Land and Agrarian Reform

The study examines land and water reforms as the main components of agricultural sector restructuring during the transition to a market economy. The experience of Central and Eastern European countries and CIS is assessed in the light of market principles. The main focus of the study is on the agrarian reform in Turkmenistan. The achieved results are evaluated, and prospects for further development of the Turkmen model of agricultural transition are discussed in the framework of world experience. The monograph is the result of a joint study carried out by the authors under Grant No. TA-MOU-98-CA17-011, U.S.-Israel Cooperative Development Research Program, Economic Growth, U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).

Land has a major influence on the well-being of rural families in Poland. Farming households report significantly higher incomes than families that do not farm. The income level increases for families with larger land holdings, primarily due to the growing share of farm income. Polish farmers realize the advantages of larger holdings and increase their farms through land market transactions. Unfortunately, efficient functioning of land markets in Poland is constrained by administrative and policy distortions, which include high government-determined transaction costs, complex registration procedures, difficulties with access to mortgage facilities, and bias against larger farms built into the unemployment benefits system.

Proceedings of a workshop on Structural Change in the Farming Sectors of Central and Eastern Europe: Lessons and Implications for EU Accession, organized by World Bank and FAO in Warsaw, June 1999.
This volume examines the reforms and policy changes necessary in the food and agriculture sectors of the ten Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries that have started the accession process for eventual membership in the European Union (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia). The papers in this report are selected from the presentations at the Second World Bank/FAO EU Accession Workshop held in Warsaw, Poland, on June 27-29, 1999. They are organized around three topics: 1) evolving farm structures and competitiveness in agriculture; 2) land laws and legal institutions for development of land markets and farm restructuring; and 3) development of farm services for improved competitiveness. The workshop concluded that there has been significant progress toward the goals of market-oriented agriculture, but the structural change in the farming sector in CEE has not been completed. Several of the initial tasks of transforming the inherited structure into a system based on market principles and private ownership have not been fully realized in some countries. These uncompleted tasks include land privatization, land titling and registration, restructuring and consolidation of the new farming units, and more. Significant further changes can be expected in the pre-accession period, and although the main directions of change are foreseeable, the specific outcome of the changes in the farming structure is uncertain.

This research is an effort to resolve the conflicts of forest tenurial (PPTKH) which is carried out with a spatial approach and thematic to provide recommendations for Agrarian Reform and Social
Forestry (RAPS) policies. The spatial approach is carried out by satellite images processing with a 20-year period, which are taken in 2019 and 1999. The thematic approach is carried out by conducting
the Identification of Land Tenure, Ownership, Utilization and Use. The results of the identification in the location of tenurial forest by the community with utilizing the SPOT 7 imagery for 2019, there
are the 120,40 hectares area of Kedungasri Village that have been occupied by the community but claimed as Perum Perhutani forest area. The thematic study also confirms that land tenure has been carried out since the Japanese period. Of the 120.40 hectares area, there are 50.80 hectares or about 42% was directed towards agrarian reform policies through by Forest Area Swap (TMKH). The location that will be proposed for RAPS have land uses in the form of agriculture and
settlements. At the provincial level, this study also found that the forest area in East Java is more than 30% of the total area of the province. The possibility of agrarian reform policies in Java is very open. It is not appropriate if Java has been exempted from agrarian reform policies.
Keywords : PPTKH, RAPS, Spatial Approach, IP4T, 30% forest area

Fashioned within conquest, Kenya’s current system of land
governance was designed to facilitate land expropriation for the
few and powerful. Post-colonial elites never fundamentally
reformed this system of concentrated legal and administrative
power over land and continue to benefit from it. This article
explores both recent efforts at land governance reform and the
numerous ways that counter-reform resistance is occurring and
currently gaining the upper hand. The authors argue that
powerful networks of beneficiaries create a strong system of
control and exclusion around land, producing a path dependency
against reform. The challenge for reformers is to overcome these
powerful forces arrayed against change with creative mobilisation
strategies, leveraging not only the 2010 Constitution and the
courts but also public outrage and stronger civil society
organisation. Overall, an important reform struggle in Kenya is just
beginning, the outcome uncertain and the stakes for the country’s
future very high.

