Nancy Fraser

Analisamos  o funcionamento discursivo de expressões idiomáticas que circulam nas mídias (jornais impressos, discursos políticos, internet, por exemplo) . O eixo central das discussões teórico-metodológicas centra-se nos trabalhos de Dominique Maingueneau (2008, p.75-111), principalmente nos conceitos de discurso citado, destacabilidade, hiperenunciador, particitação, aforização, sobreasseveração e frase sem texto. As expressões idiomáticas são consideradas por nós como  um dos tipos de aforizações primárias  (frases sem texto) cujas condições de emprego são relativamente autônomas com relação aos textos empíricos e passíveis de serem inscritas em uma infinidade de textos iniciais possíveis por serem pré-fabricadas (frases feitas) e desprovidas de texto-fonte (discurso livre).

Çağdaş siyaset teorisinde John Rawls'ın idealize ettiği adalet fikrinin yarattığı eleştirel ortam çok geniş ve takibi zor bir literatürün önünü açmıştır. Adalet kavramını merkezine alan çalışmaların işgal ettiği alan ve bu tartışmalardaki çeşitlilik göz önüne alındığında adalete ilişkin çalışmaların sürekliliğini takip etmenin oldukça zor olduğu söylenebilir. Bu nedenle, tartışmaları daha anlamlı hale getirebilmek için dönemsel bir sınıflandırmanın yanı sıra tematik birtakım eğilimleri de göz önüne almak gerekmektedir. Bu tespit üzere çalışma normatif anlamda adaletin çağdaş dönemde hangi bağlam ve temalar çerçevesinde açıklanabileceği sorusuna odaklanır ve bunu sorunsallaştırır. Adalete ilişkin dönemsel ve bağlamsal farklılıkların üzerine bir sorgulama yaparken benzer ve muarız düşüncelerin izleklerini takip etmeye çalışır. Adalete ilişkin anlatıların arka planında eşitlik-farklılık geriliminin önemli bir rol oynadığını, bu anlamda bir tarafta adaletin eşit muamele fikriyle anlam kazandığı düşüncesinin, diğer tarafta ise eşitlikten ziyade farklılıkların dikkate alındığı bir eğilimin olduğunu iddia eder. "Adalet-Farklılık İlişkisi" olarak adlandırdığımız bu durum, adalete ilişkin süregelen tartışmaların birey, grup, yetenek, işlev, topluluk, cinsiyet, çevre, kültür, kimlik vb. farklılıklar veya çeşitliliklerin vurgulandığı bir temada ele alındığı iddiasını taşır. Bu anlamda çalışma "hakkaniyet olarak adalet, yetkilenme teorisi, kapasite yaklaşımı, adalete dair feminist ilgiler, toplulukçu eğilim, temsil ve tanınmaya" dayanan geniş bir düzlemde adaletin farklılık bağlamında anlam kazanacağını iddia eder. İlgili çalışma ve yaklaşımlardan hareketle adalet tartışmalarına dair tasnif ve çeşitlilik problemini aşmayı sağlayacak bir bakış açısının imkanları üzerine bir sorgulama yaparak, bu denli bir sorgulamanın farklılık ekseninde düşünülmesinin gerekliliğine dikkat çeker.


The critical environment created by the justice idea in contemporary political theory idealized by John Rawls has paved the way for a very wide and of course challenging literature. Considering the area occupied by studies focusing on the concept of justice and the diversity of these debates, it can be claimed that following the continuity of the studies on justice is very difficult. Therefore, in order to make discussions more meaningful it is necessary to take into consideration not only a periodical classification but also thematic tendencies. Based on this, the current study focuses on the question of around what contexts and themes the justice in normative sense might be defined in the contemporary era and problematizes it. While questioning periodical and contextual differences related to justice, the study tries to follow the paths of similar and opponent thoughts. It claims that the equality-difference tension plays an important role in the background of the accounts of the justice, and in this regard, it claims that there is the idea of the justice becoming meaningful by the principle of equal treatment on the one hand and there is the tendency to consider differences apart from equality on the other hand. This situation which we call the "Justice-Difference Relationship" contains the claim that the ongoing debates on the subject of justice is considered within a theme where differences or diversities such as individual, group, ability, function, community, gender, environment, culture, and identity. In this regard, the study claims that justice would become meaningful in the context of differences on a broad level based on "justice as fairness, entitlement theory, capability approach, feminist interests on justice, communitarian tendency, representation and recognition". It inquires on the possibilities of a viewpoint that will overcome the problem of classification and diversity in relation to debates on justice with reference to the relevant works and approaches and draws attention to the necessity of considering such an inquiry on the axis of difference.

Renouveler la théorie critique du capitalisme est une tâche aussi nécessaire qu’urgente pour préparer une société post-capitaliste. Le travail de Nancy Fraser permet de distinguer ce qui est économique de ce qui est capitaliste tout en jetant les bases théoriques pour repenser l’économie à la lumière des défis féministes, écologistes et démocratiques du XXIème siècle.

Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul (PUC-RS), em Porto Alegre, o encontro "Jornada Habermas 90 anos". Realizado por meio de uma parceria entre os Programas de Pós-graduação de Ciências Sociais e Filosofia, componentes da Escola de Humanidades, o encontro teve como motivação a celebração do marco de noventa anos da produção intelectual e atividade de Jürgen Habermas. Idealizado desde o seu planejamento inicial como um evento interdisciplinar, o encontro reuniu pesquisadores de diversas áreas, não se restringindo apenas às oriundas do evento, de diversas regiões, incluindo a participação internacional do professor Uwe Steinhoff, da Universidade de Hong Kong, autor de uma importante introdução crítica à obra habermasiana (The Philosophy of Jürgen Habermas: A Critical Introduction).

