School Desegregation

#AnneMoody

This is an overview of the Anne Moody History Project (AMHP) and its plans to promote and help preserve the legacy of Anne Moody (1940 - 2015). Ms. Moody was a civil rights pioneer and the famous author of Coming of Age in Mississippi. She grew up in Centreville, Miss., where she overcame poverty, racism, persecution, and the threats of death. She became a respected leader in the Civil Rights Movement.

Drawing on the author's background in marketing and journalism, this document presents a list of practical ideas adapted by AMHP for promoting Ms. Moody's history. The ideas include promotional work through schools, churches, the local community, government agencies, social media, and the news media. In addition to honoring her with a street and highway bearing her name, AMHP plans call for having a proclamation issued for “Anne Moody Day.” The author, who serves as AMHP chairman, has said the promotional campaign is about “history, education and tourism.” Current and future generations need to know her story, according to the author.

Note: Readers are encouraged to follow updates on Ms. Moody’s history by following @AnneMoodyHP on Twitter. #AnneMoody

PAGE On May 17, 1954, the United States Supreme Court handed down one of its most important decisions in the twentieth century. Brown v. Board of Education ordered twenty-one U.S. states, including Virginia, to end racial segregation in their public schools. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), a nationally-known African American civil rights organization, had led the legal campaign to bring about the Brown decision. After its victory, the organization focused on how to bring about the implementation of the decision in the South in order to effectuate school desegregation. In the later 1950s, the NAACP filed lawsuits in many southern states, including Virginia, where school boards had been unable, or unwilling, to comply. As the possibility of school desegregation grew, white southerners bitterly attacked the NAACP and proponents of integration. In Virginia this led to state-sanctioned investigations of the organization, among other things. Utilizi...

In Brown in Baltimore; School Desegregation and the Limits of Liberalism, Howell S. Baum argues that the failures of desegregation can be traced to liberal principles that protect individual freedom while ignoring race. In this extensively researched book, Baum recounts how local officials and residents attempted to desegregate Baltimore schools in the wake of the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown.

The Tucson Unified School District has come under fire recently, particularly in light of several judicial decisions regarding the responsibilities of the district to desegregate the schools, provide culturally relevant curriculum, and stay within the bounds of Arizona law.  TUSD finds itself on both sides of the litigation: on one hand, it must defend its failure to desegregate the schools under the Unitary Services Plan (USP) it negotiated with Plaintiffs, who represent Mexican- and African-American students in the district.  On the other hand, TUSD claims that the State of Arizona violated the Constitution when it passed ARS § 15-112. 

Tucson Unified School District (TUSD) leaders developed a Mexican American Studies (MAS) Program in 1998 in an effort to close achievement gaps, improve academic achievement, and desegregate the district.  In part the decision was made to honor a federal court order to desegregate TUSD schools that has been in place since the 1980s.  At that time, Plaintiffs alleged discrimination against TUSD.  Under court oversight, therefore, TUSD has developed desegregation agreements in collaboration with Plaintiffs, including most recently, a Unitary Status Plan (USP). 
Under the USP, TUSD must provide culturally relevant courses (CRC).  However, under Arizona law, TUSD is not permitted to continue the MAS Program, despite the program’s potential to raise student achievement markers, including test scores and graduation rates.  That is because state legislators enacted A.R.S. § 15-112 to eliminate MAS in TUSD.  TUSD has taken the matter to court to decide whether the law is constitutional.
In 2015, in Arce v. Douglas, the Ninth Circuit affirmed the conclusion that a prong of A.R.S. § 15-112(A) is unconstitutional.  However, the remainder of the statute stands—until and unless Plaintiffs can prove at trial that the Arizona legislature applied the statute with discriminatory intent, or they can show that the legislature violated their First Amendment rights.

In the wake of Arce, Arizona State Superintendent Douglas has implied her willingness to work with TUSD to develop appropriate CRC; however, there seems to remain an unwillingness to acknowledge that A.R.S. § 15-112, as a whole, is problematic.  On the other hand, TUSD has not dealt with matters in the most deft fashion.  The District finds itself repeatedly in the news and in court.  Further, the court has seemed to lose patience with the District’s seeming incapacity to develop wholly appropriate, effective plans for desegregation and high student achievement.  Although Arce was remanded for further consideration, TUSD would be best served by avoiding litigation altogether and settling matters by quiet negotiation and other political processes outside of court.

