Nationalist Discourses

This article explores the ways in which feminist and women’s agency is articulated in the Cypriot context through the paradigms of nationalism, peace, and conflict. It does so to broaden our understanding of gendered and peace agency in troubled and divided societies, in which complex and conflicting discourses meet. Analyzing data from interviews with feminist and women’s groups’ representatives, it examines how nationalism and women’s approaches to gender, politics, peace, and conflict enable or restrict feminist and women’s agency. It finds that a strategic essentialist approach has initiated a reconfiguration of gender(ed) power relations, women’s agency, and peacebuilding processes. It argues that when this approach is combined with feminist theory and praxis and the employment of transnational peace paradigms, the possibilities for feminist and women’s agency increase, as long as feminist scholarship and grassroots activism inform each other through dialogue. Therefore, it highlights the nuanced and complex dialectic between essentialist and anti-essentialist feminist gender discourses. Moreover, it challenges theories that posit a rigidly hierarchical relation between local and transnational gendered and peace agency paradigms, by demonstrating their malleability and reciprocity. Thus, it contributes to the debate about the modalities and possibilities of feminist sociopolitical intervention in nationalism- and conflict-ridden contexts.

KEYWORDS: Cyprus; feminism; gender; nationalism and peace; women’s agency

ABSTRACT
Despite their differences in age, professional career and political background, Milošević and Putin share similar views on one of the main consequences of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the USSR: the involuntary dispersal of Serbs and Russians into different foreign states. This is a study of the segments of Milošević’s and Putin’s speeches referring to Kosovo and to Crimea respectively. The study analyses their rhetorical devices and thematic content, using the analytical framework and instruments for the analysis of nationalist discourses developed by the Vienna School of Critical Discourse Analysis. The speeches, it is argued here, share a topos of sacralisation of the (contested) land based on the ancestors’ holy or glorious deeds which proclaims the land to be sacred to the chosen nation. This creates a ‘national entitlement’ to the land in a depoliticised (‘sacred’) and highly personalised setting.

Abstract: This paper proposes a notion of critique as a public metadiscourse that allows subjects to recognize , rearticulate and/or reconfigure the logics and rationalities that lead to social suffering. It analyses the way critique operates in a controversy triggered by Flemish nationalist politicians who claim that racism is [a] relative [concept]. The author proposes to analyse the associated debate by means of an in-terpretive and functional discourse analysis. This heuristic operationalizes the poststructuralist concept of articulation. The author identifies different types of critical discursive intervention (CDI) that delin-eate the boundaries of the racism-is-relative debate: hegemonic claims, ideological disqualifications, metalinguistic disqualifications, and concretization strategies. Such interventions haven been articulated by citizens, activists, academics, and politicians across a variety of mostly written media between 2013 and 2015. It is through the play of discursive interventions that social actors challenge and negotiate political boundaries for interpretation. The article demonstrates that most critiques on assertions of racism being [a] relative [concept] do not undermine the logics and rationalities informing racism is relative discourse. It also shows that discourse analysts need to differentiate between different modes of critique in order to examine the complex acts of rearticulation that take place in any debate.

