Law of States of Emergency

Artykuł porusza problem odrębności stanu wojennego od pozostałych stanów nadzwyczajnych. Zawiera on charakterystykę przesłanek zastosowania stanu wojennego i wyjątkowego oraz środków nadzwyczajnych dotyczących sił zbrojnych. W artykule potwierdzono sformułowaną we wstępie hipotezę, zgodnie z którą to nie rodzaj zagrożenia przesądza o odrębności stanu wojennego tylko uprawnienia sił zbrojnych, w szczególności wobec władz cywilnych.

The subject of the article is the problem of public burdens in the form of personal and in-kind contributions in the event of a state of natural disaster. The state of natural disaster justifies the need for the legislator to refer to the idea of a special sacrifice for the public interest, which is expressed in the activation of the mechanism of constitutional public contributions, both personal and in-kind contributions.

This article examines State practice on derogations from human rights protections during states of emergency under Article 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The article presents statistical data on the use of derogations, offers analysis of the data and practice and advances a series of reform proposals. It is argued that Article 15 is being misused by States to derogate for protracted periods of time for entrenched emergencies and that emergency measures are remaining in place after declared emergencies have ended. Equally, States are not derogating in circumstances where they should for military operations, particularly extra-territorial military operations. It is argued that the European Court of Human Rights has been deferential in enforcing Article 15 and that reform is needed to address the problems identified. Reforms should include review procedures for emergency measures, enhanced procedures for notifying derogations and an amendment to facilitate extra-territorial derogations.

La loi du 11 mai 2020 prorogeant l'état d'urgence sanitaire a fait l'objet de débats, parfois enflammés, sur les questions de la mise en quarantaine, des fichiers des personnes infectées ou encore de la responsabilité. Peu d'observateurs ont remarqué qu'elle élargissait également les pouvoirs du gouvernement pour réquisitionner, non plus seulement des biens et des services, mais également des personnes. Cet article rappelle l'usage qui a été fait du pouvoir de réquisition dans les premiers jours de la crise sanitaire en amont de l'adoption de la loi du 23 mars instituant un état d'urgence sanitaire. Cela permet ainsi d'interroger l'apport et les objectifs réels de la loi. Il faut également s'interroger sur la fonction propre de la réquisition de personne telle que révélée par l'histoire de la pratique administrative. L'analyse prolonge ici celle développée en 2017 dans la Revue française de droit administratif. L'autonomisation de la réquisition de personnes a potentiellement deux finalités : mettre en défaut l'exercice du droit de grève et celui du droit de retrait dans le difficile contexte économique du déconfinement.

Artykuł dotyczy wybranych zasad stanów nadzwyczajnych zawartych w konstytucji z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r. Jego treść obejmuje trzy zagadnienia: 1) konsekwencje relacji rozdział XI – pozostała treść konstytucji w zakresie dotyczącym dopuszczalnych ograniczeń wolności i praw człowieka i obywatela 2) odpowiedniość przedłużania kadencji Sejmu, Senatu, organów samorządu terytorialnego oraz Prezydenta oraz 3) wyrównywanie strat majątkowych wynikających z ograniczenia w czasie stanu nadzwyczajnego wolności i praw człowieka i obywatela.

The “state of exception” is a central category in Carl Schmitt’s legal theory. It makes it possible for him to overcome the legal order – to this extent, Schmitt’s doctrine of the “state of exception” represents the political justification of extra-legal and even illegal actions. In this sense, I analyse Schmitt’s concept as a personal (instead of an institutional) power, as “being” (instead of “ought”), as politics (instead of law), and as rhetoric of the ruling power. Schmitt’s doctrine of the “state of exception” and “sovereignty” does not fulfil (according to my thesis) critical function toward law and power – as it is also often (mis)understood in the leftist literature. Rather, his ideas underpin the power interests of certain ruling groups, who want to assert their power even contra legem.
Hans Kelsen’s “Pure Theory of Law” offers a conceptual critic on Schmitt’s concepts: On the one hand, by equating the state and the legal order, Kelsen excludes the idea of a meta-positive order; on the other hand, he shows the ideological components of the “order thinking”.  The “Pure Theory of Law” thereby deconstructs Schmitt’s doctrine of the “state of exception” as legal impossibility and politically motivated ideology of ruling power groups.
These differences also manifested in the history. The essay therefore analyses how a “state of emergency” rhetoric served to abolish the existing legal order in both the First and the Weimar Republic. While the Schmittian theory legitimized the authoritarian reversal in Germany (and indirectly also in Austria), the “Pure Theory of Law” showed the dangers of the “order thinking”; ie an authoritarian turn could have been avoided by heeding Kelsen’s warnings. The essay therefore discusses the parallels between the final stages of the First Republic and the Weimar Republic – while contrasting of Schmitt’s and Kelsen’s theories in this historical context.