In May 2000, the Lafayette Parish School Board, in southwest Louisiana, wasfound in violation of a 1967 federal court order to desegregate, was ordered to close two predominantly African American elementary schools, and bus those children to five predominately White schools on the other side of this city of 100,000. Additionally, the judge ordered the transfer of 12 principals based on race and the construction of a new magnet school. The present study examines questionnaire responses from middle to upper middle-class African Americans at three different times: (a) just after the court decision, (b) 1-2 months after the decision was implemented, and (c) 5 months after the court order. This study also explores the gradual shift in the responses from Lafayette's African American community.

Tento článek pojednává o systému společného vzdělávání, realizovaného na leicesterské střední škole Babington. Zaměřuje se na jev, který lze označit jako „moment úspěchu romských studentů”. Ti se svými rodiči emigrovali v posledních 10-15 letech do Velké Británie a/nebo se zde již narodili. Daný jev nebyl v akademické literatuře zatím uceleně probádán a popsán; dalo by se tedy říct, že představuje jakousi „mezeru v současných znalostech”. Předkládaný text si tyto ambice rozhodně nečiní už proto, že ačkoli se autorka profesně zabývá sociálními vědami, pedagogika ani speciální pedagogika nejsou jejími obory.

Po uvedení čtenáře do dané problematiky a souvisejícího širšího kontextu se nejprve dozvíme podrobnosti o Babingtonu. Článek se pak dotýká otázek, jako je samotná práce s bilingvními a vícejazyčnými dětmi či dětmi se speciálními vzdělávacími potřebami ve výuce nebo dlouhodobá partnerská práce školy s rodinami a komunitami. Při předkládání těchto argumentů článek vychází z faktu, že uvedené příklady dobré praxe jsou přenositelné do českého, popřípadě slovenského kontextu.

I consider Arendt's "Reflections on Little Rock," a controversial essay that positioned school desegregation in the American South as "abolish[ing] … both the teachers' and the parents' authority, replacing it with the rule of public opinion among children who have neither the ability nor the right to establish a public opinion of their own." Without dismissing Arendt's "Reflections," I argue that, even in higher education, strict boundaries subordinating "children" to adult authority risk marginalizing and silencing students within educational institutions and pedagogical scenes—particularly those students already marginalized along lines of race, gender, class, and so on. Drawing on Ralph Ellison's critique of "Reflections," Arendt's own "What Is Authority?", and recent scholarship on authority and agency, I ask how teachers might avoid abolishing or abdicating pedagogical authority while leaving (or making) room for students to respond to and question our authority as well as that of the broader institutions in which we work.

On May 17, 1954, the United States Supreme Court handed down one of its most important decisions in the twentieth century. Brown v. Board of Education ordered twenty-one U.S. states, including Virginia, to end racial segregation in their public schools. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), a nationally-known African American civil rights organization, had led the legal campaign to bring about the Brown decision. After its victory, the organization focused on how to bring about the implementation of the decision in the South in order to effectuate school desegregation. In the later 1950s, the NAACP filed lawsuits in many southern states, including Virginia, where school boards had been unable, or unwilling, to comply. As the possibility of school desegregation grew, white southerners bitterly attacked the NAACP and proponents of integration. In Virginia this led to state-sanctioned investigations of the organization, among other things. Utilizing legislation passed by the state legislature, the governor of Virginia also closed public schools in several Virginia communities in the fall of 1958 to avoid desegregation. The following January, state and federal courts overturned the state's school closing laws, and in February 1959 initial school desegregation began in Virginia. Afterward, the state allowed token, or minimal, school desegregation in an attempt to both avoid judicial scrutiny but also maintain as much segregation as possible. In the 1960s the federal government demonstrated a renewed commitment to school desegregation, and both legislative and executive action pressured the southern states, including Virginia, to increase the amount of school desegregation taking place within their borders. In the late 1960s, the U.S. Supreme Court handed down a series of new school desegregation decisions, starting with Green v. New Kent County (Virginia) in 1968, which sped up the desegregation process in the South. This dissertation examines the NAACP, Virginia's political leaders, white liberals and moderates, and segregationists during this tumultuous time in Virginia's history. Outside of the desegregation of public education, the manuscript also considers the desegregation of higher education, public transportation and accommodations, the expansion of black voting rights and political activity, racial violence, and related civil rights issues. Blending social, legal, political, and African-American history, this dissertation seeks to shed new light on the Civil Rights Movement and white resistance to civil rights in Virginia and the South.