As a counter-reaction to the neoliberal trend in education, there has been an increasing emphasis on teacher education for social justice. To make schools inclusive for everyone, it is vital to encourage not only minority and/or marginalised pupils but also to develop respect for diversity and a disposition to social justice among powerful majority groups. Thus, teachers need to be capable of cultivating classrooms as inclusive and culturally sensitive learning communities. The role of teachers as agents of social justice can be considered an extension of professionalism that should be addressed in initial teacher education. Arguing for different approaches to educate justice-oriented teachers, this paper scrutinises how educators’ beliefs are reflected in their practices and what curricula and teaching approaches are employed to help student teachers prepare for culturally diverse classrooms. Drawing on Nancy Fraser’s conceptualisation of justice, this paper examines narratives of ...

Neoliberalism, which is the dominant economic and political paradigm, is associated with trade liberalization, deregulation, austerity, and precariarization of the labour market. While the neoliberal and feminist logics may seem incompatible, there are several ways in which feminist movements can accidentally collude with neoliberalism. Nancy Fraser describes this as “the dangerous liaison between feminism and marketization.” This thesis aims to contribute to the debates around Fraser’s charge of feminist co-optation, and examines if feminist networks in the Global South are susceptible to any degree of complicity with neoliberalism. I have analyzed the campaigns and activism of two major feminist networks from the Global South — Articulación
Feminista Marcosur (AFM), and Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN) to see if they have been successful in resisting any form of collusion with neoliberalism. In order to do so, I conducted theory-driven participant observation, supplemented with analysis of academic and grey literature, at the 2018 World Social Forum in Salvador de Bahia, Brazil. AFM’s Campaign Against Fundamentalisms faces the issue of lapsing into the “problem of displacement” as they tend to focus on cultural issues, while sidelining the economic ones. However, while moving beyond the “problem of displacement,” their “Our Bodies Our Territories” campaign continues to operate within an ultimately problematic Westphalian nation-state framework. While DAWN does conduct an intersectional analysis, it adopts an “add and stir” approach, and fails to make adequate connections between the neoconservative cultural and neoliberal economic forces. This thesis attempts to provide some lessons and strategies that feminist networks, and the WSF in general, can adopt in the face of neoliberal, and other related crises such as the rise of right-wing authoritarian governments, and the global COVID-19 pandemic.

Drawing on critic Mark Fisher’s typology of the weird and the eerie (particularly his focus on the eerie as the sensation of nothing where there should be something), as well as Nancy Fraser and Rahael Jaeggi’s critiques of capitalism as an institutionalised social order, this paper uses Jeffrey Eugenides’s 1993 novel The Virgin Suicide to take up the significance of place and placelessness in contemporary American culture and literature. Set in the Detroit suburb of Grosse Pointe in the early 1970s, The Virgin Suicides simultaneously disguises and reveals its sense of place, a curious and unstable tension that in turn calls readers’ attention to an entire set of unstable binaries inherent to capitalism as a social order – the separation of economic production from social reproduction, economy from polity, the natural from the human, and exploitation from expropriation. In its eerie interruptions and evocations of suburban decay, The Virgin Suicides offers a way to think about the destabilising effect of attempts to separate production from social reproduction, exploitation from expropriation, and human society from non-human nature, a toolkit that might then be used to think about (for instance) the Flint Water Crisis or the contradictions of an international border-crossing like the Ambassador Bridge.

In this paper, I wanted to analyze Martha C. Nussbaum's capabilities approach by first of all contextualizing her project via her own philosophical framework. Next to that, I have added some of my own philosophical, feminist philosophical and feminist postcolonial critiques with regards to the so-called feminist international, political liberal, and universalist framework of the capabilities approach. By 'moving through and beyond' Nussbaum's capabilities approach, I wanted to open up a theoretical space for Nancy Fraser's political theory of justice, as she has developed it in Scales of Justice.

This paper is concerned with the impact of online technologies on public representations of sexual violence. Drawing on Habermas’s theories of the public sphere and Fraser’s associated critiques, it argues that the Internet has become host to ‘counter-publics’ in which allegations of sexual violence are being received, discussed and acted upon in ways contrary to established social and legal norms. The potentialities of online technology (and social media in particular) to foster and disseminate counter-hegemonic discourses are examined through three case studies in which girls and women have used various online platforms to make extrajudicial allegations of sexual violence and abuse. Where alleged perpetrators of sexual violence are publicly named, it has been argued that such action represents an invasion of their privacy and a subversion of their right to the presumption of innocence and a fair trial. In online contexts such allegations can be received and understood very differently, and these understandings are then circulated in ways that can directly influence ‘old media’ coverage and court outcomes. However, as the paper notes, the principles upon which online counter-publics operate are not radically discontinuous with those of the hegemonic public sphere and not all girls and women have equal access to the support of online networks and activists.

