Cynicism (Ancient Greek Philosophy)

Başlıkta “toplum karşıtlığının etiği” ifadesinin geçmesi ilk bakışta
şaşırtıcı ve tuhaf bulunabilir. Ancak sonraki felsefe ve düşünce tarihine
yön veren Yunanca terminoloji göz önünde tutulduğunda
etik terimi ilkin “kullanım, kullanıma dayalı alışkanlık veya deneyim”,
ikinci olaraksa ilk anlamdan hareketle “yönelim, eğilim veya
ahlâki karakter” anlamındaki ἦθος (êthos) sözcüğünden türemiş
olan ve ἦθος’a aitliği ve özgülüğü belirten ἠθικός (êthikos) sıfatının
çağdaş dillerdeki “ahlâk ilmi, ahlâk felsefesi” anlamında kullanılan
isimleşmiş halidir. Bu yüzden “toplum karşıtlığının etiği” ifadesiyle
Kinik filozofların bu yöndeki yaşam deneyimlerini, bu deneyimin
ahlâki yönünü ve her ikisini kapsayan bir ahlâk felsefesini
dile getirme imkânını buluyoruz.

Modern accounts of Stoic politics have attributed to Zeno the ideal of an isolated community of sages and to later Stoics such as Seneca a cosmopolitan utopia transcending all traditional States. By returning to the Cynic background to both Zeno's Republic and the Cosmopolitan tradition, this paper argues that the distance between the two is not as great as is often supposed. This account, it is argued, is more plausible than trying to offer a developmental explanation of the supposed transformation in Stoic political thought from isolated community to cosmopolitan utopia.

This paper develops my paper on the the identification of the Talmudic/Midrashic name  Abnimos, Nimos of Gadara (אבנימוס\נימוס הגרדי)  with  the Cynic philosopher Οἰνόμαος of Gadara.
Here  the anecdotal content of the talmud is compared to testimonies concerning Oenomaus and other Cynic philosophers. in Greek sources attempting to show that Rabbinic anecdote preserves a confused memory of oenomaus that may have a small kernel of historical truth

Este artículo intenta aproximarse a la figura femenina de Hiparquia de Maronea, identificando su lugar dentro del cinismo antiguo, movimiento filosófico contestatario de finales del siglo iv a. C. Su figura sería ejemplo de una mujer “extradoméstica”, opuesta completamente a la imagen de la mujer ateniense que permanece recluida en el interior de la casa, respetando celosamente las leyes del silencio. Al respecto, para descifrar las claves de Hiparquia, es fundamental y muy significativo considerar el “matrimonio de perros” (kynogamía) como la expresión más elevada del éros cínico. La kynogamía implica una ruptura radical con el matrimonio convencional, en cuanto institución religiosa, social y política que determina en el oîkos el lugar de las mujeres en la antigüedad, y constituye el punto culminante de la unión erótica cínica, al poner de manifiesto su “indiferencia” (adiaphoría) respecto al acto sexual. Hiparquia, comparada con Artemisa, se sitúa en los confines de lo salvaje, unida a su esposo, Crates de Tebas, vive en co-herencia según las leyes de la naturaleza.