The history of the Civil Rights Movement is often about resistance (both non-violent and violent) to racist environments. In Roanoke, Virginia, it took nearly twenty years to integrate city schools, yet opposition by the African American community has been nearly forgotten. School closings in Prince Edward County became the enduring image of civil rights in Virginia, while historians have generally ignored the patterns of desegregation in Roanoke and other areas in western Virginia because they assumed integration there to be a smooth transition.  The case study of Roanoke provides a very different response to civil rights in Virginia that was directed by the city’s white and black elites. While change elsewhere was volatile, change in Roanoke occurred at a much slower pace, a pace comfortable for these leaders. Roanoke’s history does not mirror the traditional model of civil rights action spearheaded by youth and challenges traditional views of Virginia’s postwar twentieth century political history. At the same time, Roanoke’s integration shows that even where whites and African Americans generally frowned upon racial violence, children could still receive psychological scars.

Race and inequitable education have been a long-standing topic of debate in American education. Much of the recent controversy over race and education in America is reflective of the Brown v Board of Education ruling of 1954 that allowed Black students to attend schools with White students. Then, as now, conversation about what is best for Black students largely focuses on same- race student and teacher classrooms (Anderson, 2015 Boggs & Dunbar, 2015, Coleman 2007, Cottman, 2015, Driessen, 2015, Deck, 2013, Hyland, 2005 & Ladson-Billings, 1995). However, despite the best intentions of those who tried to desegregate schools, classroom composition is still not racially balanced in the U.S. In 2011, White students attended schools that were 9 percent Black, while Black Students attended schools that were 78 percent Black (NAEP, 2015). Many of the Black students who attended predominately Black schools lived in the South (NAEP, 2015). Regardless of location, educational outcomes for Black and White students are not the same. Black students are not performing as well as White students. The discrepancies between White and minority students’ educational outcomes are so severe that Johnson and Kritsonis (2006) consider achievement gaps between Black and White students a national dilemma

The 1954 Supreme Court ruling against the applicability of the "separate but equal" doctrine in the public school system in Brown v.s. Board of Education of Topeka augured the dawning of the Civil Rights Movement in 20 th century America. This decision sparked a major transformation in the nation's educational system-school desegregation-a process that in some cases took decades to come to fruition. Much has been written about the social and economic outcomes that have resulted from this landmark decision, however, research on the psychosocial consequences of school desegregation on the generation of African Americans who experienced this process is sparse. Employing a cultural trauma theoretical framework, this study takes up the latter issue by analyzing the ways in which the dislocation of the "colored school" system affected the social structures of the African American community and the collective identity of the children of integration. I analyzes this phenomenon in a local context by using oral history interview data collected on a cohort of African Americans who matriculated through the "colored school" system in Harlan County, Kentucky. The school systems in these communities desegregated between 1960 and 1963, and share similar cultural, regional, and political contexts. The primary questions guiding this research are (1) How did this generation of African Americans understand their racialized subjectivity prior to school desegregation? (2) What was the localized experience with school desegregation for this cohort of African Americans? and (3) What impact did school desegregation have on the collective identity of the children who experienced integration?

This article examines the case of Karla Galarza v. Washington, DC Board of Education. On April 3, 1947, Karla Galarza refused to accept the board's directive to withdraw from the Black segregated Margaret Murray Washington Vocational School. Her father, Dr. Ernesto Galarza, supported her decision and worked to challenge the expulsion, and the system of segregation, as unconstitutional. The authors analyze materials from regional and national archives, oral accounts, legal documents, and personal collections, focusing on Dr. Galarza's voice in over one hundred pages of correspondence. Dr. Galarza brought together an interracial legal team, including Charles Hamilton Houston, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the American Civil Liberties Union, the American Jewish Congress, and the National Lawyers Guild. Dr. Galarza lauded the pedagogy of a Black teacher and the pluralism cultivated in a Black school community as evidence of democracy in action. The legal team proposed that Karla's expulsion constituted a violation of the Fifth Amendment, naming education as a property right. However, after extensive research and discussion across ten months, the organizations determined they should not pursue the case in court. The authors assert that this attempted legal intervention is an unnamed forerunner in the attack on Plessy v. Ferguson and complicates previous narratives of the long struggle to end school segregation.