U četrdesetogodišnjem periodu okupacije Bosne i Hercegovine finansijski razvoj zemlje doživio je brojne pomake. Bosna i Hercegovina je bila zemlja jedina zemlja u regionu koja nije imala niti jednu banku, gdje je industrija takorekući bila nepostojeća. Zbog toga privredne mjere okupacionih vlasti imaju u brojnim segmentima aspekte pozitivnih reformi, iako pojedine mjere, poput Zakona o upravljanju nisu bile u potpunosti usklađene sa interesima Bosne i Hercegovine. Kao i svaki potez državnih vlasti, poteze Austro-Ugarske u razvoju bosanskohercegovačkih finansija vrednujemo prije svega po rezultatu. Taj rezultat je sasvim sigurno bio pozitivan ishod za Bosnu i Hercegovinu.

Cualquier forma de reproducción, distribución, comunicación pública o transformación de esta obra solo puede ser realizada con la autorización de sus titulares, salvo excepción prevista por la ley. Diríjase a CEDRO (Centro Español de Derechos Reprográficos, www.cedro.org) si necesita fotocopiar o escanear algún fragmento de esta obra.

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From the perspective of Brazilian agrarian geography, the conflicts generated by land tenure disputes have as protagonists the families of the Landless Workers’ Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra), traditional landowners, and agribusiness corporations. In this
article, we present a reflection on land conflicts and the spatial and
territorial production of latifundia, peasant smallholders, and large-scale
agribusiness through studies of the landscapes of two municipalities in
the state of São Paulo. Among the various tools for analysing territorial
disputes, Google Earth can be used for local, regional, and international
comparative studies of how landscapes have been transformed.
Informed by traditional research, the article analyses a diversity of photographs, from satellite to field shots, as evidence of landscapes that
express conflicting social relations in disputes over different models of
social and territorial development.

Todo sueño supone la mezcolanza de fragmentos de realidad con
situaciones pasadas, con ilusiones que nunca se alcanzaron, ni se
alcanzarán. Ilusiones y temores se retroalimentaron…
A estas alturas de la investigación sobre la crisis de los años 30 en
España, ¿en qué puede ser original un libro sobre dicho período? En primer
lugar, sobre todo en las fuentes utilizadas, con un cruce de información
procedente de archivos locales y provinciales con otros nacionales poco
utilizados hasta ahora. Al nivel más próximo, aparece documentación de
instituciones poco conocidas pero fundamentales para el día a día de la
República, como las actas de los sindicatos agrarios o las actas de la
Comisión de Policía Rural; en especial estas últimas, no han sido analizadas
hasta el momento en otras monografías, bien porque su localización es
complicada, bien porque fueron destruidas. En una escala más amplia, la
documentación de los consejos de guerra, custodiados en el Archivo General e
Histórico de Defensa. Unos fondos que sorprendentemente estuvieron cerrados
o parcialmente cerrados al investigador hasta hace unos años. Esta obra es
de las primeras en beneficiarse de una mayor apertura, pese a la
persistencia de las trabas. Por ejemplo desde junio de 2012, por alguna
extraña razón, ya no se pueden fotografiar, con la consiguiente
ralentización del proceso. Esperemos que desaparezcan para así ampliar
nuestro conocimiento sobre las dimensiones cuantitativas y cualitativas de
la represión franquista.
Es un libro cuya propia génesis es peculiar: tres historiadores de
distintas generaciones y con procedencias diferentes. En un primer momento,
un investigador local comenzó, a finales de los años setenta, a entrevistar
a testimonios; después, otro joven historiador local cuya línea principal de
investigación estaba muy lejana –la diplomacia estadounidense– confeccionó
un plan de trabajo muy ambicioso en cuanto a recopilación de fuentes, para
después incorporar a un historiador experto en las especificidades del mundo
agrario.
El resultado es una obra que huye de academicismos sin renunciar al
rigor científico, tratando de proporcionar una narración ágil que pueda ser
útil tanto al entorno en el que se ha escrito como hacerse un hueco en la
historiografía sobre la cuestión agraria y su relación con la represión
franquista. En este sentido, la obra de Edward Malefakis, Reforma agraria y
revolución campesina (Ariel, 1971) ha sido utilizada por algunos autores
para establecer un interesado silogismo: reforma agraria = revolución
campesina, entendiéndose pues que el golpe de estado era poco menos que
imprescindible para poner “orden en el campo”. Pese al tiempo transcurrido
desde su publicación, el trabajo de Malefakis no ha perdido su interés para
un enfoque general. Sin embargo, cuando la lente se aumenta y se acerca a
los casos locales o comarcales, el resultado no es tan satisfactorio. La
represión del campesinado en esta localidad fue sistemática,
independientemente del grado de violencia y desordenes sociales anteriores.
Por ejemplo, en la convulsa jornada de ocupaciones testificales de tierras
del 25 de marzo de 1936 el alcalde socialista cortó sin miramientos las
retóricas revolucionarias de los jornaleros; por otro lado, la Policía Rural
actuó durante todo el período republicano con un escrupuloso legalismo.
Aparte de lo antedicho, también se trata de explicar, de forma
exhaustiva pero amena: la heterogeneidad del republicanismo moderado, los
efectos de la participación de las organizaciones obreras en la
gobernabilidad de los pueblos, las resistencias de las oligarquías a los
cambios o la conformación de un clima de rencor que actuó como acicate para
la represión.

