The Industrial Revolution

It is a commonplace of any history textbook that the world’s first industrial revolution took place in Britain.  But why?  What was unique about Britain?  What qualities – political, economic, cultural, geographical, or ecological – did Britain possess that predisposed it towards early industrialisation? And when, why and how did other parts of the world start to follow suit?

Instead of waiting for revolution this paper argues for  the power of the everyday, where our collective undoing of capitalism is an ongoing process of subversion. Such an evolutionary politics of insurrection, a protean “spirit of revolt”, is located as a politics of immanence entwined within our very being in the world. It is an ontology of rebellion, rather than an epistemology of deferral. Everyday conversations and mundane practices can embody this ethos of insurrection through the principles of continual reflexivity and revision. Since geography is ultimately a politics of process it bespeaks evolution rather than revolution, and so we need to consider what it might mean to drop the “r”. Although the ordinary story that such a philosophy of transformation implies is less alluring than the grandiose idea of revolution, it has greater potential to bring results, as it is more in tune with how social change actually happens.

Pada penelitian ini akan dibahas mengenai pentingnya industri halal, tantangan apa saja yang akan dihadapi dalam pengembangan industri halal, dan peluang perkembangan industri halal di Indonesia dan dunia, serta langkah untuk mengembangkan industri halal di Indonesia. Pembahasan ditulis berdasarkan gagasan pribadi terkait industri halal dengan metode kualitatif, yaitu melalui studi literatur. Sertifikat halal suatu produk dapat dijadikan standar jaminan keamanan dan mutu sehingga dapat menarik minat masyarakat bagi muslim bahkan non-muslim sekalipun. Suatu kehalalan tidak hanya diterapkan untuk makanan dan minuman saja, tetapi juga berbagai bidang seperti pariwisata, kosmetik, busana, dll. Oleh karena itu, masih banyak peluang yang dimiliki oleh Indonesia untuk mengembangkan industri halal baik di Indonesia maupun di dunia.

This paper offers a re-interpretation of the key textile inventions of the early Industrial Revolution. It critiques influential recent interpretations, particularly those by Robert Allen, Joel Mokyr and Joseph Inikori. It presents new evidence about the geographical distribution of hand spinning in the north of England, the fibre content of ‘cotton’ fabrics, and the markets for eighteenth-century Lancashire ‘cotton’ textiles. That evidence is used to develop an alternative approach, emphasising the technical and commercial challenges Lancashire manufacturers faced during the 1750s and 1760s in matching the quality of printed Indian calicoes in a key market – the British North American colonies. Richard Arkwright’s water frame of 1769 emerges as the decisive macro-invention. It met the quality challenge and laid the foundations for a mass market in cottons. Ironic, then, that the technological precursors of Arkwright’s invention were in the luxury silk textile industries of medieval and early modern Europe.

'Matthew D. Eddy succeeds in making a significant contribution to [the] recent and more nuanced approach to post-Kuhnian history of science… Students of eighteenth-century Scottish culture and medicine will find much of value here, as will students of eighteenth-century geology and chemistry.’  -- Arthur Donovan, American Historical Review

Summary
Classification is an important part of environmental science, yet the specific methods used to construct Enlightenment systems of natural history have proven to be the bête noir of studies of eighteenth-century culture. One reason that systematic classification has received so little attention is that natural history was an extremely diverse subject which appealed to a wide range of practitioners, including wealthy patrons, professionals, and educators. In order to show how the classification practices of a defined institutional setting enabled naturalists to create systems of natural history, this book focuses on developments at Edinburgh's medical school, one of Europe's leading medical programs. In particular, it uses the career of the influential naturalist Rev Dr John Walker, the school's professor of natural history, to reconstruct the cultural and scientific basis of early environmental science.

Walker was a traveller, cleric, author and advisor to extremely powerful aristocratic and government patrons, as well as teacher to hundreds of students, some of whom would go on to become influential industrialists, scientists, physicians and politicians. This book explains how Walker used his networks of patrons and early training in chemistry to become an eighteenth-century naturalist. Walker's mineralogy was based firmly in chemistry, an approach common in Edinburgh's medical school, but a connection that has been generally overlooked in the history of British geology. By explicitly connecting eighteenth-century geology to the chemistry being taught in medical settings, this book offers a dynamic new interpretation of the nascent earth sciences as they were practiced in Enlightenment Britain. Because of Walker's influence on his many students, the book also provides a unique insight into how many of Britain's leading Regency and Victorian intellectuals were taught to think about the composition and structure of the material world.