This article explores Nantucket's history of social justice, civil rights, and racial equality in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and accompanied an exhibition on the same topic, "titled Rights and Race," that opened at the NHA's Hadwen House in May 2018.

Exploring battles over school desegregation in metropolitan Boston, Detroit, and Philadelphia in the 1960s and 1970s, “The Metropolitan Moment” examines how black and white city dwellers at odds over integration within the city pursued – and sometimes allied over – efforts that crossed municipal lines to incorporate the suburbs in desegregation remedies. Though possessing divergent motivations, such as the white tactical aim of ensuring white majorities in all area schools by enlarging the desegregation area and the black desire for improved educational opportunities, both groups sought access to white suburban schools and at times acted together in court in an attempt to implement metropolitan desegregation. The search for such solutions opened a “metropolitan moment” across the urban North in the late 1960s and early 1970s when proposed regional remedies offered real possibilities of heading off white flight, fostering interracial coalitions, and substantively combatting segregation. Though this moment was foreclosed by the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1974 decision in Milliken v. Bradley – a case prompted in part by just such a surprising urban black-white alliance in Detroit – its legacies, including suburban anti-busing movements that helped fuel the rise of the New Right and the transformation of the Democratic Party, and the larger retreat from metropolitan solutions to metropolitan dilemmas of race, schooling, services, and inequality, echo down to today. The findings complicate several historiographies pertaining to the long civil rights movement, post-World War II urban and suburban history, the rise of the right, and representations of the “busing” controversy. Throughout, “The Metropolitan Moment” broadens the conception of the municipal reformer to include both ordinary black parents and white reactionaries.

In this article we explore the dynamic interplay between racism and ableism or discrimination against someone based on perceived "ability"'in the resistance to school desegregation and inclusion of students with disabilities in general education. In attending to the workings of power that connect these two histories, we show how racialized notions of ability functioned to uphold segregated schooling and justify the use of special education as a tool of racial resegregation. Moreover, we locate the current problem of overrepresentation of Black students (and other students of color) in segregated special education classrooms to the connected discourses of segregation and exclusion. Recent efforts to challenge exclusionary practices in special education through the increased "inclusion" of students with disabilities in regular classrooms have resulted in resistance similar to that expressed in response to school desegregation shortly after Brown. In this article we first provide an overview of the complicated and intertwined histories of school desegregation and special education. Then, in the discursive context of a sample of very diverse newspapers, we examine how editors, readers and contributors responded to both court-ordered desegregation in the 1950s and then special education inclusion in the 1980s and 1990s by calling for delays and gradual compliance. We argue that gradualism has functioned to maintain, rather than disrupt, the status quo of racially segregated schooling both within and across schools. Finally, we argue that race and disability should be understood primarily as interactive social constructs and not distinct biological markers.

While the Brown V. Board of Education case is constantly referenced when discussing educational equity and desegregation, Bolling v. Sharpe stands as another important education civil rights case and is perhaps more telling of the story of education in the United States. Bolling V. Sharpe was argued and decided in the United States Supreme Court over the course of 1952 to 1954. Similar to Brown v. Board in terms of intent, Bolling v. Sharpe aimed to desegregate public schools in Washington, D.C. in order to give African-American students equal access to a high quality public education on par with that of their white peers. This historical study will examine the factors that led to the case of Bolling v. Sharpe, analyze the cases intended impact and discuss the factors that led to its ultimate failure. Bolling v. Sharpe intended to end segregation for African-American students in D.C. public schools, and the larger African-American and civil rights communities perceived the verdict as a victory. However, the court ruling itself could not undo decades of systemic racism, and could not account for the de facto segregation that Washington, D.C. would endure over the course of twenty years in relation to social and economic policies. Despite civil rights leader’s best efforts, de facto segregation replaced de jure segregation, and the cities African-American student population still lagged behind their white peers academically and socially. Socio-economic conditions and the historical context of race in D.C. has stifled the academic achievement of African-American students in Washington D.C, leaving a much more complicated legacy of Bolling v. Sharpe than many would like to acknowledge.