The theory of the precautionary principle has developed. In its implementation, the precautionary principle is used to deal with hazards in the environmental fields and has been widely used in health and food technology. In general, the precautionary principle is understood as making decisions in encountering threats or situations that are dangerous and uncertain. Likewise, the financial and banking crisis is a phenomenon that dangerous and often threatens the stability of a state. In extreme cases, crises create a panic that makes no sense or can even be made the economy of the state to collapse. This article will discuss the precautionary principle theory and its role in mitigating the threat of a financial and banking crisis.

This article discusses the analysis that Niccolo Machiavelli is entitled to the dictatorial mastership of the times of the Roman Republic in Ch.. XXXIV. of  the “Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius”. The characteristics of the Roman dictatorship are outlined as part of the state mechanism of an ideal republic with a legally regulated system of limited powers exercised for the common benefit by active citizens possessing republican virtues.

What is the real relationship between the existing forms of (religious) terrorism and Islam? And how do the Western constitutional democracies react in times of emergency and threats of so-called Islamic terrorism? The article tries to answer these questions, focusing the attention on specific issues, such as those referring to the Islamic tradition - and the relative legal system - and some national legal orders, like the USA, France and Italy.

Klęska militarna Rzeszy niemieckiej, rozkład struktur państwowych Austro-Węgier oraz restytucja państwa polskiego w następstwie I wojny światowej ujawniły dążenia niepodległościowe Polaków na ziemiach polskich tych dwóch zaborów. Po zakończeniu działań wojennych tereny te nie należały do obszarów kontrolowanych przez rząd w Warszawie. Stanowisko władz niemieckich i polskich działaczy niepodległościowych na Śląsku co do przyszłości tej prowincji różniło się zasadniczo. Niemcy dopuszczali jedynie autonomię ludności polskiej w ramach państwa niemieckiego, ludność polska dążyła do połączenia z odradzającym się państwem polskim. Na konflikt narodowościowy nakładał się również konflikt społeczny. Niemcy przeważali w grupie właścicieli kapitału i ziemi oraz grupy urzędniczej. Polacy reprezentowali przede wszystkim robotników, chłopów i niższych urzędników. Istniejące napięcia władze niemieckie próbowały rozwiązać poprzez wprowadzenie stanu oblężenia w oparciu o przepisy pochodzące jeszcze z XIX wieku i modyfikowane w trakcie trwania I wojny światowej. W oparciu o te przepisy bezpieczeństwo i porządek na Górnym Śląsku próbowała również utrzymać Międzysojusznicza Komisja Rządząca i Plebiscytowa działająca na podstawie Traktatu pokojowego. Na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, gdzie prawa narodowe Polaków były szerzej respektowane a władzę po zakończeniu wojny światowej objęła polska Rada Narodowa Śląska Cieszyńskiego utrzymano austriackie ustawodawstwo wyjątkowe wprowadzone przez cesarza Franciszka I z chwilą rozpoczęcia I wojny światowej.