O que defendo é que toda forma de sociedade capitalista incuba uma “tendência de crise” (ou contradição) sociorreprodutiva profundamente arraigada: de um lado, a reprodução social é uma condição de possibilidade da acumulação de capital continuada; de outro, a orientação do capitalismo para a acumulação ilimitada tende a desestabilizar os próprios processos de reprodução social dos quais ele depende. Essa contradição sociorreprodutiva do capitalismo está na raiz da chamada crise do cuidado. Conquanto seja inerente ao capitalismo enquanto tal, ela assume um aspecto diferente e distintivo em cada forma historicamente específica da sociedade capitalista – no capitalismo liberal, concorrencial, do século XIX; no capitalismo administrado pelo Estado do período do pós-guerra; e no capitalismo financeirizado neoliberal de nosso tempo. Os déficits de cuidado que experienciamos hoje são a forma tomada por essa contradição na terceira e mais recente fase do desenvolvimento capitalista.

RESUMO: No presente trabalho exponho a teoria de Nancy Fraser de justiça bidimensional, explicitando seu entendimento sobre demandas por reconhecimento e redistribuição; valho-me da pesquisa histórica da autora para apresentar sua visão do desenvolvimento das demandas dos movimentos feministas e exponho a noção de paridade de participação a fim de correlacioná-la com uma proposta de abordagem feminista do assunto. Por fim, a guisa de crítica, aponto fragilidades e inconsistências em seu sistema.

This article explores the significance of disability for social justice, using Nancy Fraser’s theory of justice as a guideline. The article argues that the disability perspective is essential for understanding and promoting social justice, although it is often disregarded by critical thinkers and social activists. The article looks at three prominent strategies for achieving social justice under conditions of capitalism: economically, by decommodifying labour; culturally, by deconstructing self-sufficiency; and politically, by transnationalising democracy. The disability perspective reveals that decommodification of labour requires enhancement of disability support, deconstruction of self-sufficiency requires valorisation of disability-illuminated interdependence, and transnationalisation of democracy requires scrutiny of the transnational production of impairments. The article discusses each of these strategies in theoretical and practical terms by drawing on disability studies and Fraser’s analyses.

Reseña de ¡Contrahegemonía ya!,de Nancy Fraser, Editorial Siglo veintiuno Arrigorria, Agustina Victoria Estudiante, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, UBA Editado recientemente por Siglo Veintiuno en América Latina y con traducción de Horacio Pons, ¡Contrahegemonía ya! es el último libro de Nancy Fraser. Publicado en Londres y Nueva York por Verso bajo el título de The old is dying and the new cannot be born. From progressive neoliberalism to Trump and beyond, este libro urgente compila dos textos: el primero es un pequeño ensayo que versa sobre lo que la autora llama una crisis política mundial, y el segundo es una entrevista por Bhaskar Sunkara.

O neoliberalismo está se fragmentando, mas o que surgirá entre seus cacos? A principal teórica política feminista do século XXI, Nancy Fraser, disseca a atual crise do neoliberalismo e argumenta como poderíamos arrancar novos futuros de suas ruínas. O colapso político, ecológico, econômico e social global – simbolizado pela eleição de Trump, Bolsonaro e outros governantes de extrema-direita que dizem ser antiestablishment, embora façam parte dele – destruiu a fé de que o capitalismo neoliberal pode beneficiar a maioria do povo dentro da democracia. Fraser explora como essa fé foi construída no final do século XX, equilibrando dois princípios centrais: reconhecimento (quem merece direitos) e distribuição (quem merece renda). Quando eles começam a se desgastar com as sucessivas crises nas primeiras décadas do século, novas formas de populismo surgem à esquerda, para os 99%, e à direita, para o 1%. Fraser argumenta que esses são sintomas da maior crise de hegemonia do neoliberalismo, um momento em que, como Gramsci disse, "o velho está morrendo e o novo não pode nascer". O livro é acompanhado de uma belíssima entrevista do editor da revista Jacobin, Bhaskar Sunkara, com Fraser, que argumenta termos a oportunidade de transformar o populismo progressista em uma força social emancipatória, podendo, assim, reivindicar uma nova hegemonia.

In 2017, the Me Too campaign, founded ten years earlier to help women of color from low-income communities who were survivors of sexual violence, became a viral social media movement following allegations on Twitter by actress Alyssa Milano of sexual harassment and violence against the powerful Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein. Using the hashtag #MeToo, Milano unwittingly mobilized millions of women to share their stories via social media, and the #Metoo movement subsequently helped to illuminate both the structural and individual aspects of sexual harassment and abuse by men against women within virtually all aspects of society. As the #MeToo movement swept the globe, millions of women shared stories of sexual harassment and abuse through social media platforms, and indictments of the “inappropriate behavior” against women gained center stage. To understand this movement today and how media made it possible, this study analyses the discussion about online media and social movements surrounding the 2019 World Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland. In doing so, this research sheds light on the achievement and impact of the movement. Employing a mixed-method approach providing a feminist epistemological perspective on elements drawn from discourse analysis, comparative discourse analysis, content analysis, and critical discourse analysis, this thesis analyses a sample of ten online reports on how online mass media, and particularly social media, shapes movements for social change. It shows that online media is of great significance in constructing movements for social change because it facilitates the construction and dissemination of a social change discourse and influences how we determine which situations and actions constitute “sexual harassment.” This analysis further shows that feminist principles of gender equality, women’s sexual self-determination, and empowerment no longer define the politics of sexual harassment in the digital age.