In this essay we argue that the ideology of colorblind justice has made resisting the retreat from public school desegregation a hard sell in postracial America. We do not believe that desegregation is the silver bullet for solving all the problems with public education. Nor do we believe that it alone can close the racial achievement gap. Yet there is convincing evidence regarding the potential benefits of desegregation and evidence on its negative consequences is weak. Therefore we believe that it is a policy still worth pursuing. Our hope is that by casting light on the anatomy of colorblind justice and its limits we can contribute to ongoing efforts to ensure that desegregation remains in the conversation about how to address the unfinished business of racial justice.

Reduced to its most basic elements, I believe social studies education, indeed
education in general, should seek to create conditions in which students can develop
personally meaningful understandings of the world and recognize they have agency
to act on the world, to make change. Social studies education is not about “showing”
life to people, but bringing them to life. Our aim is not getting students to listen to
convincing lectures by experts, but getting them to speak for themselves in order to
achieve, or at least strive toward an equal degree of participation. This intellectual self-portrait attempts to describe how I came to hold these beliefs about teaching, learning, and the aims of social studies education.

Uncorrected page proofs: Leaders in Social Education: Intellectual Self-Portraits, Sense Publishing, Edited by Christine Woyshner (2014).

This paper is a bibliography of press releases from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) about charter school corruption and fraud from 2009 to 2016 across the United States. Both references and the actual press releases obtained from the FBI databases are included.

This article re-examines the legal, political, and social history of school desegregation from the Plessy v. Ferguson 1 decision of 1896 through the most recent 2007 Supreme Court ruling in the Seattle and Louisville desegregation challenges. 2 We first consider the initial legal rationale and justification for school desegregation that was presented to the Supreme Court in 1954, and look at how rationale shaped its historic Brown I decision. 3 Following a critical look at the desegregation experience from Brown I and Brown II 4 to the turn of the twenty-first century, we consider how the Connecticut Supreme Court case of Sheff v. O'Neill 5 set the stage for radical change in the direction of future desegregation litigation. We also

While primarily concerned with developments in the 1950s, this analysis begins by reexamining the historiography of IQ and intelligence testing in the first half of the 20th century, indicating as it does so an emergent emphasis on the individualization of “intelligence” in the Stanford/Iowa IQ debates of the 1930s. Given the character and tendency of the trend that emerges, I propose a model for understanding these developments: one which situates conceptions of racial and individual ”intelligence” as entangled and co-evolving ideologies. With this historiographical model in place I turn to evidence from National Defense Education Act (NDEA)
hearings and related NDEA-era texts. These documents demonstrate that NDEA reforms attempted to rehabilitate testing as fair and “race”-neutral, and were further structured around the logics of individual “ability.” While NDEA reforms asserted that such individualization of educational opportunity was a scientifically objective, “race”-neutral process, discourse analysis reveals that it was instead profoundly entangled with the logics of “race” and a history — indeed a present — from which it imagined it had cut itself loose.

In this article, the authors reflect on the methodological tools they used to recover hidden perspectives within two desegregation cases, Karla Galarza v. The Board of Education of Washington D.C., 1947 and Debbie and Doreen Soria, et al. v. Oxnard School Board of Trustees, 1974. Placing these two narratives in conversation and excavating the stories behind their creation, they add depth and dimension to our understanding of the long struggle for educational equality. They renew calls for educational researchers to consider the utility of a critical historical lens to more fully account for the complexities of race across time and place.

This case study gauges the perceptions of teachers to the "harm and benefit thesis" of Coleman's social-capital hypothesis. The study uses data from one de facto segregated southern school system that hastily implemented a court order in 2000. The study collects the perceptions of teachers at five predominantly middle-class White schools that received 460 lower socioeconomic status African American students ordered bussed when their inner-city schools were closed. Sixty-percent of the teachers feel that the African American students are better off in the White schools. However, only 11% feel that the White students are better off than before the busing. Open-ended responses reveal that most teacher comments are negative, with fully 40% of teachers specifically indicating that busing had increased discipline problems. The study findings undermine the notion that transferring Black students to majority White schools is necessarily a superior pedagogical strategy.