Table of contents

1. Plato and a response to ethical scepticism; 2. Aristotle and the invention of practical philosophy; 3. Diogenes and philosophy as a form of life; 4. Epicurus and ethics as care for oneself; 5. Epictetus and ethics as therapy of the passions; 6. Philo and the reconciliation of Torah and Platonism; 7. Augustine and Christianity as Neo-Platonism; 8. Moshe ben Maimon and the reconciliation of Torah and Aristotelianism; 9. Al Farabi and the reconciliation of Islam and Platonism; 10. Aquinas and the reconciliation of Christian moral doctrine and Aristotelian ethics; 11. Francisco de Vitoria and casuistry; 12. Michel de Montaigne and the art of living
13. Pierre Nicole and neo-Augustinianism; 14. Samuel von Pufendorf and the new science of morality; 15. Richard Cumberland and consequentialist voluntarism; 16. Richard Price and intuitionism; 17. Adam Smith and sentimentalism; 18. Jeremy Bentham and utilitarianism; 19. Immanuel Kant, the practical use of reason and judgment; 20. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and a critique of Enlightenment universalism; 21. Friedrich Nietzsche against Christianity and the Enlightenment; 22. George Edward Moore and ideal utilitarianism; 23. Edmund Husserl and the a priori of action; 24. Bertrand Russell and non-cognitivism; 25. Elizabeth Anscombe and the revival of virtue ethics; 26. Richard Hare and neo-Utilitarianism; 27. Hans-Georg Gadamer and rehabilitation of practical philosophy; 28. Karl-Otto Apel and the revival of Kantian ethics; 29. John Rawls and public ethics as applied ethics; 30. Beauchamp and Childress and bioethics as applied ethics.

Objective. Analyze the relationships between the variables of employee surveillance, supervisor support, organizational cynicism, and time pressure. Methodology.The sample group of the study consists of 417 white-collar employees in private and public sector. After the analysis of the findings were made with the SPSS 25 program, the resultswere analyzed and evaluated. Analysis data were collected from both public and private institutions operating in Istanbul. Results. As a result of the analysis, it is understood that time pressure and supervisor support have significant effects on organizational cynicism and employee surveillance. Conclusions. With the analysis of the data received in the scope of research model, it may be drawn a conclusion that employees expect support from their supervisors, otherwise they start to move away from the institution.

This article aims to explore two types of ascetic techniques of the body on which Foucault focused his attention during the 1980s: on the one hand, the techniques linked to the "use of pleasures" (that can be associated to a "traditional" aesthetics of existence) and, on the other, the techniques linked to the scandalous stripping of existence as it was practiced by the Cynics. Its goal is to show that, although they have several elements in common, these two types of techniques are radically different in their functions and objectives, as well as from the standpoint of their ethico-political value.

struirsi tutti gli Annali di Ennio pronti per la lettura: un risultato che il caso non riuscirebbe a realizzare neppure limitatamente a un solo verso!». Certo, è da ingenui pensare che dietro alla regolarità dei fenomeni naturali, all'armonia di un mondo "saggio, felice e sensibile" come lo definiva Zenone, che mostra la «connessione di tutti gli esseri […] in una perfetta unità di finalità e di intenti» ci siano dei antropomorfi. Il principio divino è il mondo stesso.

This chapter examines the significance of Michel Foucault's "trip" to antiquity for modern ethics. It begins by unpacking his account of the ancient model of philosophy. Section one shows how he challenges conventional histories of philosophy by conceiving ancient philosophies as practices of the self or ways of life rather than simply as theoretical doctrines. Foucault also claims that ancient philosophy invented a new cultural type: viz., the philosophical hero. In doing so, he implies, it sublimated the archaic ideal of a beautiful existence exemplified by Greek heroes like Achilles and Odysseus. For Foucault Cynicism epitomizes this ancient philosophical heroism. He shows how ancient Cynics aimed to realize the beauty of sovereignty, but through the new means of living the truth. Living the truth made the Cynic the true sovereign. Section two briefly examines how Foucault sought to reinvent ancient philosophy in order to develop a contemporary ethics without absolute obligations or sanctions. The final section, however, questions whether, as he suggests, his own philosophical ethos reclaims "the living substance of ancient philosophy". It proposes that we conceive Nietzschean genealogy as Foucault's spiritual exercise. It then argues that his genealogical exercise of self-dissolution necessarily opposes the basic goal of ancient ethics: self-sufficiency or sovereignty. By taking this Nietzschean slant on Foucault's philosophical ethos, the chapter shows that he does not refashion the ancient practices of the self. Rather, it argues that his trip to antiquity unintentionally brings to light how contemporary subjectivity is partly constituted by a chiastic crossing of the ancient ethics of self-completion and the modern ethics of self-dissolution.