This article problematizes the politics of language education research with regard to social injustice, which is not only cultural, but also material. Its starting position is that most language education research today is, following Nancy Fraser, recognition oriented, in that it takes on culture- and identity- based injustices such as racism, gender bias, religious bias, and LGBTQ-phobia. It does not, however, have much to say about more economic and class-based injustices—redistribution issues—and it does not draw on the political economy litera- ture essential to any attempt to explore such issues. The author develops these arguments and then applies them to a specific area of language education research that has become popular in recent years, translanguaging. It concludes that while trans- languaging research may deal with recognition issues, in parti- cular ethnolinguistic racism, it is not likely to alter in any way the underlying the current capitalist order that is causing deep and profound damage to the social fabric of societies world- wide and surely is the most likely cause of the poverty in which many translanguagers live. Language education research thus needs to work at the level of recognition, as it already does, while also taking on redistribution issues.

The essay of Judith Butler 'Merely Cultural and Nancy Fraser's response to it both talk about homosexuality as being viewed today in the current social set up, the problems it's facing (both offer different ways of viewing these problems) and both attempt to provide answers for how they should be viewed in order for any kind of resolution of the problem to take place. By attempting to answer these questions both of them also review the way the Left is functioning today by giving an account of various splits and branching off that has taken place. The essays also try to define or rather describe the way our society (capitalism today) exists today.

Dans les écrits en communication, l'analyse par le philosophe Jürgen Habermas du modèle de l'espace public bourgeois du 18 e siècle et de sa dégénérescence a rencontré une critique constructive qui a considérablement enrichi, au cours des cinquante dernières années, les débats théoriques sur les rapports entre les médias, la société et l'État. Une autre source de critiques constructives qui est toutefois moins bien circonscrite dans les manuels d'introduction aux théories de la communication se trouve du côté des études féministes. Se posent alors les questions suivantes : quel est l'apport spécifique des études féministes (women's studies) à la théorie de l'espace public ? En quoi un questionnement féministe introduit-il de nouvelles considérations pertinentes à son analyse et à sa reformulation théorique ? Ce chapitre a pour but de combler une lacune dans les écrits en communication par une introduction synthétique et vulgarisée sur l'apport de la pensée féministe à la théorie de l'espace public. Dans un premier temps, le texte examine les rapports entre féminisme et études féministes pour souligner les spécificités d'un questionnement féministe sur l'espace public. Dans un second temps, la traduction de ce questionnement dans la reconstruction de la théorie de l'espace public par la philosophe Nancy Fraser est mise en évidence et explicitée. Par une brève synthèse vulgarisée des quatre postulats fondateurs posés par la philosophe, l'originalité et la fertilité d'un questionnement produit à partir d'une posture théorique féministe se révèle : il a pour caractéristique centrale le souci constant d'inclure les femmes dans la réflexion théorique comme dans la pratique politique afin de remédier aux inégalités entre les sexes (et également, à toute forme d'oppression). Alors que Nancy Fraser est l'une des auteures féministes les plus citées en communication pour son concept de « contre-sphères publiques subalternes », qui a connu des développements fructueux dans les études sur les médias alternatifs en particulier, la dimension féministe de sa démarche est régulièrement passée sous silence. En rappelant le projet émancipateur féministe au fondement de la démarche de la philosophe, ce chapitre resitue la contribution de cette auteure influente dans le contexte plus général d'un projet démocratique transformateur et inclusif qui rejette tout universalisme aveugle aux rapports de domination.