Este trabajo responde a nuestra preocupación por el tema de la reforma agraria que en la actualidad vuelve a ser relevante en el contexto de 10s problemas económicos, sociales y políticos de nuestro país y en especial de Andalucía. No ~retendemos aaui hacer un análisis exhaustiva del tema, sino centrarnos en algunos aspectos concretos del mismo que a nuestro juicio merecen una atención especial y que con frecuencia, ahora, tienden a ser relegados. Nos referimos a las dimensiones sociológicas y políticas de la reforma agraris que, como decimos, a veces se ven oscurecidas por el tratamiento exclusivamente económico y técnico de esta cuestión. En absolut0 negamos la importancia de estos dos aspectos, pero creemos que siempre deben considerarse en conexión con 10s que nosotros vamos a tratar en este trabajo. En definitiva, 10 que se pretende aquí es recuperar en cierta medida ektratamiento politico del tema, no s610 por las razones anteriores, sino también porque pensamos que esto es especialmente útil en el caso de Andalucia. Papers: Revista de Sociologia 16 (1981)

Resumo Este artigo utiliza a história social rural contemporânea do estado de São Paulo, Brasil, para examinar a complexa relação entre a reforma agrária e a estrangeirização de terras em América Latina. No mesmo tempo que reforma agrária se apresenta como instrumento de resistência à estrangeirização, a mesma política agrária tem sido usada para facilitar grilagem nacional e estrangeira. Assim, procura o artigo contribuir com uma perspectiva histórica do recente debate desse último processo. A pesquisa consistiu em coletar e examinar a literatura histórica, bem como analisar o jornalismo contemporâneo, além de análise de dados socioeconômicos recolhidos por agências governamentais e organizações do agronegócio, avaliação de documentos estatais e organizacionais e relatórios geralmente disponíveis ao público e entrevistas realizadas pelo autor e por terceiros. Palavras-chaves: Reforma Agrária. Agronegócio. São Paulo. Movimentos Camponeses. Abstact The article uses the contemporary rural social history of São Paulo state in Brazil to examine the complex relationship between agrarian reform policies and land grabbing by foreigners in Latin America. At the same time the agrarian reform is represented at a form of resistance against foreign intervention in the region, the same policy has been used to facilitate land grabbing by foreign and domestic interests. The study seeks to contribute historical perspective to the recent debates about these two processes. The research is based on contemporary literature, journalism and official reports, the analysis of socioeconomic data, the citation of state and organizational documents, and interviews with participants.

O MST estaria em plena desmobilização frente às gestões presidenciais petistas? Diante dessa pergunta, este trabalho aponta uma possibilidade alternativa de interpretação para a ação do Movimento nesta conjuntura em que a redução da forma mais visível de seu repertório de ação, a ocupação de terra, é compreendida como parte de uma estratégia de recuo coordenado no qual a retração não indica perda de capacidade mobilizadora, mas uma mudança no repertório de ação do MST em favor de formas de ação menos conflitivas para seguir fazendo a disputa política pela reforma agrária no contexto dos governos nacionais petistas.

Using long time series of basic agricultural statistics in 12 countries of the former Soviet Union, this article explores the changes in resource use, agricultural production and productivity during the transition. While the share of labor employed in agriculture has increased in all the countries analysed, the share of agriculture in GDP has declined, pointing to generally decreasing productivity of labor.

This symposium will explore postwar transnational territorial planning in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. By using the lens of " landscape, " we consider planning beyond the urban-rural divide and question the demarcations and boundaries in the production of territories as objects of knowledge and development. Architecture and planning, in this discussion, stand for a range of techniques that organize, manage, and imagine physical space as a complex interaction of infrastructure,

Land reform legislation in India is typically based on the premise that there are large landlords who lease out lands to small tenants. As such a land to the tenant programme is necessarily progressive. Based on the land reform process in the south Indian state of Karnataka this book argues that the tenants who gained land were not just poor farmers and those who lost land could also be small land owners. The land reform legislation thus transferred land from one faction in the village to another rather than from one class to another.