In the corpus of apocryphal Cynic letters those attributed to Diogenes stand out: they form the bulk of the letters and they are the most humorous. This corresponds with representations of him as a provocateur elsewhere in imperial Greek literature. This article focuses on the topic of sex in Diogenes’ letters, and answers two main questions: first, whether the sexual humor of the letters is more risqué than what we find in the other sources; second, how this sexual humor con- tributes to the overall purpose of the apocryphal Diogenes letters. I suggest that even though in the letters euphemistic language persists, they treat the Diogenes anecdotes about sex in greater detail than anywhere else. The provocative, risqué humor contained in these anecdotes would serve to entice and entertain audiences in order to get them engaged in Cynic philosophy.

Michel Foucault's early writing on dreams and imagination is one of the often neglected aspects of his work. In this paper, I give an overview of his "Dreams, Imagination and Existence" essay, accompanied by a discussion of his writings on art and its role as a technique of existence.

Was Anacharsis a seasoned traveller, an occasional voyager, a Scythian tourist with a one-way ticket to Greece, or was he a globetrotter, a wanderer with no destination? Was his thirst for knowledge, a philosophical quest for the truth, a desire to see the world with his own eyes, that made him one of the proverbial Seven Sages, or did his attraction to Greece originate from a necessity to belong? Or was it none of all this, and his travels were motivated simply by an appetite for educated conversation? 1 The answers to these questions are as varied as the identities of Anacharsis that emerge from the ancient sources available to us. 2 Herodotus comes first, chronologically: "when Anacharsis, having seen much of the world (γῆν πολλὴν θεωρήσας) and showed much wisdom through that (ἀποδεξάμενος κατ' αὐτὴν σοϕίην πολλὴν), was coming back to the Scythian country, sailing through the Hellespont, he puts in at Cyzicus." (4.76.2). There is a clear connection here between 'seeing' and 'wisdom'; it is through his own perception of the world that he acquires and display wisdom. 3 Solon is portrayed in similar terms in book 1 of the Histories (1.30): '[we heard about] your wisdom (σοφίης) and your wanderings (πλάνης), that you have travelled far to seek knowledge and to see the world (γῆν 4 πολλὴν θεωρίης εἵνεκεν ἐπελήλυθας). Here are two key terms for the portrayal of the wise traveller in Greek historians: θεωρία 'contemplation' and πλάνη 'wandering'. Ionian thinkers, as invested in the pursuit of knowledge as their semimythical counterparts, uses the latter of themselves. Democritus portrays the Miletian Hecataeus, drawing a map of the world, as an ἀνὴρ πολυπλανής (FGrHist 1 T12a). The same Democritus says of himself that he wandered (ἐπεπλανησάμην) and saw skies and lands and heard most learned men (B 299, 6-8 D.-K.). 5 From Herodotus, we known where Solon travels to (he left Athens and visited Amasis in Egypt and Croesus at Sardis), but we don't know where Anacharsis travels to. The story fast forwards to the Cyzicus episode and his death, and we know nothing about his wonderings. However, he certainly does not seem to be a πλάνης 'a wanderer'; Herodotus makes it clear that his journey to Greece (namely, Athens and Sparta) had a precise reason, he 'had been sent by the king of Scythia' on some kind of political embassy; this piece of information seems trustworthy, given that he says he owes his information on Anacharsis' popularity among the Scythians to a deputy of the Scythian king Ariapeithes. The second longest and most detailed biographical profile of Anacharsis, of all sources with some pretence of historicity (so excluding Lucian and Plutarch's fictitious portrayals), is the

Peregrinus Proteus' suicide has traditionally been used as one of the most solid proofs that cynicism developed strong religious inclinations over the course of the Imperial period. This article intends to demonstrate that Peregrinus' motivation and behaviour throughout the episode is perfectly understandable within the former cynical tradition. Peregrinus' unprecedent action is simply an attempt to adapt the old messages to new demands, especially to competition from the new models of "askesis".