Conceptul de „dreptate socială” este, fără îndoială, unul dintre conceptele cheie ale filosofiei politice. În orice caz, el este unul dintre cele mai utilizate concepte de către filosofii politici recenţi. Bănuiala mea este că foarte puţine concepte – precum, spre exemplu, cel de „democraţie” – pot rivaliza din acest
punct de vedere conceptul de „dreptate socială”. Pe ce îmi bazez această bănuială? Pe faptul că, aşa cum se poate constata examinând cărţile sau revistele din acest domeniu, dreptatea socială este unul dintre cele mai abordate şi mai dezbătute subiecte din filosofia politică a ultimilor cincizeci de ani.
        Această situaţie nu este rezultatul întâmplării. Problema identificării principiilor organizării drepte a unei societăţi este considerată – şi, fără îndoială, este – una dintre cele mai importante probleme ale filosofiei politice. Pentru mulţi filosofi politici, ea este chiar cea mai importantă problemă a filosofiei politice, la fel cum dreptatea este cea dintâi virtute a unei „societăţi bune”. John Rawls, spre exemplu, filosoful care a avut cea mai mare contribuţie la concentrarea filosofiei politice recente pe problema dreptăţii sociale (din păcate, de multe ori în detrimentul celorlalte probleme importante ale acesteia), şi-a dezvoltat celebra sa teorie a dreptăţii sociale (şi) ca urmare a convingerii că dreptatea „este prima virtute a instituţiilor sociale, la fel cum este adevărul pentru sistemele de gândire. Oricât de elegantă sau economică ar fi, o teorie trebuie respinsă sau revizuită dacă nu este adevărată; la fel, indiferent de cât de eficiente sau bine organizate ar fi, instituţiile trebuie reformate sau abolite dacă sunt nedrepte. (…) Singurul lucru care ne permite să acceptăm o teorie eronată este lipsa uneia mai bune; în mod analog, o nedreptate este tolerabilă numai atunci când este necesară pentru a evita o nedreptate şi mai mare. Fiind primele virtuţi ale activităţilor umane, adevărul şi dreptatea sunt de necompromis”.
      Conceptul de „dreptate socială” este, însă, şi unul dintre cele mai controversate concepte ale filosofiei politice. Foarte puţine aspecte legate de acest concept nu sunt înconjurate de controverse şi dezbateri argumentative. Cred că nu greşesc dacă afirm că există doar trei astfel de aspecte. Primul este acela că
dreptatea, fie ca virtute individuală, fie ca virtute a unei societăţi, constă, în esenţă, în a da fiecăruia ceea ce i se cuvine (sau ceea ce i se datorează, ceea ce este îndreptăţit să primească). Al doilea este acela că, spre deosebire de conceptul de „dreptate distributivă”, introdus în vocabularul filosofic încă de Aristotel,
conceptul de „dreptate socială” este unul mult mai recent, utilizat pentru prima dată abia în prima jumătate a secolului XIX. În sfârşit, al treilea este acela că dreptatea socială nu trebuie confundată cu dreptatea legală sau retributivă (dreptatea în pedepsirea celor vinovaţi de infracţiuni).
      Unii autori ar introduce pe lista aspectelor necontroversate legate de conceptul de „dreptate socială” şi un al patrulea aspect. Mă refer la ideea că dreptatea socială se distinge în mod clar de caritate. Este adevărat, cei mai mulţi filosofi operează o astfel de distincţie. De obicei, caritatea este prezentată ca o
virtute morală privată şi strict voluntară faţă de ceilalţi membri ai societăţii, în vreme ce dreptatea este prezentată ca o virtute sau o datorie morală a cărei respectare poate fi impusă (enforced) în mod legitim de către stat. Există însă şi filosofi care au contestat, mai mult sau mai puţin explicit, legitimitatea şi semnificaţia morală a acestei distincţii. Doi dintre aceşti filosofi sunt Allen Buchanan şi Jeremy Waldron. Ambii au încercat să arate că, de fapt, şi respectarea exigenţelor carităţii poate fi uneori impusă în mod legitim din punct de vedere moral de către stat. Buchanan a făcut chiar mai mult: a încercat să demonstreze caracterul problematic al tuturor modalităţilor prin care filosofii politici au încercat să traseze o distincţie netă între dreptatea socială şi caritate.
        Unele dintre cele mai importante controverse declanşate de conceptul de „dreptate socială” sunt cele legate de definirea, de specificarea şi de legitimitatea acestui concept. Prima este, în esenţă, o controversă în privinţa răspunsului la următoarea întrebare: care este cadrul conceptual care surprinde cel mai
bine trăsătura fundamentală a dreptăţii şi nedreptăţii sociale? A doua este o controversă în privinţa exigenţelor sau a principiilor „corecte” sau „adecvate” ale dreptăţii sociale. În sfărşit, a treia este o controversă pe marginea acceptabilităţii apelului la conceptul de „dreptate socială”.
      În cea mai mare parte a capitolului de faţă prezint pe scurt principalele idei, poziţii şi argumente invocate de filosofii politici recenţi în cadrul fiecăreia dintre aceste controverse. Pentru a respecta specificul unui capitol introductiv, am încercat să fiu cât mai imparţíal în prezentarea lor. Există însă şi locuri în care am exprimat sau măcar am sugerat propriile mele opinii. Sper totuşi că acest lucru nu îl va împiedica prea mult pe cititor să caute să-şi formeze şi să-şi întemeieze cât mai solid propriile sale opinii cu privire la chestiunile în dispută.

Critical phenomenology is gaining currency as a progressive philosophy of emancipation, but there is no consensus on what its “criticality” entails. From a Derridean perspective, critique can be said to involve radical self-interrogation; a philosophy that questions its own conditions of possibility or grounds is one that opens itself to its auto-deconstruction. Deconstruction produces undecidability, however, which means that the philosophy in question can no longer account for its political claims or its normative force. This is the predicament in which critical phenomenology, like any other critical theory, will find itself when it takes its critical injunction to heart.

Dans cet essai, je propose un premier défrichement du concept d’appropriation culturelle, en me basant sur le cadre d’analyse de Nancy Fraser. Je tenterai de déterminer si l’appropriation culturelle est un enjeu de justice sociale, et ceci en quatre temps : premièrement, en tentant de comprendre la place que devrait prendre la question de la reconnaissance dans les luttes pour une plus grande justice sociale ; deuxièmement, en cernant la manière dont les penseurs de l’appropriation culturelle appréhendent l’enjeu de la reconnaissance ; troisièmement, en tentant de faire ressortir des critères nous permettant de circonscrire le phénomène ; et quatrièmement, en dressant une esquisse de la manière dont il serait possible d’y remédier. Mon hypothèse est que certaines situations d’appropriation culturelle constituent un enjeu de justice sociale, d’autres non ; que les deux types de situation méritent tout de même que l’on s’y attarde ; et qu’il est possible de trouver une manière de lutter contre l’appropriation culturelle sans qu’on ait systématiquement recourt à la politique de l’identité.