"In many pre- and early industrial economies, housing has generally ranked just behind food as one of the most significant charges on the income of all but the wealthiest classes in society. Moreover, even today, housing, along with real estate, constitutes the bulk of most families’ personal wealth, and the construction industry not only represents a significant segment of the economy, but also provides a valuable indicator of the pace of economic growth.

Although modern social scientists have used the evidence of housing as a useful proxy for the distribution and level of income in poorly documented societies, and archaeological evidence permits us to reconstruct housing standards for Greeks and Romans from a wide range of social classes in considerable detail, ancient economic historians have only begun to exploit this critical evidence. Ian Morris has argued for a dramatic improvement in Greek living standards between the 9th and the 4th centuries B.C. based upon the increase in the size and cost of housing. Moreover, Wolfram Hoepfner and Ernst-Ludwig Schwander have argued for the social and political significance of the striking egalitarianism in Greek housing. For Rome, Andrew Wallace-Hadrill and Paul Zanker have analyzed housing at Pompeii and Herculaneum, pointing out the existence of a large and relatively prosperous middle-income group. For the most part, however, such studies have failed to move from impressions to a full quantification of their results. Even Wallace-Hadrill’s superb study, which was based upon a carefully compiled survey and analyzed his sample to yield fascinating and valuable statistical evidence, left a number of possible avenues of analysis unexplored and eschewed quantitative, as opposed to impressionistic, comparisons with other cultures or historical periods.

I propose to examine a number of archaeological samples of Greco-Roman housing in the light of the housing, wealth and income distribution in a number of pre- and early industrial cultures. The study of housing further supports the evidence for Greco-Roman mean heights and agricultural productivity, and suggests that the distribution of income in both Greek and Roman society was likely to have been significantly more egalitarian than in most pre-industrial cultures. To cite just one implication of this research, I will argue that previous estimates of GDP per capita for the Roman empire proposed by Goldthwaite, Temin, Maddison, Scheidel & Friesen, and by Milanovic, Lindert, & Williamson would need to be adjusted significantly upwards."

Many developing nations wish to have the opportunity to industrialise and fear committing to global climate agreements will reduce that opportunity. They assume that to achieve industrialisation and modernisation requires fossil fuels. This is based on the belief that the Western industrial economies of UK, Europe and the USA achieved their industrialisation largely through access to and the use of fossil fuels. As a result of these concerns, most developing nations have resisted calls for placing a carbon price and joining the Copenhagen Accord (and subsequent international climate agreements), out of fear it would dampen economic growth, jobs growth and development.
However, as the latest climate change science shows, if Brazil, Russia, India, Indonesia and China (BRIIC) nations and developing countries “grow first with fossil fuels” and reduce emissions later, it is going to be very hard for greenhouse gas emissions and related global warming to stay within the 2 degree guardrail to avoid dangerous climate change. So, this thesis reviews whether or not these common myths are true. The thesis integrates the latest studies which
1) Evidences that the first industrial revolution could have technically still occurred with less fossil fuels and more renewable energy over time, just more slowly than it did with abundant fossil fuels. The thesis shows that it was not until the 1830s with the advent of rail in the UK that coal prices fell and use of coal and steam engines really took off. The thesis shows the key role renewable energy therefore played in powering first industrial revolution innovations from 1600s-1820 in the UK such as the revolution in cotton manufacturing, which was water powered.
2) Evidences that fossil fuels, whilst important still for some medium to high temperature industrial processes, are no longer essential to achieve much of the modernisation of developing and BRIIIC economies. The thesis evidences how innovations in energy efficiency (i.e.: more energy efficient industrial processes, building and transport vehicle design) makes it much easier now to power a modern economy on renewable energy and energy storage. (See Chapter 2)
3) Evidences that, if energy efficiency improvements are combined with low carbon energy sources such as wind power and solar PV, low carbon energy systems are no longer more expensive than fossil fuels in many parts of the world. (Chapters 2-4)
4) Shows that it is still possible to further reduce the costs of key renewable energy and other low carbon technologies (Chapters 3-4) and as a result
5) Shows that it is possible to meet society’s needs for key industrialised products whilst reducing emissions. Provides evidence that it is possible to have a 3rdlow carbon industrial revolution and hence technically and economically possible for developing and BRIIC economies now to leapfrog to a low carbon future. (Chapter 2-3)

