματα αυτά υφίστανται κατά το πέρασμα από τους ελληνιστικούς στους ρωμαϊκούς χρόνους.

The Marble Stoa at Hierapolis was a representative marble portico, which was funded by a local elite family in the middle of the 1st century AD. The aim of this paper is to assess the socio-economic dimensions of this building project by a tentative reconstruction of its logistics, schedule and labour force. Pre-industrial construction techniques and the management of building materials and human resources are put into perspective by the comparison with data derived from 19th century building manuals. The
construction effort is estimated in man-hours and man-days. Based on this estimate, a model for the organization of the building site, the most probable duration of the building project and the seasonal demands for unskilled and skilled workers are elaborated. This estimate is finally translated into hypothetical building costs by drawing upon the evidence for wages and prices under the early Empire. The results of this analysis do not only add to our understanding of wider socio-economic processes, but also to a more differentiated assessment of local euergetism in Roman Asia Minor.

The aim is to study ancient fountains in their architectural context, in the belief that the context will reveal their function in the dwelling.  This article first analyzes the fountain structures and examines the relationship between each structure and the architecture. Through this approach, it is possible to reach some conclusions of more general value, concerning the function of central parts of Roman houses.

The ancient monument known as the Kasta Mound lying just outside the ancient Macedonian city of Amphipolis has been subject to continual excavation since the 1960s, but in August of 2014, the site came to extraordinary prominence when its archaeologists announced the discovery of chambers beneath the mound, which have become known as the Amphipolis Tomb. This monument is of interest to the study of ancient history, because it is the largest and most magnificently decorated tomb ever discovered in Greece and because it appears to date to the immediate aftermath of the reign of Alexander the Great. However, a particular focus of interest is the question of the identity of the person for whom this complex was constructed, because it must have been an individual of exceptional importance. Yet the solution that has been proposed by the archaeologists is quite at odds with our understanding of the history of events after Alexander’s death as portrayed by the written sources and all other evidence to date.

Die Quintilier sind zweifellos die berühmteste und am besten dokumentierte Familie aus Alexandria Troas. Insbesondere die letzten vier Generationen haben durch ihre Tätigkeit in der römischen Reichsverwaltung, ihre engen Verbindungen zu den Kaisern und Geistesgrößen ihrer Zeit, ihr literarisches Wirken sowie ihren ausgedehnten Villenbesitz mannigfaltige Spuren hinterlassen. Eine willkommene Bereicherung fand unser Quellenmaterial vor Kurzem durch drei neue Inschriften vom alexandrinischen Forum, die 2008 und 2016 von E. Schwertheim veröffentlicht wurden und Auskunft über zwei frühe, zuvor unbekannte Quintilier geben sowie einen nicht näher zu greifenden Κυιντίλ[ιος] der hohen Kaiserzeit nennen. +++ Damit sind inzwischen acht Familienmitglieder sicher bekannt: ein P. Quintilius Maximus und seine Tochter Quintilia Apphia in iulisch-claudischer Zeit, ein Sex. Quintilius Valerius Maximus und sein gleichnamiger Sohn in der Zeit von den Flaviern bis Hadrian sowie die beiden nachfolgenden und bekanntesten Generationen mit jeweils einem Sex. Quintilius Valerius Maximus und einem Sex. Quintilius Condianus in der Antoninenzeit. Hinzu kommt der Vater des ältesten Sex. Quintilius Valerius Maximus, von dem aber leider nur sein Vorname Sextus überliefert ist. +++ Die epigraphischen Neufunde nahm ich zum Anlass, die Familiengeschichte erneut aufzurollen und erstmals einen ausführlichen Gesamtüberblick in deutscher Sprache vorzulegen. Der bislang ungeklärten Frage nach der origo der Quintilier widmet sich der erste Abschnitt, der zwar keine eindeutige Antwort zu liefern vermag, aber zumindest drei mögliche Szenarien aufzeigt und diese hinsichtlich ihrer Plausibilität überprüft. Die nachfolgenden Ausführungen orientieren sich an der chronologischen Abfolge, wobei der fünfte Abschnitt auch eine Darstellung zum reichen Familienbesitz enthält. Die Schlussbemerkung richtet ihren Blick schließlich auf das Verhältnis zwischen den Quintiliern und ihrer langjährigen Heimatgemeinde Alexandria Troas.