Zimbabwe's land revolution at the turn of the millennia cast the country on the international spotlight for a myriad of reasons, ranging from laudatory admiration to negative criticism and bad publicity. Narratives and doomsday predictions of economic disaster, social upheaval and ultimately internal implosion were awash and not off the mark given the manner in which the political economic status quo was shaken and restructured. The Fast Track Land Reform (FTLRP) was hailed in some quarters as the long overdue corrective measure against historical injustices while other sections castigated it as chauvinistic and fascist machinations of a capricious regime battling for political survival. These ensuing contestations around land expropriation are not an aberration in that they form part of a repertoire of the languages of life and/or the teleology in the history and transition of post colonies with settler heritage. Land reform continues to gain policy traction in much of the developing South with a colonial history where the economic logic of settlerism was the dominant mode of exploitation, expropriation and accumulation. Widening inequality in much of the developing South particularly in post settler economies in southern Africa has heightened demands for greater access to land and other productive sectors putting land as another new frontier of conflict. Therefore the question remains, is land reform being driven by a genuine desire for restitution and a progressive redress of colonial wrongs or whether it is just another pretext for populist demagoguery and patronage politics? This paper posits that these two dominant tropes are deeply interwoven within Zimbabwe's political economics fabric within its transition as a post colony and the matter is much more complex and cannot be reduced to such binary terms of reference. The paper therefore traces the trajectory of land reform in Zimbabwe since independence until the turn of the millennia and the attendant policy contradictions, constraints and rationalities that undergird land expropriation and redistribution.

George and Maia Ballis wanted to get everyone to take one of their “seminar in reality” tours of California’s Central Valley. “If we could figure out a way to get everybody to take the tour,” George wrote in 1982, “we would win this fight no matter how much money the biggies spent” (Ballis 1982, 15). Ballis, a small-farm defender since the 1950s, used the reality tour to encourage participants to question the US agribusiness model. He wanted to win their support for a policy that prevented farms over 160-acres from receiving irrigation water from something known as the Central Valley Project (CVP).

I argue, with reference to Wilson, that the millennium development villages (MDVs) are themselves contemporary model villages and that they have approached the agrarian question from the perspective of ‘neo-classical neo-populism’, more commonly known as neoliberalism.  Three key assumptions of the MDVs show this. Firstly, the MDVs assumed that there was none to very little class differentiation in the ‘peasantry’ in the villages and communities they planned to develop (a neo-populist assumption).  Secondly, the MDV’s assumed that uneven distribution of agricultural resources to those who ‘owned’ the most land and were already the most efficient farmers was the most efficient and quickest route to increased agriculture production, food security and poverty alleviation in the villages (a neo-classical assumption). Thirdly, and finally the MDVs assumed that an increase in net agricultural production, with sufficient market access, would lead to GDP growth followed by industrialisation, economic diversification and global market integration, which would ultimately lead to the eradication of poverty (another neo-classical assumption). Finally, I conclude that although the evidence shows that the MVP’s approach has seemed to make land in the large farms in its villages as productive as it can possibly be, leading to increased rates of accumulation, and thus answering the agrarian question in part, it has not and will not lead to an agrarian transition and ease or eradicate poverty.

The objective of this policy note on  land is to assist the Government of Moldova in improving the  effectiveness of land management in agriculture, with a view to enhancing the sector's contribution to Moldova's economic growth and poverty reduction objectives. The note reviews the progress that has been made to date on land reform in Moldova, and provides rigorous economic analysis of the impacts of the reforms and the state of land markets today. It also makes recommendations on options for improving the functioning of land markets. This note is organized as follows. Chapter one explore in detail the progress of land reform, including changes in land ownership and land use since 1990; then describe the results of farm reorganization efforts,  including some comparisons with farm structure in market
economies. Chapter two examines the impacts of land reform on economic indicators such as productivity for different farm types. Chapter three analyze the development of land markets to date based on new information gathered for this
work from the Cadastre Agency, a survey of farms carried out for this study, and other sources. Finally, chapter four provide recommendations based on international best practice for increasing the efficiency of land use by improving the functioning of land markets, including practical advice for implementing pilot land re-parceling projects.