Antisthenes (MÖ yaklaşık 445-365): Sokrates’in öğrencisi olan Antisthenes Kinik felsefenin kurucusu olduğu düşünülen iki filozoftan biridir. Ancak antik literatürde Antisthenes’i Kinik saymayıp Sokrates ile Kinikler arasında köprü oluşturan bir ön-filozof olduğunu belirten çok sayıda kaynak da vardır. Diogenes (MÖ yaklaşık 412-323): Kinik felsefenin kurucularından Sinoplu Diogenes Antisthenes’in öğrencisi ve bu öğretinin en meşhur filozofudur. Hazinedar Hikesios’un oğlu olan Diogenes anlatılanlara göre babasına teslim edilen “devlet parasının değerini düşürdüğü” için kentten sürgün edilmiştir. Platon Kinik felsefeden kaynaklanan aşırılıkları yüzünden Diogenes’i “delirmiş Sokrates” olarak nitelemiştir. Antisthenes ve Diogenes’in hiçbir eseri günümüze ulaşmamıştır, yaşamları ve düşünceleri ikincil kaynaklardaki doğrudan veya dolaylı alıntılar sayesinde bilinmektedir. Konuyla ilgili antik anlatıların çoğunu içeren Kinik Felsefe Fragmanları bu bilgileri bir araya getirirken dikkatleri söz konusu kaynaklara çekmeyi de amaçlamaktadır.

Vivimos en una época cínica, como denuncia Peter Sloterdjik, y profundamente ideologizada con no-ideologías, como señala Slavoj Žižek. Una manera de atacar estos problemas es volviendo a la Razón desfachatada y burlona, a la crítica socarrona y la filosofía vital de los quínicos antiguos, como Diógenes de Sínope, el quinismo medieval franciscano, la sátira renacentista y, en general, la argumentación no demostrativa, sino propositiva, del arte en general.

In a 1983 interview Foucault rather disingenuously asks, 'What are we calling postmodernity? I'm not up to date.' (1998 447) Explaining his dislike of postmodernity, he argues that the 'grand narratives' of rationality or reason are not yet over, because through reason 'other forms of rationality are created endlessly.' (1998 449) Reason, Foucault continues, always exceeds the limits of the current forms of rationality, but in doing so acts as their vital impetus. In this sense 'reason' is a critical practice that seeks to create 'virtual fractures' within its present conditions of possibility or 'historical a prioris', and so produce spaces of 'concrete freedom, that is, of possible transformation' (1998 450). His point, and it is one made against postmodernism, is that we should not pronounce the present as an end or a new beginning, but live precisely at that point of the present where reason exceeds its rational conditions and reveals -Foucault's phrase is fantastically deadpan -'how that which is might no longer be that which is ' (1998 450). Foucault's formulation here already alerts us to what remains his subtext, he rejects postmodernity because modernity is not yet over, and indeed how can it be when modernity is defined by reason's ability to go beyond its rational limits. In modernity then, reason operates as a 'fold' (as Deleuze put it) between the outside and the inside, between 'life' understood in its Nietzschean sense as the aleatory battle of forces and the power they produce, and the forms of rationality that instantiate this power within a political context. This is the relation underpinning the modern forms of biopolitical power, the continually changing relations between reason and rationality, power and knowledge, life (bios) and politics. Within this dialectic of reason and rationality defining modernity, modern art seems to have a privileged position for Foucault, or at least a 'complicated' one that he exempts from the current 'domination' of rational forms (1998 448). Art, as we shall see, is an instrument of reason that expresses and constructs forces that exceed the limits of rational domination, causing existing forms of rationality to open up to what they will become, to what they are not yet. Like many philosopher's of his generation (and not only his) Foucault saw art as a privileged realm of ontogenesis: 'The idea of the bios as a material for an aesthetic piece of art is,' he once claimed, 'something that fascinates me.' (1997 260) But more than just a question of formal aesthetics, art as life had a profoundly political meaning for Foucault that on the one hand produced a very specific, and provocative understanding of contemporary art, and on the other turned modernist artistic practices into a paradigm for political life. It is precisely this trajectory that I want to explore here; from Modernism to biopolitics.