Kritische Theorie und Feminismus-unter diesem Titel wird aus soziologischer, philosophischer und psychoanalytischer Perspektive das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen zwei Theorieparadigmen beleuchtet, die beide für Emanzipation einstehen. Die Beiträge, u. a. von Regina Becker-Schmidt, Seyla Benhabib, Nancy Fraser, Rahel Jaeggi, Sarah Speck und Barbara Umrath, beschäftigen sich mit Fragen von Subjektivität und Identität, Ideologie und Diskriminierung sowie von Arbeit und Körper. Sie knüpfen zum einen an vergangene Debatten an und beleuchten zum anderen neue Aspekte einer feministischen Kritischen Theorie.

English summary: The concept of social justice is undergoing a period of crisis, and needs a systematic reevaluation to help lead to a better world. Using the work of Nancy Fraser, the present volume examines problems of poverty, sexism, racism, xenophobia, and other major social problems, creating a framework for social and economic equality.
El objetivo es reconstrir el concepto de justicia social a partir de la obra de Nancy Fraser. En sus origenes, la justicia social se interesaba, sobre todo, por promover cierta igualdad economica. Hoy el concepto ha ido mucho mas alla de lo economico y lo igualitario. Ahora la justicia social tambien busca evitar o aminorar los grandes males que produce nel sexismo, el racismo, la xenofobia, etc. A veces consiste en fomentar la igualdad; a veces, mas bien, en reconocer la diferencia. Ademas, en sus inicio la justicia social era un asunto de cada nacion. Actualmente ya no es asi, pues la globalizacion ha hecho que se trate tambien de una cuestion internacional. En suma, hoy el concepto de justicia social esta en crisis y se requiere una sistematizacion del mismo para evaluar y animar criticamente los esfuerzos por un mundo mejor.

Fraser manifesta a intenção explícita de elaborar uma teoria da justiça apenas em um período muito particular de sua obra – o qual pode ser circunscrito aos textos reunidos entre Justice Interruptus (1997) e Scales of Justice (2009), passando por Redistribution or Recognition? (2003) e uma série de artigos esparsos publicados no período. Desse modo, poderíamos dizer que, em sentido estrito, a teoria da justiça de Fraser deve ser delimitada a esse escopo temporal. Entretanto, suas elaborações do
período fazem uso de contribuições teóricas de trabalhos anteriores: a referência à ideia de paridade de participação aparece pela primeira vez no contexto de sua crítica aos déficits democráticos do capitalismo organizado pelo Estado, sendo desenvolvida progressivamente até ganhar o papel de princípio normativo central de sua teoria da justiça, desenvolvida em resposta à consolidação do imaginário político neoliberal. Além disso, preocupações relacionadas à justiça permanecem presentes, ainda que de forma mais marginal, no período de sua obra dedicado à crise do capitalismo financeirizado. Desse modo, é possível dizer que, em sentido amplo, toda a obra de Fraser é perpassada pelo problema da justiça. Este capítulo tem como objetivo apresentar a construção da teoria da justiça de Nancy Fraser em seu sentido amplo, mapeando a evolução do princípio de paridade de participação à luz de diferentes diagnósticos sobre as transformações da ordem social capitalista. Concluiremos com uma reflexão sobre os possíveis usos desse conceito como base de suas elaborações mais recentes sobre crise capitalista e socialismo democrático.

Sexual difference isn't tied to feminism but prompts its enquiry, according to Judith Butler 1 . Similarly, psychoanalytical notions of sexual difference and the contingency of those identities to the phallus are not only open to feminist critique; there are other theoretical questions to be asked of the entity which is said to structure subjectivity in psychoanalytical thinking, especially because of philosophical complexity that Lacan introduces to Freud's framework This essay will examine two serious challenges to Lacan's expounding of the phallus. First, a feminist critique which asserts that ideas about subjectivity that centre on the phallus are sexist and / or force home a patriarchal viewpoint leaving feminists without a voice; and second, that Lacan's own concept destroys its own very foundations.

This article elucidates the reasons behind the retreat from Marxism in contemporary critical theory, and it offers an account of the revolutionary theory that is born of emancipatory struggles as an antidote to this retreat. It begins by briefly elucidating the explanatory power and transformative force of revolutionary theory, as it has been developed in the Marxist tradition, in order to shake it lose from the straw-person depictions, gormless mantras, anti-communist dogmas, historical tommyrot, and vulgarly reductive accounts that petty-bourgeois intellectuals and many others have used to try and discredit it. After clarifying how historical materialism is a collectively produced, transdisciplinary, systemic, radical and fallibilistic science of history rooted in collective struggle, it deploys this framework of analysis to develop a counter-history of critical theory. In this sense, the critique of the Frankfurt School that it advances is not simply an internal or immanent critique but is rather a materialist analysis of its social and historical function in the international political economy of ideas. As the article demonstrates, the type of research promoted under the label ‘critical’ by the global theory industry—which is driven by capitalist interests and policed by their hegemonic enforcers—is work whose critical appearance belies a conformist core.

Now out in affordable paperback: https://bit.ly/3IoFe7Y

Chapter 5 permanently available for free on the Routledge website via this link: https://bit.ly/38lPYXm

"Ikäheimo develops a distinctive and cogent case for the centrality of recognition to our nature as social animals and grounds it in a highly sophisticated analysis of the philosophical foundations of the concept of recognition. The resulting account of the complex, multifaceted, nature of social recognition is a significant contribution to the field."