A tudományos gondolkodás sajátossága, hogy a vizsgált kérdéskört az azt szemlélő megpróbálja tipizálni. Ennek során igyekszik általános jellemzőket keresni, ezek alapján csoportokat, korszakokat, csomópontokat megállapítani és ezt követően ezeket alábontani, mélyebb jellemzését adni a téma szerint kiemelten releváns halmaznak. Nem történik ez másként a had-és jogtudomány esetében sem, amikor egy új vagy megújuló hadviselési mód jellemzőit keressük és az arra adható jogi megáldásokat. Ebből kiindulva tanulmányom első részében szükségszerűnek látom, hogy a hadtudomány területén már létező generációs tipizálás mellé rendeljek egy ehhez igazodó, a biztonsági környezet változását követő szabályozási tipizálást. Ennek szükségessége abban áll, hogy szemléltesse, hogy a hadviselés átalakulása alakítja a biztonsági környezetet, alakítja a társadalmi közeget, amely totalitás szükségszerűen módosítja vagy legalább igényli, hogy ezt a jogszabályi környezet lekezelje. Ugyanis, amely állam jogalkotója nem képes vagy nem látja szükségét-az egyes korszakokhoz igazodóan-a védelmi szabályozás rendszerszintű átgondolásának, átalakításának, a szabályozási-fejlődési-trendek átvételének, az lemarad, leszakad a vele korábban azonos kvalitású, lehetőségű államoktól, végső soron pedig-nem elfeledve a védelmi szabályozás alaprendeltetését-elveszítheti önálló létét. E fejezet reményeim szerint a korszakokhoz igazodó fejlődési ív révén jól érzékelteti majd, hogy mennyire alapszükség-mondhatni létérdek-a hadviselési generációkhoz igazodó védelmi szabályozási rendszer megalkotása, a meglévő rendszerek revíziója. A rendszerszintű átvilágítása, megújítása a szabályozásnak szükségszerű, hiszen a mindenkori hadviselés magába ágyazottan alkalmaz minden technikai újítást, és így a jelenkor újfajta hadviselése természetszerűleg használja a 21. század robbanásszerű technikai újításainak garmadáját (legyen az kiber, drón, mesterséges intelligencia), amelyek olyan, eddig nem ismert dimenzióit nyitják meg a harcászatnak, melyeket a 19. században gyökerező szabályozási, jogalkalmazási gondolkodásunk nem tud kezelni. Jelen tanulmány a kibertér és hadviselés és védelmi jogalkotás egymásra gyakorolt hatásait tekintem át.

On March 30, the Hungarian parliament adopted legislation providing for "emergency powers" to better respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. The international reaction has been quite predictable, with critics of Prime Minister Orbán calling it a "power grab." As often happens during times of crisis (in this case, a pandemic) people are in the grip of intense emotions-so it behooves us to stand up for the truth.

The European Court of Human Rights has repeatedly acknowledged that the unusual circumstances presented by military operations justify the adaptation of European Convention on Human Rights norms to fit those circumstances. However, adapting Convention norms to fit this paradigm risks weakening human rights protection. The European Court continues to grapple with this issue in its jurisprudence, but the solution appears to lie in the Convention itself – Article 15.
The European Court of Human Rights must interpret Convention obligations in light of international humanitarian law, but States should also derogate from the Convention for both domestic and extra-territorial military operations. In this paper, I will argue that the current derogation system under the European Convention on Human Rights is not well suited to this purpose.
The problems with the system of derogation are quite clear. The system of derogations is currently being abused by States. Derogations have been used over extended periods of time to apply to entrenched emergencies, when they are only meant to apply for short periods. Derogations have also been used for discriminatory purposes and to stifle dissent, but they are not used in circumstances where they are genuinely needed, such as during domestic and extra-territorial military operations. This paper argues that widespread changes are required to make derogations fit for purpose. Firstly, States need to change their practice regarding derogations. They need to avoid creating entrenched emergencies and instead utilise derogations to alter the legal paradigm governing military operations. Secondly, the European Court of Human Rights needs to exercise greater scrutiny and oversight over derogations. Excessive deference to States and reliance on the margin of appreciation doctrine has allowed States to abuse the system and led to an abdication of the Court’s responsibility to scrutinise. Finally, the system of derogations needs to be adapted to accommodate the expansion of European Convention on Human Rights law to extra-territorial military operations. The European Court’s case law shows a clear need for derogations to apply during extra-territorial operations. However, the current conditions which must be satisfied before a derogation is permitted and ambiguity surrounding the extent to which Article 2 is derogable substantially reduce the availability and utility of derogations to States.