As public Montessori expands rapidly in the United States, this study presents empirical findings from a dataset created to evaluate the racial and economic diversity of public Montessori schools. The findings demonstrate that public Montessori has strengths in student racial and socioeconomic diversity, but also challenges, particularly among Montessori charters. It total, whole school public Montessori schools educate a majority of students of color (54%), a larger proportion than US public schools, and a disproportionately higher number of Black students. Public Montessori students are more likely to attend schools that are racially diverse in comparison to their public school peers, particularly Black and Latino public Montessori students. At the same time, public Montessori students are slightly more economically advantaged than their public school peers. There are significant diversity differences between Montessori district/magnet and charter schools, with fewer charter schools being racially and economically diverse. In addition, the majority of public Montessori schools enroll fewer students of color and low-income students than their surrounding districts. While this can reduce racial isolation in urban districts, it can also indicate that enrollment practices exclude certain student populations. Finally, public Montessori's racial and economic diversity is changing. Data over the last 10 years indicates that public Montessori schools are serving more White, Latino and free and reduced lunch eligible students than ever before, while growth among Black students has remained stagnant. The study concludes with successful strategies public Montessori schools can use to recruit a racially and economically diverse student body.

This study followed 61 Romani pupils, originally from Central and Eastern European countries, studying in mainstream schools across 8 areas in the UK. It found that the educational achievement of these children (who do not speak English as their first language), compared to those of British children, were average or just under average.

Background/Context: Over the past several decades, the structure of school segregation has changed significantly. In the past, students from different racial and ethnic backgrounds tended to be separated into different buildings within school districts; increasingly, however, students from different racial and ethnic backgrounds are likely to be separated into entirely separate districts . This growing problem of between-district segregation poses a unique set of challenges for districts and policymakers seeking to advance integration, as districts have administrative authority only over policies that cover their own boundaries. The changing configuration of school segregation, therefore, requires a better understanding of, and more creative solutions aimed at, this policy problem. Focus of Study: This article explores the dilemmas created by between-district segregation and school district fragmentation in terms of efforts to diversify schools. In our analysis, we examine four predominant approaches that have been used in city governance reform to address the problems of municipal fragmentation: annexation, consolidation, mobility programs, and metropolitan governance reform. Within each section, we examine the potential of each of these approaches as a solution to the problems associated with school district fragmentation. Data Collection and Analysis: We first review existing research to examine what is known empirically about between-district segregation, and the role of school district fragmentation as a contributing factor. We then review literature about policy efforts to address problems caused by fragmentation in noneducational domains.

As literacy educators and researchers, we watched as event after event unfolded in a developing crisis in St. Louis Public Schools. We collected and examined various texts, including official reports, transcripts of public hearings, speeches, news reports, blogs, letters to the editor, and documents circulated by activists so that we could examine the ways in which people critically access and assess multiple genres and discourses that constructed and were constructed by a community-wide school district crisis.

... 110 Columbia Law Review 1911, 2010 Anders Walker Saint Louis University - School of Law This paper can be downloaded without charge from the Social Science Research Network electronic library at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1527099 Page 2. ...

Lamda Lit Review: “The world of South Boston, 1974: a white neighborhood fighting change that came in the shape of school buses carrying African American children from Roxbury. Such is the backdrop for Stephanie Grant’s novel, Map of Ireland. Ann Ahern likes playing with fire, both literally and figuratively. Grant’s true gift is her uncanny ability to climb inside the skin of a character.”

The expression, "you have a face like a map of Ireland," sets the themes of place and identity. An edgy coming-of-age story set in a fraught landscape of white racism, black nationalism, class loyalties, and erotic desire. In Ann, "it is as if Charles Dickens had written a tomboy" (Honor Moore) -- a flawed, intense protagonist. voids sentimentality and the pitfalls of white learning at black people's expense.

For readers interested in intersections of race, queer desire, US history, female (butch) protagonists, urban studies. Book group/teaching questions available at https://www.stephaniegrantwriter.com/readers-guide-map.