The thesis also evidences that it was improvements in overall energy productivity through the combination of greater energy efficiency and energy conversion efficiency as well as expansion of energy sources, which drove the price of energy services down, which helped underpin economic growth in the first and second industrial revolutions.
The thesis shows that it is possible again to achieve a step change in energy productivity in how society delivers energy services – through a focus on integrated approaches to energy efficiency, renewables and energy storage – in ways that deliver energy services relatively cheaply in many parts of the world. Hence the thesis shows that it is possible for developing and BRIIC nations to chart a low carbon 3rd industrial revolution and that this is increasingly being understood in China and India and other developing nations. Thus the thesis overall show how to achieve a transition to a low carbon future whilst boosting productivity and economic growth, which is very important and relevant for current debates on climate change policy in developing and BRIIC countries. The thesis finishes (Chapter 5) by showing how a low carbon industrial revolution could create higher economic growth than business as usual using insights and results from earlier chapters

Proceeding from a critical assessment of two recent books, Prasannan Parthasarathi’s Why Europe Grew Rich and Asia Did  ot, and Jean-Laurent Rosenthal and R. Bin Wong’s Before and Beyond Divergence, this paper takes stock of the present state of the “Great Divergence” debate. It is argued that the discussion needs to be refined to distinguish between levels of economic development, and paths or trends, in the eighteenth century as well as between causes of sustained growth, and of stagnation or decline in the nineteenth century. It is further suggested that the debate needs to be connected to an understanding of the causes of a “Great Convergence” in the early modern world, and how different regions might have reached similar levels of economic complexity, but might nevertheless have been on different paths for future growth. Finally, this paper suggests that the divergence debate also needs to be connected to the debate on the transition to capitalism.

During the British Industrial Revolution, great changes took place concerning the role of the family unit and its place in the larger society. A fundamental shift of an entire social structure occurred that affected everyone in Great Britain, including the housewife and the housewife’s children. Feminists maintain that the changes that occurred to the family unit during the Industrial Revolution were part of the natural condition of the family and that interdependence should exist between the spheres of family and work lives. Chow and Berheide argue that there are three conceptual models for the relationship between family and work: the separate sphere model, the spillover effects model, and the interactive model.

O tema desta pesquisa é uma análise mais profunda das conexões entre as estruturas econômicas da organização produtiva e suas contrapartidas no jogo político dos Estados modernos tal como se processaram no Longo Século XIX, com o objetivo de avançar na compreensão do fenômeno do imperialismo moderno. Partimos da discussão sobre os fundamentos da Hegemonia Britânica, argumentando como desde o seu início ela era baseada em sua preponderância no comércio internacional, o que atrelou seu posterior desenvolvimento econômico industrial às questões do setor de serviços, dos transportes e do poder naval. Contudo, ao dar vazão ao investimento ferroviário, a industrialização possibilitou a expansão por terra do espaço econômico a partir do qual novas indústrias poderiam surgir. Países como os Estados Unidos e a Alemanha tomariam as conexões ferroviárias como ponto de partida para articular economias nacionais em escalas maiores de produção, distribuição, capacidades organizacionais e científicas. Essa é a base econômica sobre a qual uma nova rivalidade política, fundada na simbiose entre o capital nacional e o Estado e crescentemente apoiada no nacionalismo, passaria a se expandir no final do século conforme inovações militares diminuíam as possibilidades de resistência. A concorrência entre capitais nacionais colocou em marcha um expansionismo político que dividiu o mundo em áreas de influência crescentemente hostis que, ao assumir uma forma bipolar, resultou na Grande Guerra.

In a little over a century from around 1750 to 1850 Britain went from being a largely pastoral, farming population to a country of industrialized cities and factories. This tremendous transition, usually referred to as the Industrial Revolution, marked a big turning point in history as it was the first time a country was able to escape from the Malthusian constraints and experience large continuous economic growth and massively increase productivity. However, while there is great consensus for when the Industrial Revolution took place and that it first occurred in Britain, there is heavy debate over its origins and why Britain was first.

Although, this essay will acknowledge the wide and complex variety of possible explanations, it will focus on institutions as they have played a crucial role as a foundation for the Industrial Revolution to take place in Britain. The British institutions were important in creating a more egalitarian society, supporting economic growth and encouraging technological innovation and the industrialization that eventually occurred around the world significantly explains the great inequality among nations today.