Cillian McBride, Queen’s University Belfast, UK

"It takes an unusual combination of philosophical talents to accomplish what is so splendid and original about this book: presenting an overview of the origins and further elaborations of the German notion of 'recognition' by simultaneously outlining a systematic account of recognition’s role in the human form of life. Ikäheimo’s synthesis of conceptual history and systematization is at the same time hermeneutically sensitive and analytically rigorous, knowledgeable both of the history of German Idealism and of the current debates on human nature. For anyone interested in the richly layered role of recognition in human life this well-written and strongly argued book is a must-read."

Axel Honneth, Columbia University, USA

"Ikäheimo’s book proves his outstanding competence regarding one of the most influential theories in modern social philosophy: mutual recognition. He is both expert in its main sources—German idealism, critical theory, and pragmatism—and well versed with modern psychological and sociological evidence. Perhaps the most important achievement of the book is a justification of the universal claim to recognition on the basis of a constant human form of life, constituted by social cooperation under shared norms, aimed at future well-being and the development of 'full-fledged personhood'."

Ludwig Siep, University of Münster, Germany

"Because of the breadth and its always acute argumentation, Ikäheimo's book is not only essential reading for philosophers interested in the philosophy of recognition, but even more essential reading for those who believe that philosophical anthropology, social ontology, and moral theory can be done in the absence of a theory recognition."

Jay Bernstein, The New School

[Preprint copy only] The events of the last decades have seen neoliberalism, despite its boosters’ famous promises, spectacularly fail to deliver a peaceable, pluralistic ‘end of history’.  Economic 'deregulation' has instead created the conditions of social alienation, insecurity, and inequality which have paved the way instead since 2010 to today’s widespread political and cultural reaction, and the increasing willingness of voters globally to support authoritarian ethnonationalist candidates, even as they contest the basic legitimacy of constitutional, parliamentary modes of governance.  This historical sequence, I argue, re-raises questions at the heart of the research program of the first generation of the Frankfurt School, before its rerouting into forms of cultural pessimism with The Dialectic of Enlightenment, and then the cultural, communicative, and recognitive turns.    What is the recurrent historical connection between capitalism and forms of far-right politics, which much of post- and non-Frankfurt School critical theory is unable to robustly conceptualise, following the ascendancy of discourses on instrumental reason, the cultural industry, 'modernity', occidental metaphysics, and totalitarianism?  Why did critical theory, even within the Frankfurt School, turn away from political economics, exactly preceding and then through much of the recent decades in which, as Wendy Brown and others have argued, neoliberalism set out expressly to destroy homo politicus, and replace this figure with homo economicus?  Why has the touted liberation of the economy or of the rights to economic accumulation freed from public regulation, not produced wider forms of political liberation, but cradled forms of Caesarism and virulent cultural reaction?  This paper [draft only = author's version of manuscript accepted for publication in 2021/22, to appear with revised title and responses to reviewers] addresses these questions by reexamining the Pollock-Neuman debate of the 1940s about the connection between capitalism and National Socialism.  It argues that in form, bases, and content, Neumann's conception of 'totalitarian monopoly capitalism' to describe far right ethnonationalisms was both more accurate historically concerning Nazism, and more prescient subsequently, to understand today's rise of new forms of Bonapartism or authoritarian ethnonationalism.

Table of Contents and Introduction in pdf. Full book available for purchase here: https://amzn.to/3cLQgV8

The need for justice for individuals, groups, and society as a whole has perhaps never been more pressing. The presence or absence of social recognition plays a vital role in both social injustices and efforts to overcome and prevent them. Critical theory philosopher Axel Honneth’s influential accounts of recognition and struggles for recognition contain important insights about injustice and social justice movements. Unfortunately, some of Honneth’s concepts are narrow and need expansion for them to be useful in considering social injustices and responses to those injustices. This is especially true if we are to understand and respond to current social justice issues such as Black Lives Matter and the climate crisis.

Douglas Giles presents an important corrective and addition to Axel Honneth’s view of recognition that gives the concepts of recognition, misrecognition, and struggles for recognition more explanatory power. He first critiques Honneth’s account of misrecognition as a simple lack of recognition and provides an alternative view of misrecognition as complex and multidimensional, helping us better understand the causes and effects of injustices. He then engages in a critical examination of Honneth’s account of struggles for recognition—the emancipation from injustice. The American civil rights movement and women’s suffrage movements are archetypal political struggles for recognition, but Honneth, like Charles Taylor and others, sees struggles for recognition only as political struggles, leaving out much of the story of struggles for recognition. In response, Giles presents a more robust picture of struggles for recognition that decentralizes struggles for recognition by including individual experience and agency.

This contribution to recognition studies expands the reality of recognition and misrecognition beyond theoretical concepts into the daily lives of individuals. Recognition is essential for affirming one’s identity and one’s place in community and society. Misrecognition is at the heart of many injustices from interpersonal relations to structural socioeconomic inequalities. Struggles for recognition are ubiquitous for everyone because people’s need for recognition extends far beyond political recognition. Giles crafts a view of recognition and misrecognition that identifies some important problems in critical theory’s approach to social justice and offers new conceptualizations to assist future research in various fields of critical social theories.