l presente elaborato è il terzo estratto dalla tesi di laurea magistrale in Diritto Pubblico Comparato dal titolo  "La tutela dei diritti fondamentali dinnanzi alla minaccia del terrorismo internazionale", discussa dall'autore il 14.11.2017 alla facoltà di Giurisprudenza dell'Università degli Studi di Roma La Sapienza. Nel dettaglio, l'articolo in oggetto consiste in  una versione riadattata del secondo capitolo della tesi, intitolato "Il rapporto tra terrorismo e stato di emergenza".

Il terrorismo va ricompreso tra le cause della proclamazione di stato di emergenza da parte dei Paesi che ne vengono colpiti, come dimostrato anche dalla cronaca più recente. Al fine di comprendere appieno le conseguenze giuridiche del terrorismo è dunque necessario affrontare il tema dello stato di emergenza e il suo rapporto con tale fenomeno.

In this study, we will aim to analyze how the period of the state of emergency in Turkey lead to gaps of law and the formation of areas in which there was a complete lack of supervision. The state of emergency that was proclaimed following the coup attempt of July 15, 2016, continued until July 18, 2018, that is to say, 2 years, without taking into account whether the initial circumstances persisted. As part of this work, we claim that the state of emergency provided the executive power with important tools for governing, which it took constant use.
We can highlight how the concern for security at the center of the basic considerations of the people in a city was exploited as a foundation by the military power in Turkey to interfere in the political, legal and social spheres. The constitutions of 1924, 1961 and 1982 entrusted the army with the role of protector of the integrity of the state. This became an instrument at the hands of the military to legitimize their interventions in the name of public security. Its interventions in the political field are indeed politically motivated. The constitution, the legislative and regulatory systems are modified and monopolized by the military power that dominates the legislative, regulatory and judicial power, leading to a state of exception.
With the political convulsions over a decade, the government was able to usurp the instrument called the state of exception. In particular, the decree-laws of the state of emergency, which the executive makes frequent and generally abusive use, became instruments in the hands of the government to take measures that it wishes to escape from the rules and the pre-established control mechanisms. Thus the struggle against the political opposition becomes more unbalanced and destructive. To this must also be added the ineffectiveness of ex-post controls and domestic remedies. This research allows us to stress how a legal concept such as "the state of emergency" can be politically exploited to make it a legal weapon that continues to produce victims.

The text is a translation commentary on Giorgio Agameben's short texts - essays, comments and interviews published at his column, on the website of Quodlibet, at the begining of 2020  /February 2020 - May 2020/, dedicated to the COVID - 19 sanitary emergency and its effects on the human condition, social relations, the structural transformation of the public sphere and the nowadays  as well as the future political systems.

Коментарна статия по повод преводите на български на поредица от кратки текстове - есета, коментари и интервюта, публикувани от Джорджо Агамбен в рубриката му, на страницата на издателство Quodlibet, в периода февруари 2020 - май 2020, във връзка с извънредната санитарна ситуация наложена от кризата с COVID-19 и ефекти j върху човешката ситуация, социалните взаимоотношения, структурните изменения на публичността и съвременните и бъдещи политическите системи.

Odpowiedź na pytanie, dlaczego nie wprowadzono stanu wyjątkowego w związku z pandemią wywołaną przez tzw. koronawirusa, jest bardzo prosta. Powodem wcale nie jest usilna chęć przeprowadzenia wyborów na urząd Prezydenta RP. Prawdziwą motywacją jest perspektywa bezprecedensowej odpowiedzialności odszkodowawczej Skarbu Państwa, gdyby stan wyjątkowy został jednak wprowadzony.