The articles examines the impact of a series of institutional changes during the 1990s on patterns of land ownership, farm income, crop specialization, and overall agricultural output in Turkmen-istan. More specifically, the changes investigated entail the distribution of state-held irrigated land to private plots min 1990–1992, allocation of land to independent private farmers in 1993–1996, and the conversion of collective and state farms to associations of private lease-holders in 1996–1997. The study is based on official government statistics, a 2001 survey of private farmers, and a 2002 survey of leaseholders in peasant associations. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: Q15, Q18, Q24. 6 figures, 4 tables, 10 references. urkmenistan is a huge country of 491,200 km 2— the fourth largest by area in the former Soviet Union (FSU) after Russia, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine. Yet it has a relatively small (but rapidly growing) population of about 6 million people, which puts it in the group of FSU " midgets " (Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and the Baltic republics) in terms of absolute population size. More than half the population (55 percent) resides in rural areas, compared to one-third for the FSU as a whole, but only 5 percent of the country's agricultural land (1.6 million hectares) is cultivable, compared to 40 percent in the FSU. The remaining 95 percent of agricultural land in Turkmenistan is desert pastures—33 million hectares fit only for camels and flocks of karakul sheep (Goskomstat SNG, 2003). Thus, despite the vast expanses and the small number of people, the effective population density is very high, and Turkmenistan suffers from the phenomenon of " agrarian overpopulation " : there are only 0.5 hectares of arable land per rural resident, compared to the average of 2.3 hectares for the FSU. Prior to 1991, Turkmenistan's agriculture could be characterized as a cotton monocul-ture. Half the cropped land was under cotton and the country, with a share of about 0.5 percent of arable land in the USSR, supplied more than 15 percent of total cotton production in from official statistical sources, a 2001 survey of private farmers, and a 2002 survey of leaseholders in peasant associations. The surveys encompassed 144 private farmers (14 percent of the farmers reporting to Turkmen statistical organs in 2000) and 1,100 leaseholders (0.3 percent of all leaseholders in the country). The private farmers were sampled at random from a national list of about 1,000 farms reporting to statistical organs. The leaseholders were sampled by a two-stage procedure: 110 peasant associations were selected at random from a national list of 592 associations and 10 leaseholders were then sampled at random in each association. Both surveys were conducted in face-to-face interviews by independent private interviewers using detailed multi-part questionnaires. The authors wish to thank anonymous reviewers for insightful comments.

There is still no evidence that new farming structures created in the process of land reform have achieved higher productivity than traditional farms. The most striking achievements of reform include a sharp reduction in state ownership of land and a substantial increase in the share of individual farming relative to collective agriculture. Among the rural population, independent private farmers appear to be more optimistic and economically better off than members of collective farm enterprises. This provides qualitative evidence of a positive impact of reform, as private farmers are direct participants in the process of reform, while rural residents who choose to remain in collectives largely shirk exposure to reform and continue in a traditional framework.

La revolución y la tierra (2019) de Gonzalo Benavente Sacco desentierra la prehistoria y el legado de la reforma agraria, promulgada en 1969 por el general Velasco Alvarado (1968-1975), a través de materiales fílmicos de la época y entrevistas a diversos personajes afines a este proceso. Un eje central del documental es la insurgencia por la tierra iniciada por el campesinado indígena, que luego fue abanderado por dos modos opuestos de revolución peruana, desde la reforma agraria con los militares y por la vía armada con los grupos de izquierda radical. Estos apuntan a las "masas campesinas" para su liberación, pero ignoran su liderazgo autónomo y agencia indígena. La negación de la cuestión indígena respecto de su relación ontológica con las entidades no humanas (tierra, montaña, lago, río, etc.) ha sido recurrente en las políticas del Estado peruano y su racionalidad occidental. Para las poblaciones andinas y amazónicas, la tierra no sólo es un derecho de posesión individual o colectiva. Forman parte de ella como un complemento espiritual, social y natural. En los Andes, por ejemplo, los runakuna (personas, usualmente quechua hablantes) mantienen una relación "socio-natural" con los tirakuna (entidades no humanas) y ambos forman parte del ayllu (la organización comunal de personas que tienen lazos de parentesco y que habitan un territorio en comunión con los otros seres distintos a los humanos). 1 En ese sentido, estos seres no humanos o "seres tierra" también participan en la vida política y social de las poblaciones indígenas. 2 Por eso hoy salen a defender la "madre naturaleza" del extractivismo devorador. Los últimos minutos del documental de Benavente apenas dejan entrever este ángulo y me gustaría expandir su discusión, no sin antes explicar la ausencia de lo indígena en el experimento revolucionario de Velasco y los grupos insurgentes de la izquierda peruana.

Agricultural transition in Uzbekistan, as in all CIS countries, is driven by a process of land reform, which involves redistribution of land among producers and concomitant changes in farm structure. In this article we review the process of land reform since Uzbekistan’s independence and examine its impacts on agricultural growth and rural family incomes. The analysis is based on official statistics and data from a farm-level survey carried out in 2007.