This essay will refer to institutions as sets of informal and formal rules and organizations that impact the distribution of power, and by aggregations of ethics, morals, procedures and guidelines stabilize interaction (Hall, 1986, North, 1990; Peters & Pierre, 1998; Wiens, 2012).

Firstly, this essay will argue that British institutions played an extensive part in decreasing the powers of the executives as education increased and a growing middle class emerged which resulted in a relatively freer and more equal society than elsewhere in the world. Secondly, institutions were imperative for Britain’s economic growth and for the maintenance of comparatively high wages at the time. Thirdly, high wages, as well as institutions such as the patent system, guilds and commons motivated industries and individuals to innovate. Lastly, the great inequality among nations in the world today can be highly explained by the onset of industrialization around the world.

COURSE: 1003GIR Globalization the Asia-Pacific & Australia. 10.09.12

What part did the slave trade and transatlantic trade play in the appearance of the Industrial Revolution in England and in Western Europe? A decisive one if we take into account the modalities of the primitive accumulation of capital by European traders and financiers since the 16th century. At the same time, on a domestic level, it was the social changes linked with the expansion of rural markets which made possible the rapid development of wage labor, particularly in the 18th century. Thus, it does not make sense to oppose these two types of phenomena by favoring «exogenous» or «endogenous» socio-economic causes of industrialization, as many authors have attempted to do. They are empirically and logically indissociable, even if they do not mechanically determine one another.
Thus, if there is an evident genetic connection between the American plantation and the European plant, it shies away from any simplistic approach. This intrinsic difficulty is made still greater by the sulphurous aura surrounding the issue, since Marx considered it to be a central element of the primitive accumulation of capital. What is at stake here politically has certainly contributed to nourishing the bias of historiographical approaches which, since Max Weber, have tried to confront the planter with the industrialist, the slave with the free worker, constraint with contract, brutal exploitation with legitimate profit, insisting on the essential discontinuity between Ancien Régime mercantilism and liberal capitalism.

Revolusi industri merupakan sebuah gerakan yang berdampak sangat besar dan signifikan terhadap perkembangan budaya di dunia, khususnya di belahan dunia barat. Sekilas dapat dilihat bahwa gerakan revolusi industri adalah suatu percepatan dalam satu peradaban yang terangkum di abad 19. Hampir semua segmen dari tatanan kehidupan berubah drastis baik dari segi sistem maupun implementasinya. Di mulai dari sistem tata negara, ekonomi hingga penerapan pada dunia seni, desain dan arsitektur.

Sommes-nous les premiers à distinguer dans les lumières éblouissantes du progrès technique, l’ombre de ses dangers ? En occultant la réflexivité environnementale des sociétés passées, ce schéma simpliste dépolitise l’histoire longue de la destruction des environnements et nous empêche de comprendre les ressorts de la crise contemporaine. Pour éviter cette amnésie, une histoire politique du risque technologique et de sa régulation sur la longue durée était nécessaire.

L’Apocalypse joyeuse expose l’entrée de la France et de la Grande-Bretagne dans la modernité industrielle (fin XVIIIe-XIXe siècle) : celle des vaccins, des machines, des usines chimiques et des locomotives. Elle nous plonge au cœur des controverses vives qui surgirent autour des risques et des nuisances de ces innovations, et montre comment les critiques et les contestations furent réduites ou surmontées pour qu’advienne la société industrielle.

L’histoire du risque ici racontée n’est pas celle d’une prise de conscience, mais celle de la construction d’une certaine inconscience modernisatrice.