Between the 16th and 19th centuries, city councils appointed plague doctors to assist those suffering from the Black Death. Now, in the 21st century, we are about to appoint a plague president in Poland. The governing Law and Justice (PiS) party is refusing to postpone the presidential election, scheduled for May 10, even though the COVID-19 pandemic is rampant. This is both detrimental to public health and unconstitutional.

Chris (65yrs old) is a former law enforcement officer and Dept. of Energy employee with top level security clearance.  In Nov 2012, criminal actors from the de-facto govt of NEVADA stole his classic 1957 Hemi car, at gunpoint.  They returned a month later with a 'sealed' complaint and arrested him.  Upon information and belief they are pumping him full of toxins at Lake's Crossing max security Detention Medical Facility.  Seems to me like they don't like his 'self-governed' lifestyle, his activism or they want him to permanently forget some secrets he learned while at DOE.  This document is directed to the presiding judge, respectfully commanding her to release him from unlawful incarceration and torture.

The court-martials are a special form of short-term process, which functions in the case of state specific threats of the state. Justice was done on the Polish territory by the German and Austrian military occupation authorities, during the World War I. After the transfer of Polish judicial authorities, this form becomes less important. The problem with the reuse appeared in the second half of 1918, the increasingly apparent defeat of the Central Powers and the chaos in the administration of the occupation has created a socially negative phenomena involving in particular the increase in crime, violation of public order and security, threat to life, health and property of citizens. The authorities tried to solve this problem with the help of court- martial.
The court-martials showed significant differences in the various regions of Poland, about how they are appointed and their duties. In addition, there was a noticeable their relationship with the solutions that have been used by the occupying state. Polish Liquidation Committee (Polska Komisja Likwidacyjna) - a local government in Galicia - introduced on 9 and 14 November 1918 summary courts, initially in two districts, and from November 28 expanded their scope to the whole of Galicia, which was under its control. The functioning of these courts is based on the provisions of the Austrian criminal procedure in 1873. In the former Prussian summary courts were introduced by the Supreme Council of the People's (Naczelna Rada Ludowa) uprising in early January 1919. Initially used their own solutions, but as the situation evolves often used Prussian legislation. In June 1919, after the imposition of a state of emergency rule, the Supreme Council of People's (Naczelna Rada Ludowa) court-martials replaced the military courts. In areas that were under the control of the government in Warsaw, court-martials are governed by decree of 2 January 1919 on the introduction of a state of emergency. Period different courts lasted until 30 June 1919 when the Constituent  Sejm passed a law on court-martials.

Deciding to deploy the Australian Defence Force domestically, in aid to the civil authority, is no small decision. This paper looks at the ability to judicially review a decision to call out the ADF under Part IIIAAA of the Defence Act 1903. It focuses upon the threshold requirements, and mandatory considerations. In doing so, it further looks at what would be required to demonstrate bad faith by an authorising Minister.

The theory of the precautionary principle has developed. In its implementation, the precautionary principle is used to deal with hazards in the environmental fields and has been widely used in health and food technology.In general, the precautionary principle is understood as making decisions in encountering threats or situations that are dangerous and uncertain. Likewise, the financial and banking crisis is a phenomenon that dangerous and often threatens the stability of a state. In extreme cases, crises create a panic that makes no sense or can even be made an economic of the state to collapse.This article will discuss the precautionary principle theory and its rolein mitigating the threat of a financial and banking crisis.

(juin) – In the context of the coronavirus pandemic, the French Parliament passed a state of health emergency law on 23 March 2020. By that point, the Government had already taken the necessary measures with the means available to it. These were repealed and enacted anew as state of emergency orders and regulations. This raises the question whether enacting health emergency legislation was necessary. Opinions are divided between those who welcome the clarification of the legal status of emergency regulations, and those sceptical of any attempt to normalise such measures. There is no doubt that the global health crisis doesn’t allow for a perfect solution. It is not clear, however, that creating a new emergency regime is the lesser evil given the cost to public liberties.
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Le dispositif de lutte contre la propagation du coronavirus en France est déjà en vigueur lorsque le gouvernement fait adopter la loi d’urgence sanitaire du 23 mars 2020. Les mesures sont alors reprises par le décret d’application et unifiées sous le régime juridique de l’état d’urgence sanitaire. Les uns y voient une clarification bienvenue de la réglementation de crise, les autres la banalisation de mesures qui doivent demeurer exceptionnelles. Nous posons la question de savoir s’il était nécessaire d’apporter un fondement juridique alternatif à ce dispositif. Sans doute la crise sanitaire n’admettait-elle aucune solution idéale. Toutefois, il n’est pas évident que le moindre mal était l’introduction dans l’ordre juridique d’un nouveau régime d’exception qui coûte cher en termes de libertés publiques.