Zusammenfassung: Der folgende Artikel plädiert für einen Kritikbegriff, der Kritik als öffentlichen Meta-Diskurs konzipiert, welches es Subjekten ermöglicht, all jene Logiken und Rationalitäten, die so-ziales Leiden verursachen, zu erkennen, zu re-artikulieren und zu re-konfigurieren. Veranschaulicht wird dies anhand einer Analyse der spezifischen Kritikformen bzw.-modi innerhalb der von flämisch-nationalistischen Politikern initiierten Debatte um die vermeintliche Relativität von Rassismus. Die Analyse dieser Debatte orientiert sich hierbei an einer interpretativen und funktionalen Konzeption der Diskursanalyse. Für diese Analyseheuristik ist eine Operationalisierung des poststrukturalistischen Ar-tikulationskonzepts zentral. Im Zuge der Untersuchung werden verschiedene Arten und Weisen der kritisch-diskursiven Intervention in diese Debatte identifiziert. Dadurch können gleichsam die Grenzen bzw. Grenzmarker der »Rassismus-ist-relativ-Debatte« skizziert werden: hegemoniale Ansprüche, ideo-logische und metalinguistische De-Legitimierungen sowie Konkretisierungsstrategien. Die identifizier-ten kritischen Interventionen wurden von einer Vielzahl unterschiedlicher Akteure (Bürger, Aktivisten, Wissenschaftler und Politiker) innerhalb verschiedenster Medienpublikationen, im Zeitraum zwischen 2013 und 2015, artikuliert. Die Grenzen politischer Interpretationsräume werden von sozialen Akteu-ren durch dieses Spiel diskursiver Interventionen verhandelt und herausgefordert. Der folgende Artikel veranschaulicht, dass die meisten Kritiken der Behauptung, Rassismus sei relativ, die diesem rassisti-schen Diskurs zugrundeliegenden Logiken und Artikulationsformen nicht radikal genug herausfordern bzw. untergraben. Auf theoretischer Ebene sollte er zudem DiskursforscherInnen für die Differenzie-rung spezifischer Kritikmodi sensibilisieren, da nur durch eine solche differenzierende Identifizierung die komplexen Artikulationsformen einer öffentlichen Debatte angemessen analysiert werden können.

The results of the 2010 federal elections in Belgium show a growing divide between the French-speaking south (Wallonia) and the Dutch-speaking north (Flanders) of the country. In the north, the Flemish nationalist party New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) achieved a landslide victory with its campaign for complete political autonomy for Flanders. Never in the history of Belgium has Flemish nationalism been politically stronger than today. A secession of Flanders from Belgium is no longer considered an unimaginable scenario. The N-VA has its roots in the “Flemish Movement,” a collective term for a plurality of people and organizations that have pushed for greater Flemish autonomy since Belgium achieved independence in 1830. This article presents an analysis of this movement, its ideology, goals, achievements and relevance to the current political crisis.

9780691125992, £13.95 (pbk) Stefan Breuer, Nationalismus und Faschismus: Frankreich, Italien und Deutschland im Vergleich, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft: Darmstadt, 2005; 202 pp.; 3534179943, E44.90 (hbk) A. James Gregor, The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science. Cambridge University Press: New York, 2006; xii + 306 pp.; 9780521676397, £14.99 (pbk)

L’IDEAZIONE DEL PROGETTO DELLA CITTÀ UNIVERSITARIA DI TEHERAN
VICINANZE E LONTANANZE DALL’EUROPA

Durante il primo Novecento iraniano (1905-1940) si assiste a fondamentali cambiamenti culturali e architettonici in Persia, fino ad allora radicata nelle proprie millenarie tradizioni. Mutamenti che ancora oggi identificano ampiamente le tematiche architettoniche e urbanistiche integrate profondamente nell’ideazione formale e progettuale e si presentano ai nostri occhi in forma distintamente riconoscibile, seppur implicitamente tendente verso una conservatività allusiva verso le sue radici consuetudinarie. Radici robuste dei suoi poeti millenari come Firdusi, le antiche religioni e la continuità storica territoriale che origina - per mezzo di prove sicure - la presenza di un popolo antico composto da diversi gruppi etnici e tribali che, nel primo Novecento, mettono in luce propositi di dimostrare e di affermarsi autenticamente fra i paesi del mondo attraverso la cultura, la politica e l’architettura.
La ricerca tende ad analizzare l’architettura del primo Novecento iraniano in relazione ad una comparazione estesa con l’architettura europea.........