The article focuses on the author's research on the chronographical background of the Zodiac Mosaic Calendar in Synagogue at Hammath-Tiberias. He researched to find the origin of mosaic decoration, the twelve zodiac sign, the four seasons, and Helios, which was found in synagogues in two parts of Palestine, Galilee and Judah. The chronograph of the mosaic art was extensively debated. The author further studied the history of Palestine Jews in the 4th century. Most of the work was done during the period of Hillel II.
The author concludes that the mosaic from the Stratum IIa synagogue with the Zodiac Calendar was executed in the time of Hillel II, who said to have died around 365 CE. He proposes the new date of the execution of the Zodiac Mosaic from Hammat-Tiberia (Stratum IIa) after the earthquake in 363, that is, in 364 or 365.

Il contributo analizza l'immagine ufficiale dell'imperatore romano Giuliano (Cesare 359-361; Augusto 361-363), a noi nota soprattutto attraverso la sua monetazione. L'esame dei cambiamenti cui fu sottoposto il ritratto dell'imperatore nel corso del tempo, unita all'analisi di alcuni passi chiave degli scritti di Giuliano stesso, permette di ricostruire come l'immagine del principe si sia evoluta in coincidenza con le principali tappe della sua carriera, in strettissima connessione con lo sviluppo del suo programma politico, filosofico, religioso.

The discovery of the Sungai Batu complex by the Centre for Global Archaeological Research, Universiti Sains Malaysia in 2007 is of great significant in understanding the early civilisations in Malaysia. The complex was found during a scientific palaeoenvironmental reconstruction sutdy. A total pf 97 mounds were mapped and identified in 3km2 area that has great archaeological potential. To date, excavations at 16 mounds revealed ritual monuments, a riverside jetty built in the 2nd century CE, and iron smelting sites that were used from the 1st century CE. The discovery of the iron smelting industry in this complex showed that the Sungai Batu civilisation had an economic base. These new findings give a more holistoc and complete picture of the Bujang Valley civilisation and should lead to a significant re-evaluation of the evidence that has been accumulated since the 1840s. Based on the early research results, the Bujang Valley civilisation was thought to date as early as the end of the 4th century CE and to be primarily a Hindu-Buddhist site (Coedes, 1968). These new finds with chronometric dating (radiocarbon and OSL) allow us to re-write not onl the history of Malaysian civilisation but also that of the region. To date, the important discovery of a 110 CE monument meant Sungai Batu provides the earliest evidence of a monument (with chronometric dates) in Southeast Asia.

A Latin acceleration reader for beginning and intermediate students, with pari passu translation. The formatting allows students to learn to grasp sentences sequentially and in phrases. The content is famous Roman stories and personalities. 2024 edition available at https://www.amazon.com/Notable-Romans-Charles-Fran%C3%A7ois-LHomond/dp/B0CSB2CVRN/ .

Beyond the devastation and tragedy of human lives precipitated by the conflict in Syria, priceless representations of ancient culture and history have likewise fallen victim to a seemingly never-ending maelstrom of destruction. Ancient monuments and art have either been destroyed, damaged, or lost as chaos persists in a region that has for thousands of years seen the footprint of a parade of civilizations. (...)
The scenes tell the story of the founding of Pella/Apamea and further development of this city on the Orontes river. Three main groups of scenes can be distinguished: (1) the foundation of Pella-on-the-Orontes by the legendary Archippos, (2) the (re)foundation of the city as Apamea-on-the-Orontes (earlier Pella-on-the-Orontes) by Seleucus I Nikator and the simultaneous financial generosity of his wife, Apama, for the development of the new Seleucid colony in 300 BC, and (3) the raising of the town fortifications around monumental public buildings and an illustration of the daily life of a joyous people living in the rich Apamean agglomeration and hinterland. Features of style date the panels to the 4th century AD.