С оглед динамично развиваща се обстановкa, в настоящата статия са взети предвид и посочени новите положения, приети с все още необнародвания Закон за мерките и действията по време на извънредното положение./    Considering the dynamic situation, this article takes into account and outlines the new provisions adopted by the not yet promulgated Measures and Actions during the State of Emergency Act.

2017 yılında yapılan kapsamlı anayasa değişikliği ile kabul edilen Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi’nden etkilenen bir alan da yerel yönetimler hukukudur. Osmanlı-Türk anayasal gelişmeleri içerisinde merkezden yerele doğru düzenlenen bu alan ve yerel yönetim organları arasındaki ilişki, 31 Mart 2019 yerel seçimleri sonrasında ilk kez aşağıdan yukarıya bir dalga ile hükümet sistemi değişikliğinin ve özellikle parlamenter sisteme geri dönüşün imkanını tartışmaya açtırmıştır. Karşılaştırmalı anayasa hukukunun gündemine girmekte olan metropollerin hukuki statüsü ve bu alandaki ekonomi-politiğin yönetimi, yasama organlarının yürütme karşısında geri plana düştüğü 21.yüzyıl anayasacılığının yönünü tayin yanında, ulus-devletin varlık nedenini sorgulatma gibi iddialara sahiptir. Hükümet sistemi ve cumhurbaşkanı işlemleri üzerinden bu tartışmaları Türkiye zeminine aktarmak bu çalışmanın temel hedefidir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi, yerel yönetimler, cumhurbaşkanlığı kararnameleri, olağanüstü hal, küresel metropoller ve anayasacılık.

Abstract
Local self-government law is one of the areas that have been affected by the comprehensive constitutional amendment of 2017 which introduced presidential governmental system à la Turque (Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi). Following the local elections of 31 March 2019, for the first time in the history of Ottoman-Turkish constitutional developments, local self-government law and the relationship between local self-government authorities’ organs which have been traditionally organized in line with central politics led to a discussion on the possibility of a revision in the governmental system and in particular to the return to the parliamentary system. The legal status of the global metropolis and the management of its political economy in course of seeking its own path in the agenda of comparative constitutional law claim to determine not only the orientation of the 21st century’s constitutionalism in which the legislative powers fall behind the executives but also remit in question the raison d’être of  the nation-state. The main focus of this academic work is to transfer these discussions into Turkish case in the light of the current governmental system and the presidential acts.

In this article, the author presents the essential characteristics of the state of emergency regime in the Slovenian legal system and provides a critical evaluation thereof. First, he presents the relevant normative framework of the subject matter by analysing all critical stages in the management of an emergency (the declaration, the state of emergency itself and its termination). Then, he focuses on what in his view are two most significant problems of the current regulation and provides critical comments on each of them. He concludes by calling for a major overhaul of the emergency management system.

JUSTIÇA | Abril 2020
Na medida em que avança o número de casos de Covid-19 pelo mundo, desenvolve-se a implementação de medidas de mitigação e supressão da pandemia por cada governo. Do fechamento de fronteiras até a vigilância em massa e ordem de confinamento total, muitas restrições a garantias e liberdades individuais têm sido implementadas por países, amparadas por regulações emergenciais. Não obstante, sem desconsiderar a gravidade da crise, especialistas da ONU 1 alertaram que os Estados não devem abusar das medidas de emergência para suprimir direitos humanos. No caso específico do Brasil, questiona-se: existem normas internas e internacionais que regulam situações de emergência como a presente? Quais são os limites em matéria de direitos humanos aplicáveis à pandemia Covid-19 no Brasil?