Indice IntroduzIone 9 1. Aldo BrAncAccI, Gli studi di filosofia antica di Gabriele Giannantoni 13 2. leonArdo FrAnchI, Gabriele Giannantoni interprete di Parmenide 31 3. Aldo BrAncAccI, La domanda di Socrate 49 4. MArcello GIGAnte, Presentazione delle Socratis et Socraticorum Reliquiae di G. Giannantoni 65 5. MIchele AlessAndrellI, Giannantoni, logica di Aristotele e logica megarica 71 6. steFAno MeccI, Il Diogene di Gabriele Giannantoni 93 7. lucA sIMeonI, Giannantoni e il nesso tra filosofia e scienza in età ellenistica 109 8. FrAncesco Verde, La «grandezza che non sfigura»: gli studi epicurei di Gabriele Giannantoni 121 9. FrAncescA GAMBettI, Gabriele Giannantoni maestro 137 CoMMIAto 143 Cyrenaics, Durham: Acumen 2012. 5 Come mostra A. BrAncAccI, Il Socrate di Guido Calogero, «Giornale Critico della Filosofia Italiana», 96/98 , 205-226, 205: «Nell'ambito della produzione scientifica di Guido Calogero, Socrate occupa un duplice spazio, sul piano teoretico e su quello storiografico: ha fortemente segnato il Calogero filosofo, e ha intensamente occupato il Calogero storico della filosofia antica, svolgendo, in ciò un ruolo diverso, e unico, rispetto a quello svolto da Parmenide, il quale rimase sempre il punto di riferimento primario della visione della storia della filosofia, non solo antica, del pensatore italiano». A questo saggio rinvio in generale per una presentazione dell'interpretazione del pensiero di Socrate da parte di Calogero; per questa tematica mi permetto anche di rimandare alle considerazioni svolte in S. MeccI, Pluralità delle culture e coesistenza umana. La filosofia del dialogo di Guido Calogero, in M. PAGAno -L. GhIslerI (a cura di), I fondamenti dell'etica in prospettiva interculturale, Brescia: Morcelliana 2017, 132-139.

third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes.

Abstract: Dance bequeaths a conflicted legacy for resisting neoliberalism: the same portfolio careers; pick-up companies; and freelance working practices through which the artist-entrepreneur negotiates and survives the exigencies of the neoliberal market have themselves been co-opted by neoliberal economics as blueprints for labour practices in ways unimagined and never intended by arts practitioners.  ‘The freelancer’ to quote Lauren Berlant (76) ‘is one of the sovereign figures of neoliberalism’.1  Looking beyond dance’s unwitting complicity in the neoliberal contracting of the body, this paper focuses on dance as an emergent critical aesthetics that calls attention to the incorporation of the geopolitical by the post-statist neoliberal project.

Its case study is "Maleficent" (2014), the Angelina Jolie popular cinema radical retelling, as prequel, of the back story of "Sleeping Beauty’s" slighted fairy Carabosse.  "Maleficent’s" status as dance intertext is many-faceted: its titular character’s conjunction of malevolence and magnificence and the sourcing of her predicament to an originating act of socio-economic disenfranchisement are familiar from the characterisation of Carabosse in Marius Petipa’s choreography for the ballet "The Sleeping Beauty" (1890).  Unspecified in the ballet, this act is elaborated in the film: ‘the winged creature who rose to be protector of The Moors, a kingdom which needed neither king nor queen’ to quote the film’s narration, Maleficent is shorn of her wings in an act of land-grab motivated premeditated human interspecies violence.  This act, betokening rape for Jolie, renders Maleficent’s aerial choreographic spectacle pedestrianised; everyday and earthbound, just as Carabosse, denied vertiginous danse d’école vocabularies, must substitute more mundane mime in their place. 