La science se distingue souvent des autres domaines de la culture humaine par sa nature progressive: contrairement à l'art, à la religion, à la philosophie, à la morale et à la politique, il existe des normes claires ou des critères normatifs pour identifier les améliorations et les progrès scientifiques. Cependant, de nombreux philosophes des sciences des années 1960 et 1970 ont contesté efficacement la vision cumulative traditionnelle des connaissances scientifiques et la notion de progrès a également été remise en question dans le domaine de la science. Les débats sur le concept normatif du progrès portent en même temps sur des questions axiologiques concernant les buts et objectifs de la science. La tâche de l’analyse philosophique est d’examiner des réponses alternatives à la question: que signifie le progrès scientifique? Cette question conceptuelle peut alors être complétée par la question méthodologique: comment reconnaître les avancées progressives de la science? Par rapport à une définition du progrès et à un compte rendu de ses meilleurs indicateurs, on peut alors étudier la question factuelle: dans quelle mesure et à quels égards la science est-elle progressive? Quel est le moteur du dynamisme de la science? Pourquoi la science et l'homme sont-ils inséparables? Est-ce que nous contrôlons la science ou est-ce que la science nous contrôle? Peu importe comment nous le disons, cela se résume à une chose: la science est là pour rester – du moins tant que nous existons – et elle ne sera jamais stationnaire. Les humains sont condamnés à évoluer, de même que la science. Aujourd'hui, nous vivons dans un monde transformé par la science moderne. Nous nous tournons vers la science pour guérir les maladies, nous assurer que l'avenir soit rempli d'inventions époustouflantes et nous empêcher de détruire la planète. Sur quoi sont basés ces espoirs? La science a-t-elle un pouvoir remarquable? Y a-t-il une méthode scientifique sur laquelle nous comptons pour produire des miracles? La science induit-elle la connaissance ou est-ce l'inverse?

This thesis examines the relationship between sub-creation (fictional world building) and anti-modern sentiments in the fictional works of William Morris and J.R.R. Tolkien, with a particular focus on the pastness of those imagined worlds. Chapter one explores the stylistic and aesthetic elements of William Morris’s late prose romances, focusing on The Wood Beyond the World. Chapter two focuses on Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings, looking at how both thematic and syntactic elements of the text evoke the past and highlight problems with the present. Chapter three synthesizes the readings from the previous chapters, looking more closely at the relationship between the nature of the two authors’ fiction and their ideological beliefs about industrialism and modernity. This thesis also discusses criticisms both authors faced, and highlights the ways in which their texts stand up to those criticisms.

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This essay explores the concept of the Anthropocene in recent scholarship. In particular, it highlights the normative and historical stakes of the concept. How do we think historically about system-wide planetary change? The essay also offers a brief sketch of how one could write a joint history of species and capital for the first industrial society of Victorian Britain. The essay is based on lectures sponsored by the Rachel Carson Center Munich in September 2014 and the Wallace Stegner Chair at Montana State University in February 2015. Special thanks to Fredriche Felcht, Katie Ritson and Mark Fiege.

The paper presents a quantitative analysis of innovative activity and competition
in technological sphere in the Middle Ages and Modern Period (till the end of
the twentieth century). The authors consider the innovative competition in two
aspects. The first section of the present paper shows the growth of the number of
innovations over half-century intervals in Europe and Asia. As is widely accepted
at present, by the early second millennium CE Europe lagged far behind the
main eastern countries not only in terms of development of the productive forces
but in respect of many relevant parameters. According to some data, Europe
failed to outrun China (as regards scientific-technological growth rates) not only
in the twelfth or thirteenth, but even in the fourteenth century. On the other hand,
the authors show a rather vigorous acceleration of those rates in Europe since
the twelfth century with one more such acceleration in the thirteenth century
(when Medieval Europe produced its first paradigm changing inventions – initially,
the invention of the spectacles and the mechanical clock). In the fifteenth
century Europe definitely outpaced Asia.
After such historical breakthrough, it is very important to trace how the
leadership has changed in this respect within Europe. The second and the following
sections of the paper are devoted to this aspect. Here we consider the dynamics
of technological inventions in Europe from the fifteenth to the nineteenth
centuries. Our analysis of the technological innovation dynamics shows that:
Firstly, the British lead began to show up only in the second half of the
seventeenth century; before Britain had clearly lagged behind Italy and Germany.
Thus, during the two initial centuries of the Industrial Revolution Britain absorbed
the achievements of European societies, and only then was it succeeded
to start its own innovative climb.
Secondly, though we observe the British evident leadership in the technological
innovation from the second half of the seventeenth century to the first half of
the nineteenth century, for a greater part of that period, the overall innovation
activity of ‘the rest of the West’ was higher than that of Britain. The primacy of
Britain in the field of technological invention was absolute only during a relatively
short period in the second half of the eighteenth century and the early nineteenth
century, i.e. the period of the final phase of the Industrial Revolution.
Thirdly, by the first half of the nineteenth century the British endogenous
technological growth rate virtually stagnated against the background of a very
fast increase of those rates in France, Germany and the USA, as a result of
which those countries caught up with Britain in a rather significant way.