Tagore's women are distinguished for their radical worldview and actions, successfully heralding the 'new Indian women' of modern India. The women's question that proves crucial not only for the colonial justification of a foreign rule over people who apparently 'brutally' treat their women but also for the nationalist discourse regarding the sacredness of space that women in India inhabit, gets a new dimension through portrayal of extraordinary women in Tagore's fictions. His fictional writings foreground images of outstanding women as harbingers of the 'new era'. Tagore's strong belief in the potential of woman as the driving principle for meaningful change in the fossilized immobility of a rigid patriarchal society is evident in most of his remarkable female characters such as Chandara, Binodini, Mrinal, Kalyani, Damini, Bimala, Anila, Nandini, Kumudini, and Ela. These characters, projected as the catalyst for social transformation in terms of the woman question, are fervent advocates of women's rights and caustic critique of social injustices that dehumanize and objectify women in society. This article attempts to explore how such women characters organically contribute, like the blocks of a jigsaw puzzle, to complete Tagore's imagination of the 'modern Indian woman' and critique the nationalist discourse on the women's question in the nineteenth century Bengal.

This chapter studies Cypriot LGBTIQs’ intersectional politics amidst the socio-political environment within which these are articulated, marked by strong nationalistic discourses as well as tensions with European identity and belonging. Specifically, it examines the ways in which local and EU discourses about nationhood, gender, and sexuality shape dynamics of intersectionality. It does so by analysing how gender and sexual identities are formed and by questioning how these formations inform LGBTIQ movement politics in contentious contexts. The chapter employs a qualitative research design and thematically analyses empirical ethnographic data that includes interviews with Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot LGBTIQ participants. It marks intra-ethnic and inter-ethnic dynamics of in-group exclusions. The research argues that these exclusions are reinforced by local notions about ‘Europe,’ expressed through the ‘Europe/West-versus-the-Rest’ dichotomy. Nonetheless, it also finds that the successes of the Cypriot LGBTIQ movement have been based on opportunities afforded by ‘Europe’ and Europeanisation. Therefore, this chapter builds a theoretical and empirical framework for understanding the implications of understandings of nationhood, gender, and sexuality on LGBTIQ politics when the ‘Rest’ meets the ‘West/Europe.’

This paper explores, briefly, the circulation in the River Plate (and Chile) of the discourses and concepts elaborated by Giuseppe Mazzini in the context of his Giovine Italia movement, with an emphasis on the concept of "nation", and its reconfiguration by publicists of the Romantic generations of the Argentinian Confederation, Uruguay and Chile. Emphasized are the prisms -conceptual, discursive and contextual- through which notions encountered in Mazzini (and his followers) were given new inflections -original nuances- by his South American readers. The period covered is 1830 to the middle of the 1860s. This was published in a beautiful British Academy edition, but it is highly expensive and by now somewhat rare. The editors of the volume were C.A. Bayly and Eugenio Biagini.

Nicolae Iorga, a towering figure of the Romanian historiography, had
written and spoken extensively about empires, while actively witnessing the fall
of the four great empires at the end of the First World War. He had been, on the
one hand, the founder of Romanian antisemitic nationalism and a highly
influential intellectual for the cause of unification of all Romanians living in two
neighbouring empires (Austria-Hungary and Tsarist Russia) with the Old
Romanian Kingdom. On the other hand, in the scholarly environment of his
times, he was mostly famous as historian of other two Empires, the Ottoman and
the Byzantine. This study builds on a paradox of the literature review on Iorga:
he appears both as an intellectual fundamentally opposed to empires and
imperialism, due to his stance as a nationalist politician and leader, a true nationbuilder, as well as the contrary of this, seen by some as profoundly sympathetic
towards the lost world of empires. Thus, the two essential coordinates of this
edited volume – imperial nostalgia and contestation - can be used to summarise also
Iorga's way of relating to the concept of empire. The research question of the
present study starts from these seemingly contradictory standpoints and tries to
provide an answer. How could the two be reconciled? After all, was Iorga more
of an opponent or more of an advocate of empires? This article argues that there
was a key historical distinction Iorga made between two types of empires:
premodern (ancient included) and modern empires. His nostalgia went towards
the former, while his contestation was expressed concerning the latter, which he
condemned for what he perceived to be a modern distortion of both the imperial
and the national idea.

Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country.

The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.

Son dönemlerde "soykırım" iddiaları Diaspora'nın öncülüğü ve Ermenistan devletinin büyük katkılarıyla ciddi bir uluslararası kamuoyu oluşturma retoriğine dönüştürülmüştür. Bir tarafıyla "soykırım" iddiaları tarih ve ulusal kimliğin belirleyici unsuru olarak görülmekte, diğer tarafıyla ise küresel siyaset açısından etkin bir propaganda aracı şeklinde kullanılmaktadır.

In recent years, literature on nationalism has grown significantly, oftentimes focusing on nationalist discourses. However, one rarely comes across works that comparatively and comprehensively examine nationalist discourses of ruling centrist parties. This study offers a comparative perspective on two center-right political parties, Fidesz and the AK Party, that dominate the political arena by the electoral victories they won in their respective countries, which are quite different from each other in many respects.
How do the ruling parties construct their nationalist discourses, and why do they need these? How are national narratives rebuilt by the ruling parties and functionalized while shaping current politics? What are the distinctive or similar features of the nationalist discourse in the specific conditions of different countries? This book seeks answers to these and similar questions through two cases under study.

In this study the author analyses the changes of social representations of the Slovak speaking population of the north-western part of the Hungarian Kingdom in the regional Magyar press during the years of the Great War. The article is based on analyses of five Magyar regional newspapers (issued in mainly Slovak inhabited areas), in which the author explores the usage of various categories (such as “people/folk”, “nationality”, “nation”, as well as notions of “loyalty”, “treacherousness”, and “Pan-Slavism”) and stereotypes as they were utilized in the representations of the Slovaks. The analyses follows how the seemingly subtle changes within the predominant Hungarian/Magyar nationalist ideology of the “Hungarian (political) nation” and particular events in the domestic policy and abroad (the policy of limited cooperation with the leaders of of the non/Hungarian nationalist movements pursued by the prime minister I. Tisza on the eve of the World War, and the activities of Czech and Slovak politicians in exile, and of the Czech members of parliament in the Vienna Reichsrat during the last two years of the war) influenced and in fact changed the social representations of the Slovak population within the period Hungarian/Magyar discourse.

Keywords: Social representations. Hungarian/Magyar and Slovak nationalism. Nationalist discourses, Social categories of nation, nationality and people` World War I, 1914 –1918.

This article explores the ways in which feminist and women’s agency is articulated in the Cypriot context through the paradigms of nationalism, peace, and conflict. It does so to broaden our understanding of gendered and peace agency in troubled and divided societies, in which complex and conflicting discourses meet. Analyzing data from interviews with feminist and women’s groups’ representatives, it examines how nationalism and women’s approaches to gender, politics, peace, and conflict enable or restrict feminist and women’s agency. It finds that a strategic essentialist approach has initiated a reconfiguration of gender(ed) power relations, women’s agency, and peacebuilding processes. It argues that when this approach is combined with feminist theory and praxis and the employment of transnational peace paradigms, the possibilities for feminist and women’s agency increase, as long as feminist scholarship and grassroots activism inform each other through dialogue. Therefore, it highlights the nuanced and complex dialectic between essentialist and anti-essentialist feminist gender discourses. Moreover, it challenges theories that posit a rigidly hierarchical relation between local and transnational gendered and peace agency paradigms, by demonstrating their malleability and reciprocity. Thus, it contributes to the debate about the modalities and possibilities of feminist sociopolitical intervention in nationalism- and conflict-ridden contexts.

This article focuses on the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre (1900-1987). It is my goal to demonstrate how Freyre applied Nietzschean ideas to his interpretation of Brazilian society in an attempt to concretize the prophecy of the “new man” in the shape of the multiracial “mestiço.” By Nietzschean ideas I mean ideas indebted to Nietzsche directly or indirectly and reflected in the rhetorical, stylistic and argumentative strategies used by Freyre. It is not my intention to discuss whether Freyre interpreted Nietzsche’s ideas correctly; rather, I wish to highlight parallels to Nietzschean concepts and to indicate how the eclectic, even opportunistic, use of Nietzsche’s work allowed Freyre to move the discussion on Brazilian identity in a new direction.