This paper begins by establishing the strong bonds which bind Disney to dance; the extent to which, to quote Soviet avant-garde filmmaker Sergei Eisenstein, ‘the art of animation… has its forerunner in ballet…At least in Fokine’s ballets for Diaghilev...’.2  Drawing on analyses of neoliberalism, those of David Harvey in particular, this paper then moves to consider "Maleficent" as the articulation of a critique of neoliberalism, one which – it will be suggested – relies heavily on Cynic philosophy for its formulation. Cynic philosophy, especially in the extended consideration of the Cynic life presented by Michel Foucault’s final series of Collège de France lectures 3  will be critically important here.  Arguing for Maleficent as the choreography of Feminist ethics in response to neoliberal policies that render human relations to the land ever more ethno-biologically precarious, this paper will point up the strong parallels that exist between the film and Cynic thinking.  In Foucault’s account, Cynicism especially prioritises the vie autre (other life).  This makes Cynicism particularly effective as a vehicle for questioning neoliberal values and proposing others in their place. 

"Maleficent’s" critique will be shown to be choreo-philosophical in the sense that it mobilises, and is highly reliant upon, a range of dance histories - those to do with "The Sleeping Beauty" especially - and dance practices, particularly those bound up, ultimately, with pantomime dance in Hellenistic ancient Greece. This article will suggest that pantomime dance as a close, cognate ally of Cynic philosophy, was already imbued, in some significant sense, with philosophical intent.  It is pantomime dance’s philosophical intent - this paper argues - that endures and is mobilised to such effect in the roles of Carabosse and Maleficent.  Attention then turns to Alain Badiou’s concept of cinema as philosophy.  This article will suggest both that Badiou’s concept is more indebted to dance than is generally acknowledged, and that it arguably strengthens the sorts of claims that can be made for "Maleficent" as choreo-philosophical critique.  This paper also proposes, in a similar vein, that on the basis of his reading of Cynicism as actually highly motile, the late Foucault is more phenomenological in orientation and - so it would follow - less antithetical to dance and its study, than has hitherto been suggested.           

1. The fuller quotation reads ‘the freelancer is one of the sovereign figures of neoliberalism, the person on contract, who makes short-term deals for obligation and thrives through the hustle over the long haul.  She prefers entrepreneurial precarity to the too closeness of the world.’ (Berlant: 76). 
Zygmunt Bauman comments similarly but less sanguinely, for he does not share what might, from Berlant’s slightly ambiguous account, be construed as neoliberal precarity’s redemptory feature, namely its potential as a strategy for managing an individual’s relationship with the world.  According to Bauman’s characterization, ‘an ideology of privatisation’ is ‘a new ideology for a new individualised society: as Ulrich Beck has written, individual men and women are now expected, pushed and pulled to seek and find individual solutions to socially created problems, and to implement such solutions individually, with the help of individual skills and resources.  This ideology proclaims the futility (indeed, counter-productivity) of solidarity…This is also an ideology made to the measure of the new society of consumers.  It re-presents the world as warehouse of potential objects of consumption…’,Zygmunt Bauman, ‘Happiness in a society of individuals’, "Soundings", 38 (Spring 2008) pp. 19-28; pp. 20-21. 

2. Sergei Eisenstein, "Notes on the General History of Film" (1948), quoted in Khitrova, p. 83
 
3. These lectures were subsequently published, in an English translation, as "The Courage of the Truth (The Government of Self and Others II) Lectures at the Collège de France 1983-1984", ed. Frédéric Gros, general editors: François Ewald and Alessandro Fontana, English series editor Arnold I Davidson, transl. by G Burchell,  Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan 2011, henceforth to be referred to as Foucault.