This paper in this context examines the contents of the emergency regulations issued on 22nd April 2019 in response to the Easter Sunday attack and its underlying challenges to the human rights dogma within the context of normalcy of emergency law regime.

The history of humanity (and, of course, the history of Spain) is replete with situations of crisis which have often been occasioned by the forces of nature (earthquakes, floods, major urban and forest fires, etc.). Yet, on many other occasions, these situations are also due to human action that has originated them in more or less conscious ways (wars, terrorist attacks, etc.).
Among these crises, health emergencies have featured prominently. Although it is true that for years they have not featured prominently in the life of the Western world, they have not ceased to be present in some developing areas (we can think of the periodic epidemic crises caused by the Ebola virus in Africa – which was also a minor scare for Europe-). Epidemics have always existed and, surely, these health emergencies will continue to occur as long as human beings inhabit our planet.
The dimensions of these catastrophes have varied from one case to another, and the social responses, consequently, have differed according to the severity or imminence of danger in the situations that have had to be faced.
Our purpose over the next few pages is to try to explain in very brief comments (in small does) how the law behaves in crisis situations and, in particular, in the fight against the coronavirus (COVID-19) epidemic.

This series is composed by the following ‘chapters’ (in English):
I. A short introduction to Law of exception.
II. The essential elements of the Law of exception.
III. The limits of emergency powers.
IV. The control mechanisms of emergency measures.

• The report has been written to outline the findings of the fieldwork launched within the framework of the project Bringing Human Rights Academy to Society funded by European Instrument for Democracy & Human Rights (EIDHR) and conducted by the Capacity Development Association in order to reveal the effects of State of Emergency in Turkey on academic freedoms. 

• The main aim of the research is to determine the extent to which academic freedoms and autonomy has been violated during the SoE period, declared following the July 15 military coup attempt. 

• The research was carried out in the second half of 2018.

• Within the scope of the research, 422 face-to-face surveys and 30 semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with 331 academics and 90 graduate students studying in the fields of social sciences, humanities and educational sciences in 54 State and Foundation Universities located in 13 different provinces and seven different regions of Turkey.

The paper examinees the 2009-10 constitutional crisis of Nigeria, where President Umaru Musa Yar’adua’s deteriorating health and failure to issue a written declaration transferring power over to his next-in-line resulted in a governance deadlock. It makes use of the contending theoretical contributions of Oren Gross and David Dyzenhaus to assess whether the legislature may be considered as having acted extra-legally. The Nigerian case partially exemplifies Gross’ contention that the law may be subverted in emergency situations, because the Senate appointed a Vice President to act in the role of the President, without constitutional provisions to do so. However, given that the executive cabinet abstained fro declaring the President incapacitated in the absence of a written declaration from him stating as such, which was a constitutional requirement, the situation also partially subscribed to Dyzenhaus’ argument that the law cannot be subverted even in emergencies. Nevertheless, considering that inaction would have resulted in dangerous anarchy, and therefore the subversion of the law by the Senate should be applauded in this context, it may ultimately be said that the law is but the agent of politics, as Cerar would have it.

The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) rejected the appeal of two Turkish citizens involved in the vetting of Turkish institutions after the failed coup d'état of 15 July 2016 because they disregarded art. 35 of the ECHR, imposing to exhaust all the domestic remedies before to appeal the ECtHR. The appellants, a judge and a professor, justified this lack claiming the inadequacy of domestic remedies, notably of the individual appeal for a violation of rights to the Turkish Constitutional Court. Instead, conventional judges considered this appeal effective and, relying on their previous case-law, refused to adjudicate on the violations of the rights appellants claimed. Though the essence of the decisions of the Court seems to be in line with its previous case-law, these cases are however controversial, and their relevance for the future adjudications concerning violations of rights during a period of emergence, particularly in Turkey, should be seriously taken into consideration.