Casa-grande & Senzala (1933), a obra secular de Gilberto Freyre, foi traditionalmente interpretado de um ponto de vista sociólogo e histórico. Esta interpretação deixou duas questões essenciais em aberto: 1) Como se pode explicar que Freyre interpretou a noção de miscegenação de uma forma (muito) mais positiva do que sociólogos anteriores e 2) Como se pode explicar as tendências elitistas e aristocráticas na sua obra? Este artigo explore estas duas perguntas analisando a influência em Freyre da filosofia de Friedrich Nietzsche através da interpretação de Henry L. Mencken. Argumenta que a influência de Mencken foi maior do que tradicionalmente tem sido admitido e que na obra de Mencken sobre Nietzsche se pode encontrar a mesma interpretação de miscigenação que Freyre mais tarde explorou em Casa-grande & Senzala. Argumenta também que Mencken profundamente influenciou Freyre com as suas ideias aristocráticas e elitistas."

Bitva u Mojkovce 1916-2106: narativy o první světové válce v Černé Hoře, In: Václav Štěpánek – Jiří Mitáček (eds.), Studia balkanica Bohemo-slovaca VII. Příspěvky přednesené na VII. mezinárodním balkanistickém sympoziu v Brně ve dnech 28.-29. listopadu 2016, Brno: Moravské zemské muzeum, Ústav slavistiky FF MU 2017,  pp.  257-272.

SUMMARY: "The Battle of Mojkovac, 1916-2016: Narratives of the First World War in Montenegro". The contribution focuses on the narratives of the First World War in Montenegro, their transformations and appropriations. It primarily deals with the memory of the period between the Sarajevo assassination in June 1914 and the occupation of Montenegro by the Austro-Hungarian army in January 1916 researched at the time of the centenary commemorations in 2014-2016. Three events have assumed central position in contemporary narratives: Montenegro´s entry into war in 1914, the battle of Mojkovac (January 1916) and the sinking of the boat Brindisi, carrying Montenegrin volunteers from Northern America (January 1916). During the centenary of these events, the battle of Mojkovac assumed the most prominent position in the politics of memory of the First World War in Montenegro. The narratives of the First World War have been affected by the existence of two competing discourses of national identity and history within Montenegro: the ethnically Montenegrin perspective, stressing the perceived national specificity of the Montenegrins and tradition of independent statehood as opposed to ethnically Serb perspective, stressing the perceived Serb identity of the Montenegrins, the importance of their links with Serbia and adherence to Serbian Orthodox Church. The question of Montenegro´s membership in NATO and strained relations between Podgorica and Moscow also left their imprint on competing narratives of the First World War.

La Volksunie a vécu. Depuis novembre 2001, deux formations en sont issues : la Nieuwe Vlaams Alliantie (NVA), guidée par Geert Bourgeois et Spirit, emmené par Anne-Marie Van de Casteele. Comment cette formation, qui a incarné le nationalisme flamand démocratique pendant près de cinquante ans a-t-elle pu en arriver là ? Dans un premier temps, nous présenterons les principales étapes de la Volksunie avant de présenter ses difficultés dans les années quatre-vingt et la spirale de son implosion en 2001.