The phrase ”Socratic irony”, which is principally used with reference to Socrates` philosophical method, is one of the biggest unsolved puzzles of Greek philosophy. Since the beginning of its occurrence, this type of irony has been a fertile ground for the abuse of exegetical tradition. But, despite the mysteries that surrounds the image of Socratic dissembling, it seems that the questioning technique of Socrates had a valuable influence on the entire Western thought. In this paper I discuss some types of comprehending and interpreting the specific irony that Socrates used in his provocative discussions. In this way, the present study starts with the analysis of the mistaken interpretation of the Sophists and continues with an inquiry of understanding how the concept of irony evolved from Antiquity to Friedrich Nietzsche. At the same time I will reveal the ethical issues involved in using the complex Socratic irony.

Irriverente, sfacciato, beffardo, Diogene il Cane è l’icona della critica del potere, delle istituzioni, delle vanità umane. La sua filosofia è azione: Diogene parla come se mordesse. La sua filosofia è performance, dal masturbarsi in pubblico al prendersi gioco di Alessandro Magno intimandogli di spostarsi perché gli fa ombra. I suoi oggetti di scena – la botte in cui viveva, la lanterna che teneva accesa in pieno giorno per andare in cerca dell’uomo ecc. – appartengono da sempre al nostro immaginario condiviso.

Per la prima volta in assoluto, questa raccolta delle principali testimonianze antiche su Diogene, ordinate secondo la cronologia degli autori, presenta una traduzione che non ha rinunciato a rendere comprensibili al lettore moderno i giochi di parole e le battute sferzanti tipiche dello stile del Cane.

This volume traces the history of Western philosophy of education in antiquity. Between the fifth century BCE and the fifth century CE, Plato, Isocrates, Aristotle, Cicero, Augustine, and others raised questions about the nature of teaching and learning, the relationship of education and politics, and the elements of a distinctively philosophical education. Their arguments on these topics launched a conversation that occupied philosophers over the millennia and continues today.

CONTENTS:
Introduction: A Story of Educational Philosophy in Antiquity - Avi I. Mintz;  The Sophistic Movement and the Frenzy of a New Education - M.R. Engler; Plato: Philosophy As Education - Yoshiaki Nakazawa; Xenophon the Educator - William H.F. Altman; Isocrates: The Founding and Tradition of Liberal Education -  Bruce A. Kimball and Sarah M. Iler; Educating for Living Life at Its Best: Aristotelian Thought and
the Ideal Polis - Marianna Papastephanou; Ancient Schools and the Challenge of Cynicism - Ansgar Allen; Roman Educational Philosophy: The Legacy of Cicero - James R. Muir; Seneca, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius: Education and the Philosophical Art of Living - Annie Larivée; St. Augustine’s Pedagogy as the New Creation - Yun Lee Too

sowie die beiden wichtigen Aufsatzsammlungen von M.-O. ) und R. B. Branham (1996 seien hier stellvertretend genannt. 2 Betrachtet man diese Untersuchungen allerdings genauer, so fällt auf, daß sie nicht nur literarisch, sondern auch philosophisch und historisch ausgerichtet sind. Außerdem beschränken sie sich nicht nur auf Sprüche, sondern beschäftigen sich ihrer Intention entsprechend mit allen erhaltenen literarischen Zeugnissen.

Dissertation analyses on the discourse used by ancient cynics, and a comparison with other Hellenistic philosophies such as Stoicism and Epicureanism, aiming towards recognizing Cynicism as a proper philosophical school equal to others of its time.

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions
Key words: mythological mosaic, House of Aion, Nea Paphos, Late Antiquity, Roman art, allegorical narrative, allusive language of mythological pictures, wordplay (Marsyas-Messias), Jesus Christ, anti-Christian polemic, Dionysos, Cassiopeia, Apollon, Nereides, Abstract Personifications, Greek Mythology, ΚΥΠΡΟΣ

This collection offers the revised versions of the papers presented at ‚Socratica III – a conference on Socrates, the Socratics, and the ancient Socratic literature‘ (Trento, Italy, 2012).

The volume approaches the Socratic question from a viewpoint that radically departs from mainstream lines of interpretation. It focuses on the issues the Socratics were able to develop in the fierce struggle among themselves, i. e. on the dynamic context in which these issues were posed, discussed, and eventually fixed in dogmatic theories within the philosophical and non-philosophical Greek literature of the 5th  and 4th centuries B.C.