Segona edició del llibre que es deia 'Arxiu d'Indústria': Treball i habitatge al Mataró de l’Antic Règim. Mataró 1716-1819, gent, cases i carrers. Obra nova a Mataró de 1877 a 1900. Llum als carrers: del gas a l’electricitat. Origen i fallida del vapor Gordils. La industrialització a Mataró el segle dinou. Revolució industrial a Mataró: etapes de la mecanització. La Febre d'Or a Mataró. El tèxtil a Mataró, de la guerra de Cuba a la guerra civil. Notes sobre la indústria tèxtil a Mataró, 1898-1920. La Junta de Fàbriques. La batalla contra els impostos del Sindicat Gremial. Estadística tèxtil (1908-1941). Emilia Pardo Bazán visita la fàbrica Marfà, cap al 1900. Mataró al segle dinou: anys de treball i revolució. Notes sobre l’organització obrera durant la Restauració. La Rússia petita, can Massot l'any 1872. Aspectes sanitaris de Mataró a finals del segle dinou. El cementiri civil. Un capítol de la cultura laica. El comerç d’homes: el servei militar a Mataró. Anticlericalisme i matrimoni civil al segle dinou. Els molins de blat de Mataró. Notícies de la metal·lúrgia. Quan el vi de Mataró era a la taula dels reis. Fa cent anys, els mataronins a l'Exposició Universal. Mataró a l’hora. Crònica de rellotgers. Història de la tintoreria. A la Pelleria de Can Montserrat fan la maleta. Biada (1789-1989), la passió del tren. Premià i Vilassar, pobles contrabandistes. Partits polítics a l’Ajuntament de Mataró (1875-1923). El poder del cacic, les eleccions a Mataró (1876-1923).

Sanayi devrimi insanlık tarihinin önemli duraklarından birisi olarak kabul edilir. Çoğu sosyolojik ve tarihi çalışma sanayi devriminin insanlık üzerindeki etkilerini açıklamaya çalışmaktadır. Sanayi devriminin etkisi sadece bu alanlar ile kısıtlı kalmamış, ekonomik, siyasal, sosyal ve yönetsel alanlarda bir kopuş gerçekleştirerek bu alanlarda önemli değişiklikler görülmesine sebep olmuştur. Bu değişim ve dönüşüm genelde yönetim, özelde ise kamu yönetimi düşüncesinde de önemli yenilikleri ve değişimleri beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu değişiklikler; kamu yönetiminde merkezileşme, işbölümü-uzmanlaşma ve hiyerarşi, merkezileşme ve bürokrasi, ulus-devlet olarak karşılık bulmuştur.

La science se distingue souvent des autres domaines de la culture humaine par sa nature progressive: contrairement à l'art, à la religion, à la philosophie, à la morale et à la politique, il existe des normes claires ou des critères normatifs pour identifier les améliorations et les progrès scientifiques. Cependant, de nombreux philosophes des sciences des années 1960 et 1970 ont contesté efficacement la vision cumulative traditionnelle des connaissances scientifiques et la notion de progrès a également été remise en question dans le domaine de la science. Les débats sur le concept normatif du progrès portent en même temps sur des questions axiologiques concernant les buts et objectifs de la science. La tâche de l’analyse philosophique est d’examiner des réponses alternatives à la question: que signifie le progrès scientifique? Cette question conceptuelle peut alors être complétée par la question méthodologique: comment reconnaître les avancées progressives de la science? Par rapport à une définition du progrès et à un compte rendu de ses meilleurs indicateurs, on peut alors étudier la question factuelle: dans quelle mesure et à quels égards la science est-elle progressive? Quel est le moteur du dynamisme de la science? Pourquoi la science et l'homme sont-ils inséparables? Est-ce que nous contrôlons la science ou est-ce que la science nous contrôle? Peu importe comment nous le disons, cela se résume à une chose: la science est là pour rester – du moins tant que nous existons – et elle ne sera jamais stationnaire. Les humains sont condamnés à évoluer, de même que la science. Aujourd'hui, nous vivons dans un monde transformé par la science moderne. Nous nous tournons vers la science pour guérir les maladies, nous assurer que l'avenir soit rempli d'inventions époustouflantes et nous empêcher de détruire la planète. Sur quoi sont basés ces espoirs? La science a-t-elle un pouvoir remarquable? Y a-t-il une méthode scientifique sur laquelle nous comptons pour produire des miracles? La science induit-elle la connaissance ou est-ce l'inverse?