The paper attempts to provide an overview of the dispute over the status of the Christian Orthodox Church in Montenegro after the breakup of socialist Yugoslavia and the ongoing struggle of the Serbian and Montenegrin Orthodox churches for power, influence, political support, spiritual hegemony, places of worship and souls.  In the early 1990s, Montenegro joined the group of several predominantly Orthodox countries of Eastern Europe affected by religious schism. In October 1993, hundreds of Montenegrins gathered in the historical capital of Cetinje to proclaim the (re)establishment of an independent, autocephalous Montenegrin Orthodox Church. Since then, the Christian Orthodox population of Montenegro has been polarized by bitter rivalry between the clergy and adherents of two churches: the Serbian Orthodox Church (Srpska pravoslavna crkva, SPC) and the Montenegrin Orthodox Church (Crnogorska pravoslavna crkva, CPC), both competing for legitimacy, influence, political support and property. The roots of this ongoing conflict are inseparable from questions of national identity and politics. While SPC maintains that Montenegrins represent a mere regional branch of the Serb nation and Montenegro therefore one of the traditionally Serb lands, CPC has promoted the program of a separate Montenegrin national identity and strongly supported independence from Serbia before the referendum of 2006.

This conference took place in London, the 12 September 2018 organized by University of London.

Spain is experiencing one of its greatest political crises of the last decades due to the Catalan independence movement. For months we have witnessed how two opposite discourses are trying to shape public opinion. These two discourses have reached us through traditional media but also through digital media and especially social networks such as Twitter, YouTube or Instagram. Nowadays, each one of us is a potential journalist and our information might even go viral.
In this paper we will precisely analyse two pictures and two videos that went viral and study how these pieces of information contributed to shape the two different discourses that were being held by the contending parties of the Catalonian conflict. One of these images shows a father with his son in his arms, trying to give a flower to a Spanish Guardia Civil during the referendum that had been suspended by Spain ́s Constitutional Court. In the other picture we s ee four kids and a baby blocking the traffic during the pro -independence general s trike. With regard to the videos, one of them was recorded during the time the Spanish Guardia Civil and National Police had been deployed in Catalonia ahead of the illegal referendum on independence for 1st October. One officer from Seville responded to noisy pot-banging from a pro-independence group under the balcony of his hotel singing a fandango (flamenco song) that stopped the pot-banger and elicited a few "Olés" from the protestors. The other video shows us a similar story: in this case a resident from Barcelona tries to stop the noisy pot-banging in his neighbourhood by playing a famous Spanish song "¡Qué viva España!" (Long life to Spain) very loudly.

In the sociopolitical space of divided Cyprus the political problem dominates, leaving little space for discussions about the exclusions it produces. The accentuation of existing patriarchal structures and essentialist gender role binarisms by masculinist and heteronormative nationalist discourses is a prevalent phenomenon in Cyprus, as it in other locales that face analogous ethnonational problems. However, a preliminary glance at filmic spaces suggests that in Cypriot films women assume diverse and significant roles, which both intensify and emasculate predominant discourses. This chapter evaluates gender issues in Cypriot films from the 1960s to the 2010s and examines the possible significance of filmic spaces as areas where alternative constructions of female subjectivity and agency could be negotiated. It examines films based on three categories of female subjectivities and women’s agency – or lack thereof: a) women-as-victims of predominant discourses, b) women as (co) perpetrators of predominant discourses and c) women as agents.

Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status ("established" vs. "rising" nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions ("civic" vs. "ethnic" aspects in the social representation of the nation - Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of "established" (Spanish) or "rising" (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of "civic" (in Catalonia) or "ethnic" (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions . The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct "discursive formations" -reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) -between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an "enunciative system" including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional -Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia -that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the "us" in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the "tacit contract" of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regionalnationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.

In this chapter, I build on my ethnographic fieldwork to examine how Serbian nationalist NGOs and movements used religious
nationalist discourse in their struggle against LGBT Pride Parade. In the first part of the chapter, I offer a brief account of their history, organizational practices, and external relationships. I show how these organizations and their supporters, including the Serbian Orthodox Church, fought against an alliance of the state, LGBT NGOs and a broader liberal civil society over which issues and norms had a legitimate presence in the public sphere. I illustrate this further with the example of the anti-Pride “Family Walks” in the second section. In the third part, I focus on the historical roots, social ideology, and current uses of religious nationalist discourse. Finally, I highlight the nationalists’ populist presentation of their anti-Pride campaign as a defense of the collective rights of the Serbian nation, and consider the audience and achievements of this strategy.