Neste trabalho, procura-se evidenciar os elementos centrais de uma crítica imanente do capitalismo presente nas diferentes fases da teoria crítica do reconhecimento e da liberdade social desenvolvida pelo filósofo alemão Axel Honneth. Para tanto, apresenta-se em um primeiro momento a estratégia metodológica lançada por Honneth de uma teoria crítica da sociedade, assim compreendida como uma crítica das patologias da razão geradas pela organização social do capitalismo. Nessa esteira, investigo as bases de uma crítica da economia política revisada e proposta por Honneth em seus escritos mais antigos acerca das experiências de injustiça, luta, dominação e trabalho social no capitalismo até a sua formulação de uma teoria crítica do reconhecimento social. Intenta demonstrar que Honneth, no desenvolvimento da sua teoria, em resposta às objeções levantadas por debates travados no seu percurso teórico, adota três diferentes estratégias de crítica ao capitalismo: a) uma crítica das patologias sociais do capitalismo, b) uma crítica das ambiguidades normativas e contradições paradoxais do neoliberalismo e c) uma crítica aos desenvolvimentos desviantes do mercado capitalista. Por fim, defende-se que essa última dimensão da crítica honnethiana ao capitalismo o leva a uma estratégia de revisão do seu projeto emancipatório e de progresso moral de uma teoria metapolítica do socialismo, tendo como horizonte a prática cooperativa da liberdade social no contexto de uma eticidade democrática.
Palavras-chave: Capitalismo. Socialismo. Reconhecimento. Liberdade social. Teoria Crítica.

ABSTRACT
In this dissertation, I will highlight the central elements of an immanent critique of capitalism in the different phases of the Critical Theory of recognition and social freedom developed by the German philosopher Axel Honneth. Therefore, I reconstruct at first the methodological strategy launched by Honneth in his understanding of a Critical Theory of society as a social critique of the pathologies of reason generated by the social organization of capitalism. I then investigate the foundations of a critique of political economy revised and proposed by Honneth in his earliest writings regarding the experiences of injustice, struggle, cultural domination and social work in capitalism and in his version of a critical theory of recognition. I attempt to demonstrate that Honneth, in the development of his theory, specially in response to the objections raised by debates in his theoretical course, adopts three different strategies of a critique of capitalism: a) a critique of the social pathologies of capitalism, b) a critique of normative ambiguities and paradoxical contradictions of neoliberalism, and c) a critique of misdevelopments or anomalies in the capitalist market. Finally, I argue that this last dimension of the honnethian critique of capitalism leads to a revision of its emancipatory orientation and the ideia of a moral progress in terms of a metapolitical theory of socialism, having in the horizon the cooperative practice of social freedom in the context of a democratic ethical life.
Keywords: Capitalism. Socialism. Recognition. Social freedom. Critical Theory.

This paper provides a Confucian account of recognition. In contrast to contemporary recognition discourse (inspired by the Hegelian account of recognition) which emphasizes equal and reciprocal recognition, Confucianism regards the virtuous agent as one who affords recognition to others without seeking recognition for themselves. There is reason to take seriously the Confucian alternative to contemporary recognition discourse. Critical scholars of colonialism have pointed out how the politics of recognition between colonizer and colonized perpetuates the structure of unequal recognition. The comparative perspective on recognition that Confucianism offers will highlight the problematic assumptions that, I argue, actively shape misrecognition in practice.

Lise Vogel's study, Marxism and the Oppression of Women: Towards a Unitary Theory, argues that many socialist feminists relied on a dual-systems theory that maintains patriarchy and chauvinism as separate forms of cultural determination, without integrating them into the social totality of capitalist production and exploitation. Vogel's insight draws on earlier innovations in the Marxist tradition, most explicitly that of Louis Althusser. She argues that Althusser allowed her to break from an empirically descriptive approach to domestic labor, because his separation of Marx's conceptual insights from his empirical illustrations helped her to understand reproduction's integral role within capitalism. However, Vogel's work is also comparable to Althusser's later work on ideology. He argues that the reproduction of the conditions of production is equally important as production itself, and that ideology maintains this reproductive necessity. While he names the family as a primary apparatus of ideology, he does not dwell on its role. Nonetheless, we can see an alternative framework of social reproduction, through further engagement with the feminist reading of Althusser developed by Judith Butler. However, as Nancy Fraser points out, this risks an excessively immediate understanding of the relationship between gender ideology and the mode of production. Renewed attention to Vogel can change the way that we read the Althusserian intervention, such that social reproduction can be understood more clearly. I argue for a new conversation between social reproduction theory and queer theory, mediated by a shared inheritance from Althusser. Butler's reading contributes a theory of ideology that richly describes the experience of gender identity, while Vogel provides a more rigorous grounding in historical materialism.

Negli ultimi decenni molti filosofi hanno lavorato a un “ritorno” alla Teoria Critica della Scuola di Francoforte, nell’intento di riattualizzare il programma che negli anni Trenta fu di Horkheimer, Adorno e Marcuse. In un poderoso sforzo di ricostruzione, Giorgio Fazio racconta l’evoluzione di temi e approcci nel corso delle tre generazioni che si sono succedute dopo l’esaurimento della prima Scuola di Francoforte, con particolare attenzione agli itinerari di ricerca di Jürgen Habermas, Axel Honneth, Nancy Fraser, Wolfgang Streeck, Rahel Jaeggi e Hartmut Rosa. Si scopre così una tradizione di pensiero molto fertile, capace di offrire strumenti indispensabili a un programma di teoria critica della società, in un tempo in cui non poche delle premesse teoriche e delle aspettative politiche presenti ai suoi esordi sono crollate: oggi più che mai urge elaborare una diagnosi delle patologie che affliggono le società contemporanee e promuovere efficaci e radicali percorsi di emancipazione.