The following topics are examined: 1. the ‘intellectual movement’ around Socrates; 2. the literary context in which the texts of the Socratics are framed; 3. major topics discussed within this movement, their development within and outside the Socratic circle, and their reception in Late Antiquity; 4. the state of the art of the ‘Socratic question.’

MERGING IS SEX OBVIOUSLY,  NORMAL MERGING IS KNOWING THE PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE OF BOTH BEINGS, NO YOU OR I = ONENESS,  THE TWO ANUs MERGE – IF ONE IS AN ATTACK, THEN THE ORIGINAL ANU BECOMES SMALLER, DUMBER AND WEAKER, WHICH IS WHAT IS GOING ON HERE. 

AND - OUR "REALITY" UNMASKED

Diogenes of Sinope, the main representative of ancient Cynicism, says in one of his works that « he preferred freedom above everything ». He does not mean here freedom in its political sense, but rather in its moral and individual meaning, which dates back at least to the sixth century BC and perhaps to the very root of the word ἐλεύθερος. Tracing the history of this notion reveals diverse influences on Cynicism, whether the figure of the « free slave » of the tragedians, or the correspondence between nature and freedom of the Sophists and Democritus. To reach self-sufficiency and apathy, the two characteristics of Cynic freedom, Diogenes must submit his body to physical training, it being the only way to break free from the chains of civilization. Socrates, especially in Xenophon and to a certain extent in Plato, had already made physical exercises a condition for acquiring freedom. However, with Socrates the emancipation of the individual ends in gaining knowledge that he deems necessary to virtue. Cynics, for their part, reject virtue-knowledge and limit their philosophical activity to the practice of a rigorous physical asceticism, so that freedom leads directly to virtue and happiness to the point of identifying with it. Therefore, Cynics differ from their Socratic predecessors by not extending their philosophical quest beyond the moment of liberation and thereby make freedom the true hallmark of their philosophy.

Diogène de Sinope, principal représentant du cynisme ancien, affirme dans une de ses œuvres qu’« il mettait la liberté au-dessus de tout ». Il n’est pas question ici du sens politique de la liberté, mais plutôt de son acception morale et individuelle, dont les origines remontent au moins au VIe s. av. J.-C. et peut-être à la racine même du mot ἐλεύθερος. Retracer l’histoire de cette notion révèle diverses influences sur le cynisme, que ce soit la figure de l’« esclave libre » chez les tragiques, ou la correspondance entre nature et liberté chez les Sophistes et Démocrite. Pour atteindre l’autarcie et l’apathie, les deux caractéristiques de la liberté cynique, Diogène doit soumettre son corps à un entraînement de nature physique, seul moyen de s’émanciper des chaînes de la civilisation. Socrate, surtout chez Xénophon et dans une certaine mesure chez Platon, avait déjà fait des exercices corporels une condition d’acquisition de la liberté. Toutefois, l’émancipation de l’individu débouche avec Socrate sur l’apprentissage du savoir qu’il juge nécessaire à la vertu. Les Cyniques, quant à eux, rejettent la vertu-connaissance et limitent leur activité philosophique à la pratique d’une ascèse corporelle rigoureuse, de sorte que la liberté mène sans détour à la vertu et au bonheur au point de s’y identifier. Les Cyniques se différencient donc de leurs prédécesseurs socratiques en ne prolongeant pas leur quête philosophique au-delà du moment de la libération et, par le fait même, font de la liberté la véritable marque distinctive de leur philosophie.

General discussion of Cynic philosophers/writers hailing from Gadara in the Decapolis - Menippus, Meleager, Oenomaos - and the cynic-satiric literary background of these thinkers. Discussion also to Greek and Talmudic references to Gadara. While not comprising any Cynic school and separated chronologically these writers inherited a common background in humoristic satiric literature in this age of "arm-chair" cynicism