This article explores the ways in which feminist and women’s agency is articulated in the Cypriot context through the paradigms of nationalism, peace, and conflict. It does so to broaden our understanding of gendered and peace agency in troubled and divided societies, in which complex and conflicting discourses meet. Analyzing data from interviews with feminist and women’s groups’ representatives, it examines how nationalism and women’s approaches to gender, politics, peace, and conflict enable or restrict feminist and women’s agency. It finds that a strategic essentialist approach has initiated a reconfiguration of gender(ed) power relations, women’s agency, and peacebuilding processes. It argues that when this approach is combined with feminist theory and praxis and the employment of transnational peace paradigms, the possibilities for feminist and women’s agency increase, as long as feminist scholarship and grassroots activism inform each other through dialogue. Therefore, it highlights the nuanced and complex dialectic between essentialist and anti-essentialist feminist gender discourses. Moreover, it challenges theories that posit a rigidly hierarchical relation between local and transnational gendered and peace agency paradigms, by demonstrating their malleability and reciprocity. Thus, it contributes to the debate about the modalities and possibilities of feminist sociopolitical intervention in nationalism- and conflict-ridden contexts.

In the 1840’s, the Irish nationalist newspaper The Nation had given itself the mission to be the “voice of the nation” by encouraging essays on Irish history, language, culture and politics, but also by opening its columns to aspiring poets, giving them approval, comments and advice in its “correspondence” section. But the comments were not always laudatory and the tales they tell may also be ones of refusal. The process of rejection of poems is quite often not only referred to but highlighted by the practice of commenting on particular lines without publishing the text in question, the author of which remaining hopelessly voiceless until the editors of The Nation decide otherwise.
Because the “Young Irelanders” - the founders of The Nation – soon came to play such an essential role in the Irish literary world, the process of commending or rejecting which was used in The Nation set in motion a whole series of authorial strategies in order to make oneself heard after being refused publication: overhauling poems, resorting to less controversial topics, or using pseudonyms, among others.
This study will scrutinize the signs of rejection in the “correspondence” section of The Nation, and examine both the reasons for rejection and the effect that those personal replies may have on shaping the reader’s literary expectations even though the accused poems are hardly ever printed.
I will pay particular attention to the answers to poems sent by Fitz-James O’Brien (1828-1862) often under the pseudonym “Heremon”.
O’Brien seems to be a compelling example of someone who was actively looking for the nationalists’ literary anointment, mostly unsuccessfully, and tried various strategies to bring his poems to the pages of The Nation between 1845 – he was then only seventeen – and 1848 when the paper stopped being published. His final strategy was to leave such an ideologically-saturated place to go to England first, in 1849, and the to the United States in 1851, where his voice was finally heard more successfully but where he kept on exploring the themes of authorial strategies and the anxiety of publication.

""""http://www.revistadecatalunya.cat/ca/noticia-detall.asp?id=57


"About maps of the thematic atlas "Cartografía hispano-
científica, o sea, Los mapas españoles, en que se representa a España bajo todas sus diferentes fases" (Francisco Jorge Torres Villegas, Madrid, 1852 1st ed. & 1857 2nd ed.), in particular “Mapa político de España en que se presenta la división con la clasificación política de todas las Provincias de la Monarquía segun el régimen especial domin[an]te. en ellas”.

L'article, que no penge ara a academia.edu perquè acaba de ser publicat, no només es deté al mapa polític d'Espanya: també en parla de les dades etnogràfiques de la península ibèrica contingudes a l'atles temàtic de Torres Villegas. Estranyament, les consideracions d'aquest autor del segle XIX no van suposar l'elaboració del mapa etnogràfic corresponent, i a l'article en propose una hipòtesi.
Adjunte algunes imatges del mapa polític i les referències bibliogràfiques de l'article."""