Resumo: Este artigo aborda as consequências da revolução industrial na indústria têxtil europeia, em especial nos novos instrumentos de fiação, tecelagem e costura surgidos do século XVIII até metade do século XIX e na indústria do algodão. Subsequentemente, o impacto das novas tecnologias no vestuário europeu entre a população geral, produção em massa, e na moda entre a aristocracia.

Abstract: This article presents the impacts of the industrial revolution on the European textile industry, highlighting the spinning, weaving and sewing machines from the 18th century to mid-19th century and the cotton industry. Also, the consequences of these new inventions on the vestuary and fashion among the common citizen and the aristocracy.
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''India, Modernity and the Great Divergence is an original and pioneering book about India’s transition towards modernity and the rise of the West. The work examines global entanglements alongside the internal dynamics of 17th to 19th century Mysore and Gujarat in comparison to other regions of Afro-Eurasia. It is an interdisciplinary survey that enriches our historical understanding of South Asia, ranging across the fascinating and intertwined worlds of modernizing rulers, wealthy merchants, curious scholars, utopian poets, industrious peasants and skilled artisans. Bringing together socio-economic and political structures, warfare, techno-scientific innovations, knowledge production and transfer of ideas, this book forces us to rethink the reasons behind the emergence of the modern world.''

Jumlah halaman dari makalah ini hampir berjumlah 40 lebih dan menjadikannya sbagai makalah dengan halaman terbanyak. dan dalam makalah ini dikaji detail bagaimana revolusi Industri terjadi, pengaruh dan juga tokoh tokoh yang terlibat di dalamnya serta ditambah beberapa gambar yang kita berfikir "inikah yang  namanya revolusi?"

Las características del dêmos ateniense durante la democracia y, especialmente, las implicancias de la participación política de masas, han sido objeto de profunda atención por parte de distintos intelectuales modernos que reflexionaron sobre la antigua Atenas. Las consecuencias asociadas al desarrollo de la soberanía popular desde la Revolución Francesa, los procesos de democratización de las sociedades europeas occidentales, la organización la clase obrera como fuerza política y la revolución socialista en el siglo XX, son procesos históricos de nodal importancia que influyeron sobre quienes pensaron – a partir de diferentes elaboraciones conceptuales– en la demokratía ateniense y la inclusión política de las masas populares. El objetivo de este trabajo es exponer, analizando la trayectoria de determinados pensadores, algunas de esas conceptualizaciones que van desde el “gobierno de la muchedumbre” a la “dictadura del proletariado”.

The features of the Athenian demos and, specially, the implications of the political inclusion of the masses have been objects of deep attention by several modern intellectuals. The development of popular sovereignty since the French Revolution, the democratization of western European societies, the organization of the working class as a political actor and the socialist revolution in the twentieth century are key historical process with profound influence on those who had thought –with different conceptual tools– about the Athenian demokratia and the political incorporation of the popular masses. The aim of this paper is to review, through a few particular intellectual figures, some of those conceptualizations that encompass from the “mob rule” to the “dictatorship of the proletariat”.

The study of the global past in deep time sets in the foreground many questions which also bedevil literary theory today. 

That convergence—between how to study the global past, and how to read literary texts—drives this essay’s critical examination of salient methods, concepts, and objectives, and of the politics of endeavor. 

As examples, the essay analyzes historiographies of the global current today, asking what is at stake in reading global premodernity, and reading literary texts, at a historical moment when universities from Texas to Minnesota, Oxford to Illinois, North Carolina to California are beginning to study early globalities, a Global Middle Ages, or a “Medieval Globe.”

This article (1) defines industrialization and indicates ways in which it can be measured, (2) highlights the importance of the timing of industrialization and the inherent limits to the proper scientific explanation of this phenomenon, (3) disentangles the often confused conceptual relation between industrialization and capitalism, (4) explicates the causal links between industrialization and modernization, (5) undertakes a brief assessment of the relative costs and benefits of industrialization, and (6) discloses the defining contours of scholarship on industrialization in Anglo-American human geography and illustrates it with a recent attempt to integrate the field with the help of a master metaphor called 'recursive cartographies'. Its portrayal of economic reality as interplay of legacies, rhythms, and events conveys the usefulness of spatial thinking in industrialization research.
How to cite: Simandan, D., 2020. Industrialization. In: Kobayashi, A. (Ed.), International Encyclopedia of Human Geography, 2nd edition. vol. 7, Elsevier, pp. 255–260. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-08-102295-5.10086-1